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English, Greek Pages 604 Year 1990
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THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
OTHER WORKS BY F. F. BRUCE:
nrn BOOK OF TIIE ACTS (NICNT) THE LEITER OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS (TNTC) I & 2 CORINTHIANS (NCB) THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE GALATIANS (NIGTC) THE EPISTLES TO THE COLOSSIANS, TO PHILEMON, AND TO TIIE EPHESIANS (NICNT) THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS (NJCNT)
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES THE GREEK TEXT WITH INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY
by
F. F. BRUCE formerly Rylands Professor of Biblical Criticism and Exegesis University of Manchester
THIRD REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION
WILLIAM B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN
Copyright © 1990 by Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company 255 Jefferson Ave. S.E., Grand Rapids, Mich. 49503 First edition by Tyndale Press, London, 1951; second edition 1952 This third edition first published 1990 in the USA by Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 255 Jefferson Ave. S.E., Grand Rapids, Mich. 49503, and in Great Britain by APOLLOS (an imprint of Inter-Varsity Press), 38 De Montfort Street, Leicester LEI 7GP, England. All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bruce, F. F. (Frederick Fyvie), 1910The Acts of the Apostles: the Greek text with introduction and commentary I by F. F. Bruce.-3rd rev. and en!. ed. p. cm. ISBN 0-8028-0966-9 l. Bible. N.T. Acts-Commentaries. I. Bible. N.T. Acts Greek. 1990. II. Title. BS2625.3.B73 1990 226.6'077-dc20 90-35700 CIP
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data The Acts of the Apostles. - 3rd ed. rev. and en!. l. Bible. N.T. Acts - Critical studies I. Bruce, F. F. (Frederick Fyvie) 1910226.606 ISBN 0-8028-0966-9
PATRI MATRIQVE DILECTISSIMIS IN PERPETVVM CORAM DEO VIVENTIBVS QVI ME VSQVE A PVERO LITTERARVM SACRARVM STVDIO IMBVERVNT HVNCLIBRVM GRATO PIOQVE ANIMO D.D.D. FILIVS
CONTENTS
Preface to the Revised Edition
XVI
xviii
List of Abbreviations
INTRODUCTION I. AUTHORSHIP OF ACTS A. EXTERNAL EVIDENCE
8. INTERNAL EVIDENCE 1. The Author Was the Third Evangelist 2. The Author Was a Companion of Paul 3. The Author Was Luke the Physician C. THE AUTHOR II. DATE OF ACTS
1 3
3 3 6 7 9
A. EARLY ALLUSIONS B. OTHER INDICATIONS
10 12
III. CANONICITY OF ACTS
19
IV. PURPOSE AND PLAN OF ACTS
21
A. LUKE'S PRIME PURPOSE
21
B. LUKE THE APOLOGIST
22 23 25
C. APOLOGETIC IN RELATION TO THE STATE
D. APOLOGETIC IN RELATION TO THE CHURCH Y. LUKE AS A HISTORIAN
27
VI. THE SPEECHES IN ACTS
34
VII. THE SOURCES OF ACTS
40 Vil
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES VIII. ACTS AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES
46
A. PAUL'S LETTERS AS ACHECK ON ACTS
46 47 52
B. OUTLINE OF EVENTS C. LUKE'S PORTRAYAL OF PAUL IX. THE THEOLOGY OF ACTS
60
X. STYLE AND LANGUAGE OF ACTS XI. THE TEXT OF ACTS
66 69
A. THE BYZANTINE TEXT
B. THE ALEXANDRIAN TEXT C. THE WESTERN TEXT D. THE CAESAREAN TEXT
69 70 71 76
XII. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
81
XIII. CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES
92
A. LIST OF APPROXIMATE DATES B. ROMAN EMPERORS IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES C. RULERS OF JUDAEA IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES
92 93 94 94 96
D. JEWISH HIGH PRIESTS IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES
E. HEROD THE GREAT AND HIS DESCENDANTS
TEXT AND COMMENTARY I. THE BIRTH OF THE CHURCH (1:1-5:42)
A. INTRODUCTION (1: 1-26) 1. Prologue (1: 1-5) 2. The Ascension (1 :6-12) 3. In the Upper Room (1:13-14) 4. Matthias Replaces Judas Iscariot (1: 15-26) B. THE DAY OF PENTECOST(2:l-47) 1. The Descent of the Spirit (2: 1-4) 2. The Crowd's Amazement (2:5-13) 3. Peter's Address (2:14-36) a. "This is that" (2:14-21) b. The resurrection of Jesus proclaimed (2:22-28) c. Jesus, Lord, and Messiah (2:29-36) 4. Call to Repentance (2:37-40) 5. The First Christian Church (2:41-47) C. A WORK OF HEALING AND ITS SEQUEL(3:l-4:31)
viii
97 97 97 97 102 105 107 113 113 115 119 119 122 125 128 131 135
CONTENTS
1. A Cripple Healed in the Temple Precincts (3: 1-10) 2. Peter's Address in Solomon's Colonnade (3:11-26) 3. Arrest of Peter and John; Increase of the Church (4:1-4) 4. Peter and John before the Sanhedrin (4:5-12) 5. The Sanhedrin Dismiss Peter and John (4:13-22) 6. Peter and John Rejoin Their Associates (4:23-31) D. ALL THINGS IN COMMON (4:32-5:11) 1. Progress of the Church; Community of Goods (4:32-35) 2. Generosity of Barnabas (4:36-37) 3. Deceit and Death of Ananias (5:1-6) 4. DeathofSapphira(5:7-ll) E. THE APOSTLES BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN AGAIN (5:12-42) 1. Signs and Wonders (5:12-16) 2. Imprisonment and Escape of the Apostles (5:17-24) 3. The Apostles Examined (5:25-32) 4. Gamaliel's Counsel; the Apostles Flogged and Dismissed (5:33-42) II. PERSECUTION AND EXPANSION (6:1-9:31) A. STEPHEN (6:1-8:la) 1. The Appointing of the Seven (6: 1-6) 2. Progress Report (6:7) 3. Stephen's Activity Arouses Opposition (6:8-10) 4. Stephen Charged before the Sanhedrin (6: 11-15) 5. The High Priest's Question (7:1) 6. Stephen's Reply (7:2-53) a. The patriarchal age (7:2-8) b. Israel in Egypt (7:9-19) c. Moses' early days (7:20-29) d. The call of Moses (7:30-34) e. The wilderness wanderings (7:35-43) f. Tabernacle and temple (7:44-50) g. Personal application (7:51-53) 7. The Stoning of Stephen (7:54-8:la) a. Stephen's final witness (7:54-56) b. Death of Stephen (7:57-60) c. Saul's acquiescence (8:la) B. PHILIP (8:lb-40) 1. Persecution and Dispersion (8:lb-3) ix
135 138 147 148 152 155 159 159 160 162 165 166 166 169 171 173 180 180 180 185 185 188 190 190 190 194 197 199 200 204 207 209 209 211 214 214 214
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 2. Philip in Samaria (8:4-8) 3. Simon Magus Believes and Is Baptized (8:9-13) 4. Peter and John Visit Samaria (8: 14-17) 5. Peter and Simon Magus (8:18-24) 6. The Apostles Return to Jerusalem (8:25) 7. Philip and the Ethiopian (8:26-40) C. CONVERSION OF SAUL OF TARSUS (9: 1-31) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
Saul's Expedition to Damascus (9:1-2) The Light and Voice from Heaven (9:3-7) Saul Enters Damascus Sightless (9:8-9) Ananias Sent to Saul (9:10-16) Ananias Visits Saul (9:17-19a) Saul Preaches in Damascus (9: 19b-22) Saul Escapes from Damascus (9:23-25) Saul in Jerusalem; He Is Sent to Tarsus (9:26-30) The Church Enjoys Peace and Prosperity (9:31)
III. ACTS OF PETER: THE GENTILES BROUGHT IN (9:32-12:24)
216 217 220 222 224 224 232 232 234 236 237 238 240 241 242 245 246
A. PETER IN WESTERN PALESTINE (9:32-43)
246
I. Peter at Lydda: The Healing of Aeneas (9:32-35) 2. Peter at Joppa: The Raising of Tabitha (9:36-43) B. THESTORYOFCORNELIUS(l0:1-48)
246 248 251
1. Cornelius the Centurion's Vision (10: 1-8) 2. Peter's Vision (10:9-16)
251 254
3. The Messengers from Cornelius Arrive at Joppa (10:17-23a) 4. Peter Enters the House of Cornelius (10:23b-33) 5. The Good News Preached to Gentiles (10:34-43) 6. Gentiles, Receiving the Holy Spirit, Are Baptized (10:44-48) C. PETER'S ACTION ENDORSED BY JERUSALEM (11: 1-18)
256 257 260 264 266
1. PeterCalledtoAccount(ll:1-3) 2. Peter's Defense (11:4-17) 3. Peter's Defense Accepted (11:18) D. ANTIOCH BECOMES A CHRISTIAN BASE (11:19-30) I. Gentile Evangclization in Antioch (11: 19-21) 2. Barnabas and Saul's Ministry at Antioch (11 :22-26) 3. Famine Relief Sent to Judaea (11:27-30) E. HEROD AGRIPPA I AND THE CHURCH (12:1-24)
266 267 270 270 270 272 275 279
1. Martyrdom of James; Imprisonment of Peter (12:1-4) x
279
CONTENTS 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
Peter's Escape from Prison (12:5-11) Peter Reports His Escape (12:12-17) Peter's Escape Discovered (12: 18-19) Death of Herod Agrippa I (12:20-23) Continued Progress of the Gospel (12:24)
IV. CHURCH EXTENSION FROM ANTIOCH AND APOSTOLIC DECREE AT JERUSALEM (12:25-15:35) A. BARNABASANDSAUL(12:25-13:3) 1. The Envoys from Antioch Return (12:25) 2. Barnabas and Saul Sent from Antioch for Ministry Farther Afield (13:1-3) B. CYPRUS (13:4-12) 1. The Missionaries Arrive in Cyprus (13:4-5) 2. The Incident at Paphos (13:6-12) C. PISIDIAN ANTIOCH (13:13-52) 1. Arrival at Pisidian Antioch (13:13-15) 2. Paul's Sermon in Pisidian Antioch (13:16-41) a. Exordium (13:16) b. The mighty works of God in Hebrew history (13:17-22) c. History and prophecy fulfilled in Christ (13:23-37) d. Peroration ( 13: 38-41) 3. Response to Paul's Sermon (13:42-43) 4. Gentile Interest Arouses Jewish Opposition (13:44-52) D. ICONIUM, LYSTRA. DERBE (14:1-28) 1. Adventures in lconium (14:1-7) 2. Miraculous Healing at Lystra (14:8-13) 3. Proclamation of the Living God (14:14-18) 4. Persecuted at Lystra, the Missionaries Go On to Derbe and Then Retrace Their Steps (14:19-23) 5. Return to Antioch on the Orontes (14:24-28) E. THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM (15:1-35) 1. Judaizers Visit Antioch (15:1-2) 2. Paul and Barnabas Go Up to Jerusalem (15:3-5) 3. The Council Meets (15:6) 4. Peter'sSpeech(15:7-11) 5. Paul and Barnabas Address the Council (15:12) 6. James's Summing Up (15:13-21) 7. The Apostolic Letter to the Gentile Christians (15:22-29) XI
282 285 287 288 290 290 290 290 292 294 294 296 299 299 302 302 302 306 311 313 313 317 317 320 322 324 327 329 332 333 335 335 338 338 344
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 8. The Church of Antioch Receives the Apostolic Letter (15:30-35)
v.
347
PAUL, LEAVING ANTIOCH, MOVES TO THE AEGEAN WORLD (15:3&-19:20)
349
A. RECENTLY PLANTED CHURCHES REVISITED (15:36-16:5)
349
1. Paul Parts Company with Barnabas and Takes Silas as His Colleague (15:36-41) 2. Paul and Silas in South Galatia; Timothy Joins Them (16:1-4) 3. The Churches Grow in Faith and Numbers (16:5) B. PHILIPPI (16:6-40) 1. The Missionaries Are Called to Macedonia (16:6-10) 2. Troas to Philippi (16:11-12a) 3. The Faith of Lydia (16:12b-15) 4. The Pythoness (16:16-18) 5. Imprisonment of Paul and Silas (16:19-24) 6. Earthquake at Midnight; The Jailer's Conversion (16:25-34) 7. Paul and Silas Leave Philippi (16:35-40) C. THESSALONICATOATHENS(l7:1-34) 1. Arrival at Thessalonica (17:1-4) 2. Trouble in Thessalonica (17:5-9) 3. Beroea (17:10-15) 4. Paul Waits for His Companions in Athens (17:16-21) 5. Paul's Areopagitica (17:22-31) 6. The Athenians' Response (17:32-34) D. PAUL AT CORINTH (18:1-17) 1. Paul Arrives at Corinth (18: 1-4) 2. Paul Spends Eighteen Months in Corinth (18:5-11) 3. Paul before Gallio (18:12-17) E. EPHESUS(l8:18-19:20) 1. Hasty Visit to Judaea and Syria (18: 18-23) 2. Apollos (18:24-28) 3. Paul and the Twelve Disciples at Ephesus (19:1-7) 4. Paul Leaves the Synagogue for the Lecture Hall of Tyrannus (19:8-10) 5. Conflict with the Magicians (19:11-19) 6. Further Progress Report (19:20) XII
349 351 353 353 353 356 358 359 361 363 365 368 368 370 373 375 378 387 389 389 392 394 397 397 401 405 408 409 412
CONTENTS VI. PAUL PLANS TO VISIT ROME VIA JERUSALEM AND ACHIEVES HIS GOAL BY AN UNEXPECTED WAY (19:21-28:31) A. HE PLANS TO LEAVE EPHESUS FOR MACEDONIA AND A CHAI A (19:21-20:6) 1. Paul Makes Plans for the Future (19:21-22} 2. The Riot at Ephesus (19:23-41) a. Indignation of the silversmiths (19:23-28) b. Demonstration in the theatre (19:29-34) c. The town clerk calms the agitation (19:35-41) 3. Paul's Visit to Macedonia and Greece (20:1-6) B. THE JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM (20:7-21:16)
Paul at Troas (20:7-12) From Troas to Miletus (20:13-16) Paul's Summons to the Elders of Ephesus (20: 17) Paul's Farewell Address to the Ephesian Church (20:18-35) a. Retrospect on his Ephesian ministry (20: 18-21) b. Misgivings about his journey to Jerusalem (20:22-24) c. His charge to the elders (20:25-31) d. Final admonition (20:32-35) 5. A Tearful Parting (20:36-38) 6. Miletus to Tyre (21: 1-6) 7. Tyre to Caesarea (21:7-9) 8. Agabus Reappears (21:10-14) 9. Arrival at Jerusalem (21: 15-16) C. PAULATJERUSALEM(21:17-23:30)
413 413 413 414 414 417 419 422 425
1. 2. 3. 4.
425 427 429 429 429 431 432 435 437 438 440 441 442 443
1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
443 448 450 452 454 454 456 456 458 459 461 463 463
Meeting with James and the Elders (21:17-26) Riot in the Temple (21 :27-30) Paul Rescued by the Romans (21:31-36) Paul Obtains Leave to Address the Crowd (21 :37-40) Paul's Defense to the People of Jerusalem (22: 1-21) a. His early days (22: 1-5) b. The Damascus road (22:6-11) c. Ananias of Damascus (22: 12-16) d. Paul's vision in the temple (22:17-21) 6. Paul Reveals His Roman Citizenship (22:22-29) 7. Paul Brought before the Sanhedrin (22:30) 8. Paul's Appearance before the Sanhedrin (23: 1-10) a. Interchange with the high priest (23: 1-5) Xlll
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES b. The resurrection hope (23:6-10) 9. The Lord Appears to Paul by Night (23:11) 10. Plot against Paul's Life (23: 12-15) 11. The Plot Revealed (23:16-22) 12. The Tribune Prepares to Send Paul to Caesarea (23:23-25) 13. The Tribune's Letter to the Governor (23:26-30) D. PAULATCAESAREA(23:31-26:32) 1. Paul Taken to Caesarea (23:31-35) 2. Paul Accused before Felix (24:1-9) 3. Paul's Defense before Felix (24:10-21) 4. Felix Adjourns Proceedings (24:22-23) 5. Paul's Interviews with Felix (24:24-26) 6. Festus Succeeds Felix; Paul Left in Custody (24:27) 7. Festus Visits Jerusalem (25: 1-5) 8. Paul Appeals to Caesar (25:6-12) 9. Agrippa II and Bernice Visit Festus (25:13-22) 10. Paul Brought before Agrippa (25:23-27) 11. Paul Accepts Agrippa's Invitation to Speak (26:1) 12. Paul's "Apologia Pro Vita Sua" (26:2-23) a. Exordium (26:2-3) b. The resurrection hope (26:4-8) c. Paul's persecuting zeal (26:9-11) d. The heavenly vision (26:12-18) e. Paul's obedience to the vision (26: 19-20) f. Paul's arrest (26:21) g. Peroration (26:22-23) 13. Interchange between Festus, Paul, and Agrippa (26:24-29) 14. Agreement on Paul's Innocence (26:30-32) E. PAUL'SVOYAGEANDSHIPWRECK(27:l-44) 1. Caesarea to Myra (27:1-5) 2. They Trans-ship at Myra and Sail to Crete (27:6-8) 3. Paul's Advice Rejected (27:9-12) 4. They Are Caught by the Wind Euraquilo (27:13-20) 5. Paul's Encouragement (27:21-26) 6. They Approach Land (27:27-29) 7. The Sailors' Attempt to Escape Frustrated (27:30-32) 8. The Meal on Board (27:33-38) 9. The Shipwreck (27:39-41) 10. Safe Ashore! (27:42-44) xiv
465 467 467 468 470 471 473 473 475 477 482 482 484 486 487 490 493 496 496 496 497 499 500 502 503 503 505 506 508 510 513 514 517 521 522 523 524 526 528
CONTENTS
F. WINTER IN MALTA (28:1-10)
530 530 2. Works of Healing in Malta (28:7-10) 532 G. ROME AT LAST! (28:11-31) 534 1. The Last Lap: "And So We Came to Rome" (28:11-15) 534 2. Paul Handed Over to Be Kept under Guard (28:16) 536 3. Paul and the Roman Jews (28: 17-28) 537 a. First interview (28:17-22) 537 b. Second interview (28:23-28) 539 4. The Gospel Advances without Hindrance in Rome (28:30-31) 541 1. Welcome to Malta! (28:1-6)
INDEXES
545
I. GENERAL INDEX
545 556
II. INDEX OF AUTHORS
xv
PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION When this commentary first appeared, in September 1951, it could fairly be claimed that there was room for a one-volume commentary on the Greek text of Acts, "neither too technical nor too popular for the requirements of ordinary students." Since then there has been a continuous stream of commentaries and studies on Acts, and it was high time for the present volume to be revised after so many years, if it was to retain any usefulness. I welcome the opportunity to take account of much scholarly work that has been done more recently, and to incorporate my later (and, I hope, more mature) thoughts on the exegetical problems of Acts. Most of this commentary was written during the war years of 1939-45; there were inevitable delays between its completion and publication. While it was being prepared, it was not practicable to keep abreast of the important work on Acts then being done in Germany by Martin Dibelius: it reflected the pre-Dibelius state of the question. Moreover, in those days I was a student and teacher of classical Greek; this commentary marked my first academic incursion into the New Testament field, and was mainly responsible for my transition from classical to biblical teaching. While the perspective of those earlier years has not been abandoned, new perspectives have come to life alongside it. In particular, the writing of commentaries on all the contents of the Pauline corpus except the Pastoral Epistles has provided an indispensable perspective which has greatly illuminated the study of Acts. Some reviewers of the first edition described it as in some sense a product of the Humanity School of Aberdeen University. This description I esteemed a high honor, as I still do. My debt to the writings of Sir William Ramsay is evident throughout the work, and I am repeatedly amazed by scholars of a later date who seem unaware of the contributions of peculiar value which he made to certain areas of New Testament study. My debt to Ramsay's successor in the Aberdeen Chair of Humanity, Alexander Souter, is more personal: I owe much to what he taught me in the lecture room during my student days and in conversation and correspondence afterward. Another personal debt I owe to the late Sir William Calder, a disciple of Ramsay and himself an Anatolian archaeologist of great distinction. My first teaching post was an assistantship in his department when he was Professor of Greek at Edinburgh University. When the first edition of this commentary was published, he was kind enough to express his appreciation of it, and to send me a succession xvi
PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION
of letters in which he dispelled my ignorance on many matters Anatolian. It is not every student of Acts who has plotted, as he had, the milestones along the frontier of Asian and Galatic Phrygia. At a more amateur level, 1 have myself in more recent years visited that area and most of the other places which figure in Acts. This has supplied a further perspective which was not available when the first edition was being prepared-a valuable perspective, even if not so valuable as an acquaintance with Paul's letters, or indeed with the practicalities of modern church life and evangelism. I am further indebted to many colleagues with whom, over the years, I have discussed the problems of Acts and the apostolic age. My final expression of gratitude must be to those who have encouraged me to undertake this revision and have made its publication possible, above all to Mr. William 8. Eerdmans, Jr., a friend of many years. April 1990
F. F. B.
XVII
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AASF AB ABSA Ab. Zar. Acharn. Act. Vercell. AdScap. Adumbr. in 1 Pet. Adv. Marc. AGG AGSU AJA AJP AJT ALUOS An.
An Bib Ann. ANRW ARW Ant. Anth. Pal. Ap. Ap. Trad. Apo!. Aristoph. AS ASNU Ass. Mays. AST/
Acta Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae Anchor Bible Annual of the British School at Athens 'Abodah Zarah (tractate) Acharnians (Aristophanes) Vercelli MS of Acts of Peter (Latin version) To Scapula (Tertullian) Notes on 1 Peter (Clement of Alexandria) Against Marcion (Tertullian) Abhandlungen der (kdniglichen) Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Spiitjudentums und Urchristentums American Journal ofArchaeology American Journal of Philology American Journal of Theology Annual of Leeds University Oriental Society Anabasis (Xenophon) Analecta Biblica Annals (Tacitus) Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt Archiv far Religionswissenschaft Antiquities (Josephus) Palatine Anthology Against Apion (Josephus) Apostolic Tradition (Hippolytus) Apology (Justin; Tertullian) Aristophanes Anatolian Studies Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis Assumption of Moses Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute XVIII
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ASV ATANT
Ath. Pol. ATR Att. AV b
BA BAGD
BAR BC BCH BDF Bell. civ. Bell. Pun. BETL BGBE BGU Bib BibOr BJ BJRL BM/ BNTC BR BRD
BS BZ BZAW BZNW CBCNEB CBP CBSC c. Cels.
American Standard Version ( 1901) Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments Athenian Constitution (Aristotle) Anglican Theological Review letters to Atticus (Cicero) Authorized Version (1611) = KJV Babylonian Talmud Biblical Archaeologist W. Bauer, W. F. Arndt, F. W. Gingrich, and F. W. Danker, Greek-English Lexicon ofthe New Testament and Other Early Christian literature (Chicago/Cambridge, 2 1979) Biblical Archaeology Review The Beginnings of Christianity (F. J. Foakes-Jackson and K. Lake) Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique F. Blass, A. Debrunner, and R. W. Funk, Greek Grammar of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature Civil War (Appian) Punic War (Appian) Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium Beitrage zur Geschichte der biblischen Exegese Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Museen zu Berlin: Griechische Urkunden, 1-15 (1895-1939) Biblica Biblica et Orientalia Jewish War (Josephus) Bulletin of the John Rylands (University) Library (Manchester) The Collection of Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the British Museum Black's(= Harper's) New Testament Commentaries Bible Review The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New Testament (Ramsay) Bible Studies (Deissmann) Biblische Zeitschrift Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fiir die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft Cambridge Bible Commentary on the New English Bible Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia (Ramsay) Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges Against Celsus (Origen) xix
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
CD CDA CE CentB c. Ep. Fund. c. Fe/. CGT CJG CIJ CIL ClarB 1 Clem. Clem.Hom. Clem. Recogn. CNT Comm. in Mt. ConBib Conf CP CPJ CR CRB CRE CR INT CTM Cyr. DAC DB DCB DCG De aqu. De praem. et poen. De praescr. haer. De re mil. De vir. ill. Dial. Did. Diog. Laert. Dion. Cor. DNB DPC EB EEP EGT
Book of the Covenant of Damascus (= Zadokite Work) Composition and Date of Acts (Torrey) The Christian Ecclesia (Hort) Century Bible Against the So-Called Fundamental Letter ofMani (Augustine) Dealings with Felix the Manichaean (Augustine) Cambridge Greek Testament Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum Corpus Jnscriptionum Latinarum Clarendon Bible Letter of Clement of Rome Clementine Homilies Clementine Recognitions Commcntaar op het Nieuwe Testament Commentary on Matthew (Jerome) Coniectanea Biblica Confessions (Augustine) Classical Philology Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum Classical Review Cahiers de la Revue Biblique The Church in the Roman Empire to AD 170 (Ramsay) Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum Concordia Theological Monthly Cyropaedia (Xenophon) Dictionary of the Apostolic Church (Hastings) Dictionary of the Bible Dictionary of Christian Biography (Smith and Wace) Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels (Hastings) The Water Supply of the City of Rome (Fron ti nus) On Rewards and Punishments (Philo) Prescription against Heretics (Tertullian) On Military Affairs (Vegetius) On Illustrious Men (Jerome) Dialogue with Trypho the Jew (Justin) Didache ("Teaching of the Twelve Apostles") Diogenes Laertius Dionysius (bishop) of Corinth Dictionary of National Biography Documents of the Primitive Church (Torrey) Etudes Bibliques The Earlier Epistles of Paul (Lake) The Expositor's Greek Testament (ed. W.R. Nicoll)
xx
LIST OF ABBREYIATIO NS
EHS EKK Enc. Bib. ENT Ep(p). Ep. ad Diogn. Ep. Barn. Ep.Mor. Ep. Po/ye. Epig. EQ ERE E.T. ETL Euseb. Ev. Th. EV(V) Exp. ExT FGNTK FR LANT
FS Geog. GNB GNC GNS Haer. HDB HE Hell. HGAM Hist. Hist. Christ. HNT Hobart Hom. HSNT HTR HTS HUCA HUL IB ICC
Europaische Hochschulschriften Evangelisch-katholischer Kommentar Encyclopaedia Biblica Erlauterungen zum Neuen Testament Epistle(s) Epistle to Diognetus Epistle of Barnabas Epistle(s) on Moral Questions (Seneca) Polycarp 's Letter to the Philippians Epigram(s) (Martial) Evangelical Quarterly Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (Hastings) English translation Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses Eusebius Evangelische Theologie English Version(s) of the Bible The Expositor Expository Times Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments Festschrift Geography (Strabo) Good News Bible Good News Commentaries (Harper & Row/Hendrickson) Good News Studies (M. Glazier) Against Heresies (Irenaeus) Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible Ecclesiastical History (Eusebius) Hellenics (Xenophon) Historical Geography ofAsia Minor (Ramsay) History (Herodotus, Thucydides, Polybius, Livy, etc.) Christian History (Philip of Side) Handbuch zum Neuen Testament (ed. H. Lietzmann) W. K. Hobart, The Medical Language of St. Luke Homilies on Acts (Chrysostom) Die heilige Schrift des Neuen Testaments Harvard Theological Review Harvard Theological Studies Hebrew Union College Annual Home University Library Interpreters Bible International Critical Commentary xxi
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Id. IDB !El IG Ign. IGRR
!LS Inschr. Eph. INT Isthm. j JAC JAGS Jastrow JBL IE JEH JHS JJS INES Jos. JQR JR IRS JS!
JSNT JSOT Sup. ITC ITS KD
KEK KJV
KV LAE LC LD Leg. ad Gai. Legg. LevR LP
ldyll(s) (Theocritus) Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible Israel Exploration Journal Inscriptiones Graecae, 1873Ignatius Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas pertinentes (ed. R. Cagnat, I-IV, 1911-14) Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae (ed. H. Dessau) lnschriften von Ephesos, ed. H. Wankel, etc., I-VIII (Bonn: Habelt, 1979-84) Introduction to the New Testament Isthmian Odes (Pindar) Jerusalem (Palestinian) Talmud J ahrbuch fur Antikes und Christentum Journal of the American Oriental Society M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud, etc. (London: Shapiro, Vallentine, 1926) Journal of Biblical Literature Jewish Encyclopaedia Journal of Ecclesiastical History Journal of Hellenic Studies Journal of Jewish Studies Journal of Near Eastern Studies Josephus Jewish Quarterly Review Journal of Religion Journal of Roman Studies Journal for the Study of Judaism Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement(s) to the Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Journal for Theology and Church Journal of Theological Studies Kerygma und Dogma Kritisch-Exegetischer Kommentar ( = Meyer Kommentar) King James Version (1611) = AV Korte Verklaring Light from the Ancient East (Deissmann) Lake and Cadbury (Commentary on Acts= BC 1.4) Lectio Divina Embassy to Caius (Philo) Laws (Plato) Midrash Rabba on Leviticus Luke the Physician (Harnack; Ramsay)
xxii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
LSJ LXX m
Magn. MAU4 Mand. Mart. Isa. Mart. Pal. Mart. Po/ye. Mem. Met. MGM MHT
Migr.Abr. MM MNTC
Liddell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edition, ed. H. S. Jones Septuagint (pre-Christian Greek version of OT) Mishnah Letter to the Magnesians (Ignatius)
Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua Mandates (in Shepherd of Hermas) Martyrdom of Isaiah On the Martyrs of Palestine (Eusebius) Martyrdom of Polycarp Memorabilia of Socrates (Xenophon) Metamorphoses (Ovid; Apuleius) W. F. Moulton, A S. Geden, and H. K. Moulton, Concordance to the Greek New Testament (51978) J. H. Moulton, W. F. Howard, and N. Turner, Grammar of New Testament Greek, I-IV (1906-76) Migration of Abraham (Philo) J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament (1930)
MT
Moffatt New Testament Commentaries Migne 's Patrologia Graeca Migne 's Patrologia Latina Masoretic Text ( of the Hebrew Bible)
Mus. Helv. NA26
Museum Helveticum E. Nestle and K. Aland, etc., Novum Testamentum Graece,
Nav.
Navigium, "The Ship" (Lucian)
NCB NClarB
New Century Bible New Clarendon Bible
New Docs.
New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity, ed. G. H. R.
NEB NF
Horsley (Macquarie University, North Ryde, N.S.W., 1976-) New English Bible (1970) Neue Folge
MPG MPL
26th edition (1979)
NGG NH
Nachrichten der (kdniglichen) Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gdttingen Natural History (Pliny)
NICNT NIGTC NIV
New International Commentary on the New Testament New International Greek Testament Commentary New International Version (1978)
NovT NQ
Novum Testamentum Supplement(s) to Novum Testamentum Natura/es Quaestiones (Seneca)
n.s. NT
new series New Testament
NovTSup.
xxm
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
NTD NTL NTS NITS O.C. OCD Od. ODCC OGIS Olynth. Orig. Or. Sib. OT p
Pan. Pap. Bibi. Nat. Par. P. Coll. Youtie PCPS PE PEQ PG PGM P.Hib. P.Lond.
P.Mich. P.Oxy. P.Vindob. Phil. phil.-hist. Kl. Praef. Pro tag. PSI Ps. Sol. P.V. Pyth. Q
lQS 4QDtq 40Exa
Das Neue Testament Deutsch New Testament Library New Testament Studies New Testament Tools and Studies Oedipus at Co/onus (Sophocles) Oxford Classical Dictionary Odyssey (Homer) Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church Orientis Graeci lnscriptiones Selectae (W. Dittenberger) Olynthiacs (Demosthenes) Origen Sibylline Oracles Old Testament Papyrus Panarion (Epiphanius) Papyri in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris Paris Collectanea Papyrologica ... in Honor of H. C. Youtie, ed. A. E. Hanson (Bonn, 1976) Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society Praeparatio Evangelica (Eusebius) Palestine Exploration Quarterly Philology of the Gospels (Blass) Papyri Graecae Magicae, ed. K. Preisendanz (1928-31) The Hibeh Papyri, ed. Grenfell and Hunt (1906) Greek Papyri in the British Museum, ed. Kenyon and Bell (1893-1917) Michigan Papyri, ed. C. C. Edgar, A. E. R. Boak, and J. G. Winter (1931-36) Oxyrhynchus Papyri (1898-) Vienna Papyri Philippics (Demosthenes) philologisch-historische Klasse preface Protagoras (Plato) Pubblicazioni de/la Societa Italiana: Papiri Greci e Latini (1912- ) Psalms of Solomon Prometheus Bound (Aeschylus) Pythian Odes (Pindar) Oum ran Rule (Serek) of the Community from Qumran Cave 1 Fragment of Deuteronomy from Qumran Cave 4 Fragment of Exodus from Qumran Cave 4 xxiv
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
4QFlor QD QDAP Quaest. Conviv. QuodOmn. Prob. Lib. RAC RB RB en
RE Ref
REG RGVV Rhet. RHPR RNT RQ
RS RSPT RSR RSV RTR RV SAB Sab. saec. Sanh. Sat. SBLDS SBLMS SBS SBT Schi.irer
Scarp. SD SDB SEA. SEG SIG SJLA SIT
Anthology (Florilegium) of texts from Qumran Cave 4 Quaestiones Disputatae Quarterly of the Department ofAntiquities of Palestine Table Talk (Plutarch) Every Good Man is Free (Philo)
Reallexikon fur Antikes und Christentum Revue Biblique Revue Benedictine Realenzyklopiidie fur dieAltertumswissenschaft, ed. A. F. von Pauly and G. Wissowa Refutation ofAll Heresies (Hippolytus) Revue des Etudes Grecques Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten Rhetoric (Aristotle) Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses Regensburger Neues Testament Revue de Qumran Rosh ha-Shanah (tractate) Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Theologiques Revue des Sciences Religieuses (Strasbourg) Revised Standard Version ( 1952, 3 1971) Reformed Theological Review Revised Version (1881-85) Sitzungsberichte der (koniglichen) preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin Shabbath (tractate) century Sanhedrin (tractate) Satire (Horace; Juvenal) Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series Stuttgarter Bibelstudien Studies in Biblical Theology E. Schi.irer, History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ(] 973-87) Remedy against Scorpions (Tertullian) Studies and Documents Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible (Paris) Svensk Exegetisk A.rsbok Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. W. Dittenberger Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity Scottish .Journal of Theology xxv
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
SMB:SBO
Smyrn. SNT SNTS SNTSM SNTU Som. Spec. Leg. SPEM SPT ST Stob. Flor. Strom. Suet. SUNT TAPA Targ. TBC TBenj. Tlos. TDNT Tert. Th. Bl. Theod. THKNT Thuc. TKNT TNTC Tos. TQ TR TS TU Tusc. TynB TZ UBS 3
vc VD Vtt. Apoll. Tyan. Vtt. Moys.
Serie Monographique "Benedictina": Section BiblicoOecumenique Letter to the Smyrnaeans (Ignatius) Schriften des Neuen Testaments Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas SNTS Monograph(s) Studien zum Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt On Dreams (Philo) On Specific Laws (Philo) St. Paul's Ephesian Ministry (Duncan) St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (Ramsay) Studia Theologica Stobaeus, Anthology Miscellanies (Clement of Alexandria) Suetonius Studien der Umwelt des Neuen Testaments Transactions of the American Philological Association Tar gum Torch Bible Commentaries Testament of Benjamin Testament of Joseph Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (ed. G. Kittel and G. Friedrich, E.T. by G. W. Bromiley) Tertullian Theologische Blatter Theodotion Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament Thucydides Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament Tyndale New Testament Commentaries Tosefta Theologische Quartalschrift "Received Text" Texts and Studies Texte und Untersuchungen Tusculans (Cicero) Tyndale Bulletin Theologische Zeitschrift The Greek New Testament, United Bible Societies, 3rd edition, 1975 Vtgiliae Christianae Verbum Domini Life ofApollonius of Tyana (Philostratus) Life of Moses (Philo) xxvi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Vit. Philosoph. Vit. Pyth. v.1. VT
Lives of Philosophers (Diogenes Laertius) Life of Pythagoras
WBC WC WH
Word Biblical Commentaries Westminster Commentaries B. F. Westcott and F. J. A Hort, New Testament in Greek (1881) Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament Westminster New Testament
WMANT WNT WTJ WUNT Xen. Xen. Eph. ZAW ZBK ZDMG ZKG ZKNT ZNW ZTK ZWT
variant reading Vetus Testamentum
Westminster Theological Journal
Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Xenophon Xenophon of Ephesus Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
Zi.ircher Bibelkommentare Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesellschaft Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte
Zahn-Kommentar zum Neuen Testament Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Theologie
XXVll
INTRODUCTION I. AUTHORSHIP OF ACTS A.
EXTERNAL EVIDENCE
The earliest surviving statements about the authorship of Acts belong to the last quarter of the second century. The so-called Anti-Marcionite Prologue to Luke 1 (of uncertain date, but possibly belonging to the end of the second century) gives some account of Luke as the Third Evangelist (seep. 8) and addsxat I\~ µetfama EYQLav dvm, cf. Ac. 4:32. Practically the same injunction is found in Did. 4:8 (c. A.O. 100), auyxmvrov~aEL;; bE mivca tcj) abE11..uaa£ ,a£ cob Iva£ wu {ioou, cf. Ac. 2:24. Polycarp, Ep. 2:1, 0£ EQXEtaL XQLT~~ twvtrov xai vEXQfuv, might also be compared with Ac. 10:42, but here we have to do with the quotation of a credal formula on two separate occasions. With Mart. Polyc. 7:1 (c. A.D. 156), to 0EA.f)µa wu 0wu yEvfo0ro, cf. Ac. 21:14 (but here again we have a stock expression of resignation voiced on two separate occasions; cf. Mt. 6:10; Mk. 14:36). Polycarp's contemporary Papias (as quoted by Apollinarius) describes the death of Judas in terms from which, says E. J. Goodspeed (New Chapters in New Testament Study [New York, 1937], p. 42), "it is clear that Papias knew the Acts," on the ground that his description is based on Ac. 1: 18f. (which is doubtful). Papias's account of Joseph Barsabbas Justus (ap. Euseb. HE 3.39.9) provides what Goodspeed called "a strong contact" with Ac. 1:23. 10
DATE OF ACTS
on
With Hennas, Vision 4.2.4, mmEUOU£ bt' oubEVO£ Mvn ow0ijvm d µ~ bta. 'WU µEYUA.0\J 'l«ll EVOO!;ou ov6µarni;, cf. Ac. 4: 12. With Ep. ad Diogn. 3:4 (c. AD. 150), 6 ya.Q ltot~Oa£ 1ov Ol!Qavov xat 1~v yijv ;ml, ltUVTU TU EV amo~, i«J.L ltUOl v ~µTv XOQlJYOOV COV ltQOObE6µE0a, 01JbEVO£ UV ltQOObEOL't:O '[OlJt(J)V COV 10ii; OLOµ.EVOL\; btb6vm ltUQEXEL am6i;, cf. Ac. 17:24f. In some recensions of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs there is a panegyric on Paul (TBenj. 11:2-5), evidently dependent on Acts, which H. St. J. Thackeray considered "perhaps the earliest evidence for the canonicity of the Acts and the Pauline Epistles" (The Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary Jewish Thought [London, 1900], pp. 22f.). The section on which he relies for this conclusion (vv. 2b-5) is, however, a later Christian gloss interpolated into a context which is itself Christian (M. de Jonge, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Study of their Text, Composition and Origin [Assen, 1953], pp. 34, 122); Thackeray's grounds for dating it earlier than the middle of the second century A.D. are quite inadequate. Two passages in Justin Martyr's first Apology contain allusions to Acts, if indeed they should not be called paraphrases of texts in Acts. Ac. 1: 1-9 is summarized in/ Apol. 50.12: "But afterwards, when he rose from the dead and appeared to them, he taught them to read the prophecies in which all these things had been foretold as destined to take place. Then they saw him ascending into heaven and they believed, and receiving power which was sent to them thence they went forth among the whole human race and taught these things, and were called apostles." Again, I Apo/. 10.1 seems to be based on Ac. 17:25: "But we have been taught that God needs no material offering from human beings, seeing that it is he who provides all things" (amov naQixovi:a ituvrn OQOOVTE£). The Acts of Paul, composed c. AD. 160 by an orthodox presbyter in the province of Asia, is dependent on the Lukan Acts, which in a general way served as a model also for other apocryphal Acts. Along with these other apocryphal Acts should perhaps be reckoned an EbioniteActs ofApostles, which H.-J. Schoeps (Theologie und Geschichte desJudenchristentums [Ttibingen, 1949], pp. 381-456) discerned as an important source of material in the pseudo-Clementine Recognitions and Homilies. 1 Hegesippus's account of the martyrdom of James the Just (ap. Euseb. HE 2.23.4-18) was probably derived, albeit indirectly (via the Ascents of James), from some such source; in any case, it contains reminiscences of Luke's description of the stoning of Stephen in Ac. 7:54-60. There is a reference to Stephen's prayer for his executioners (Ac. 7:60) in the letter of the churches of Vienne and Lyon describing the persecution of A.O. 177 (ap. Euseb. HE 5.2.5); elsewhere in the same letter (HE 5.1.26) there is a possible allusion to the ban on eating blood in the apostolic decree of Ac. 15:29 (seep. 347 below). While the literary allusions to Acts in the earlier period are doubtful, its circu1. Cf. also B. H. Streeter, The Primitive Church (London, 1929), p. 8; B. W. Bacon, Studies in Matthew (London, 1931), pp. 482-95.
11
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
lation in the churches from the second half of the second century onward is amply attested.
B.
OTHER INDICATIONS
Commenting on the fact that Acts ends with Paul's spending two years in custody in Rome, Jerome says, "From this we understand that the book was written in the same city'' (De vir. ill. 7), 2 probably implying that it was written not long after the last event which it records. There is, in fact, no clear evidence for the place of composition of either Luke or Acts; this must be inferred, if possible, from such indications, internal or external, as are available. But even if Acts was composed in Rome (which is quite probable), that does not demand a date of writing immediately or shortly after the end of the two years of Ac. 28:30. Several incidental data have been thought to throw some light on the time of composition. (1) Luke betrays surprisingly little acquaintance with the Pauline epistles. When, early in the second century (if not earlier still), 3 these (or at least ten of them) began to be gathered together in the first corpus Paulinum, 4 they came to be generally known among the churches, and could hardly be neglected by a writer drawing up a narrative of the historical process which they document and of the activity of their author. E. J. Goodspeed held that the first collection of Pauline letters was prompted by the interest in Paul which was revived by the publication of LukeActs (INT [Chicago, 1937), pp. 210-17). This is an attractive position; it might be better, however, to suppose that it was the first circulation of Luke-Acts among the churches (the twofold work having already been published for the book market) 5 that caused the revival of interest in Paul which stimulated the collection of his letters. (2) The ending of Acts, in the view of some readers, is so abrupt as to call for some explanation, and many have suggested that Luke wrote no more because he knew no more: no more had happened. One is naturally left wondering what the immediate sequel to Paul's two years under house arrest was, and what the outcome of his appeal to Caesar was, if ever it came to a hearing. A few sentences would have sufficed to provide this information. 6 As it is, after the careful and 2. Jerome thought that Luke, on the other hand, was written "in the parts of Achaia and Boeotia" (Comm. in Mt., praef.); cf. anti-Marcionite prologue to Luke (p. 8 above). 3. Directions for their interchange are given by Paul himself in Col. 4: 16. Clement of Rome probably had access to a collection of Pauline letters c. A.D. 96; sec his ready reference to 1 Corinthians in I Clem. 47:1-3. 4. Sec G. Zuntz, The Text of the Epistles (London, 1954), pp. 14-17, 276-83; C. L. Mitton, The Formation of the Pauline Corpus of letters (London, 1955). 5. Cf. M. Dihelius, Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E.T. (London, 1956), pp. 103f. 6. Comparison has sometimes been made with the Iliad, which does not go on to complete the life story of Achilles (as some have supposed it ought to do or once did). The Iliad has as its declared theme the wrath (µijv,,) of Achilles; it comes to a natural and artistically satisfying end with the purgation of his wrath. So Acts comes to its proper end with the attainment of the author's goal-Paul's ar-
12
DATEOFAcrs
detailed account of events leading up to Paul's appearance before Caesar, we are left in ignorance of the appearance itself. It has indeed been said that the omission of this information (if it was available to Luke) creates a situation like that which we should have if the Third Gospel came to a sudden end on the eve of our Lord's appearance before Pilate. But the two situations are not really comparable: the trial, execution, and resurrection of Jesus are essential to the gospel story as Paul's appearance before Caesar (if it ever took place) is not essential to Luke's second volume. The story of the early expansion of Christianity has no single natural conclusion: Luke chooses to conclude his narrative with Paul's uninhibited preaching of the gospel in Rome. He has prepared the reader for this from his report of Paul's plan to see Rome: the remainder of Acts relates the accomplishment of this plan, in spite of many hindrances; and when it is accomplished at last, Acts comes to its designed end.7 If this was the end that Luke designed, then no further explanation is necessary for the book's ending as it does-whether that of Harnack (Date of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels, E.T. [London, 1911 ], pp. 93-99) and others, 8 that it was written before Paul's case came up for hearing; or that of Ramsay (SPT, pp. 309, 35lf.) and Zahn (INT, E.T. [Edinburgh, 1909), III, pp. 56-61), that Luke contemplated a third volume to follow Acts; 9 or that of J. de Zwaan ("Wa:.; the Book of Acts a Posthumous Edition?", HTR 17 (1924], pp. 95-153) and H. Lietzmann (The Founding of the Church Universal, E.T. [London, 1950], p. 78), that Luke died before he could finish his work. In fact, he finished it, and finished it on a note of triumph-axw1..m:w~. Paul is preaching the kingdom of God and telling the story of Jesus at the heart of the empire, without let or hindrance: now let it work! (3) There is no certain hint in advance of Paul's death. He has been exposed to the risk of death many times but his life has been preserved until he reaches Rome. There may be an ominous implication in Agrippa's words, "He might have been released if he had not appealed to Caesar" (see on 26:32); but this ominous note has to be read into the text; it is not explicit. More explicit is Paul's prediction at Miletus to the elders of the Ephesian church, "I know that none of you will ever see my face again" (20:25; cf. v. 38); but the relevance of this is disputed. If the letters to the Philippians and to Philemon were sent from Rome, then he hoped that his appeal would be successful and that he would be able to pay a further visit not only to Philippi (Phil. 1:27; 2:24) but also to proconsular Asia (Phlm. 22). The reference to Ephesus in 1 Tim. 1:3 probably has no bearing on the present question: rival and residence in Rome (cf. Ac. 28: 16-31 with 19:21 ). The death of Achilles is foretold in the Iliad (20.337; 24.538-40), as Paul's death is forecast in Ac. 20:25. 7. It was absurd for W. M. Ramsay to say, "No one can accept the ending of Acts as the conclusion of a rationally conceived history" (SPT, pp. 35!f.). 8. For this early date see also R. B. Rackham, "The Acts of the Apostles. 2. A Plea for an Early Date," ITS I (1899-1900), pp. 76-87, and The Acts of the Apostles, WC (London, 1901), pp. I-Iv. 9. The argument that JtQOJTO£ (Ac. I: I) must mean the first of more than two, not the former of two, cannot be sustained for Hellenistic Gk.; it means the former of two, e.g., in Heb. 8:13; 9:lf., 18, in reference to the OT covenant and tabernacle as opposed to those of the NT order.
13
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
if part of the work which Timothy was left to deal with there was the appointing of in(axonm in accordance with the qualifications of 1 Tim. 3:2-7, that points to a time earlier than the occasion described in Ac. 20:17-38, for here the church of Ephesus has a well-established body of l'tQEO~UtEQOL or en(axonot. Paul's prediction that they would never see him again is not necessarily a foreboding but simply a statement of his expectation, since his intention at that time was to visit Rome (19:21) and indeed, as we know from Rom. 15:23-29, to go on from Rome to Spain. Therefore, so far as he knew, he would not visit his Aegean mission field again. Whether in the event he changed his mind and did revisit Asia is irrelevant in this connection, although Harnack, believing that he did revisit Asia after his first Roman captivity, argues that Acts was written before this second visit, since otherwise Luke would have indicated that Paul's words in 20:25 were falsified by the event (Date of Acts, p. 103). But more probably Luke knew, when he wrote, that Paul's words were not falsified by the event, so he reported them without any qualification because Paul, in fact, did not live to see the Ephesians again. (4) The attitude to the Roman power throughout Acts makes it difficult for some readers to believe that the Neronian persecution of c. AD. 65 had taken place when the book was written. The imperial representatives behave with such impartial justice throughout the book that Paul feels confidence in appealing to the emperor himself. If Luke were writing at a time when Nero had begun to acquire the reputation that his attack on the Christians of Rome has won for him ever since, it is felt that the atmosphere at the end of Acts would have been less confidently optimistic than it is. But this is to misread the situation. Nero's reputation was such that his actions were speedily condemned as a deplorable aberration from Roman standards of justice. Even Tacitus, writing later, for all his hostility to Christians, admits that Nero's action against them was generally recognized to be a manifestation of one man's natural malignity rather than an expression of public policy (Ann. 15.44.8). The favorable judgment passed on Christians (especially on Paul) by other Roman authorities could not be regarded as annulled by Nero's action. Rather, Nero's judgments had been annulled, and Luke records those other judgments by way of reminding readers that Nero's anti-Christian activity was an irresponsible and criminal attack by that now execrated ruler on a movement whose innocence had been abundantly attested by many worthier representatives of Roman power. Luke's failure to mention Paul's execution, therefore (whether that was an incident in the Neronian persecution or not), is no decisive criterion for the dating of his work. It requires little imaginative effort to read between the lines of Ac. 28:30f. and realize that Paul's arrival in Rome, his gospel witness there for two years, and the legal procedure involved in the preparations made for his appeal to be heard must have brought Christianity to the notice of classes in Roman society on which it had until then made no impression. The same inference can be drawn from Paul's own words in Phil. 1:12-26, which were probably written toward the end of the two years. The interest which Christianity aroused in Rome at that time did not die out, but went on increasing until, in the principate of Domitian (AD. 8114
DATE OF ACTS
96), it had penetrated the imperial family itself. 10 At any point in the period from Nero to Domitian a work giving an intelligible account of the rise and progress of Christianity, and a reasoned reply to calumnies spread against it among the populace, was sure of a ready reception on the part of the intelligent "listening" public of Rome, of whom Theophilus was probably a representative.11 The positive defense of Christianity was best expressed in the defense speeches of Paul, the Roman citizen, whose appeal to Caesar was made not only on his own behalf but in the interests of the Christian community and its faith and witness.12 Luke's narrative as it stands cannot have been intended to serve as evidence for the defense when Paul's case came up for hearing in the imperial court. 13 A document compiled for this purpose may have served as a source for Acts, but there is much in Acts ( and a fortiori in Luke-Acts) that would have been forensically irrelevant. Among such forensically irrelevant material would be (on the one hand) the detailed account of Paul's voyage and shipwreck 14 and (on the other hand) the pervasive emphasis on the Holy Spirit's dominant role in the expansion of the gospel, 15 or on the outworking of salvation history.1 6 In the perspective of salvation history, the gospel marks the culmination of a long preparatory process of divine revelation and overruling, traced as far back as Israel's exodus from Egypt, as in Paul's synagogue address at Pisidian Antioch (13: 16-41 ), or even farther back, to God's call of Abraham, as in Stephen's defense before the Sanhedrin (7:2-53). Would these emphases have been more relevant for the intelligent public that Luke may have had in view than they would have been for Paul's defense counsel before Nero? To many members of that public they would have meant little, but Theophilus and some others like him were probably converts, or near converts, to the Christian faith. In any case, Luke gives them to understand that the progress of the Christian faith was no mere product of human planning; it was divinely directed. This may have made some contribution to Luke's general apologetic purpose, although it would not have been of much use as a plea in a Roman law court. (5) There is no hint throughout Acts of the Jewish revolt of A.D. 66, or of the 10. This conclusion is reached not only by an uncertain inference from Dio Cassius, Hist. 67.14f., but by indications from early Christian archaeology at Rome; cf. A. Harnack, "Christianity and Christians at the Court of the Emperors," Princeton Review 1 (1878), p. 269, and Mission and Expansion of Christianity, E.T., II (London, 1908), p. 46. For more cautious assessments of the evidence see E.T. Merrill, Essays in Early Christian History (London, 1924), pp. 148-73; P. Lampe, Die Stadtromischen Christen in den ersten beiden J ahrhunderten WUNT 2.18 (Ttibingen, 2 l 989), pp. 166-72. 11. Cf. Dibelius, Studies, p. 103. 12. See F. Veltman, "The Defense Speeches of Paul in Acts," in Perspectives on Luke-Acts, ed. C. H. Talbert (Edinburgh, 1978), pp. 243-56. 13. As held, e.g., by M. V. Aberle, "Excgetischc Studien. 2. Ober den Zweck der Apostelgeschichte," TQ 37 (1855), pp. 17.1-236; D. Plooij, "The Work of St. Luke," Exp. 8, 8 ( 1914), pp. 51123, and "Again: The Work of St. Luke," Exp. 8, 13 (1917), pp. 108-24; J. I. Still, St. Paul on Trial (London, 1923); cf. G. S. Duncan. St. Paul's Ephesian Ministry (London, l 929), pp. 96-100. 14. See pp. 508-10. 15. See pp. 21-22. 61. 16. See E. Lohse, "Lukas als Theologe der Heilsgeschichte," Ev. Th. 14 (1954-55), pp. 254-75; H. Flender, St. Luke: Theologian of Redemptive History, E.T. (London, 1967).
15
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
fall of Jerusalem, with its temple and polity, four years later. If Luke had written after AD. 70, it is urged, some indication might have been expected that the Jewish recalcitrance which he repeatedly records had incurred this condign judgment, that the "crooked generation" had met with the fate from which Peter on the day of Pentecost called on his hearers to save themselves (2:40). Such considerations have led several scholars to date Acts (and Luke-Acts) not later than AD. 70; outstanding among these is J. AT. Robinson, who argues for such a date not only for Acts (Redating the New Testament [London, 1975], pp. 86-92) but for the whole NT. But events like the fall of Jerusalem may be reflected in a literary work otherwise than by way of direct reference. In Luke's eyes, Paul's treatment during his last visit to Jerusalem and in particular his exclusion from the temple courts (21 :30; seep. 450 below) betokened the divine abandonment of city and temple, as surely as the departure of the Shekinah from the first temple in Ezekiel's vision (Ezek. 9:3; 11 :23) was the prelude to its desolation. The destructive events of the summer of AD. 70 served only to set the seal on what had happened at the pentecostal season of AD. 57. (6) Such an indirect allusion to the fall of Jerusalem as may be discerned in Ac. 21 :30 is a matter of interpretation, of trying to divine the author's intention behind his words. But the date of Acts cannot be studied in isolation from the date of Luke, and the form in which our Lord's predictions of the destruction of Jerusalem are reported in Lk. 19:41-44; 21:20-24; 23:28-31 presupposes their fulfilment. It is, indeed, quite uncritical to assume that every prediction which comes true is a vaticinium ex eventu, quite apart from the consideration that these were the predictions of the Messiah himself. The prediction of wars and sieges and sacking of cities is a commonplace of history. 17 It is argued more particularly, however, that Lk. 21:20 ("when you see Jerusalem surrounded by armies") is a recasting of Mk. 13:14 (par. Mt. 24:15), with its reference to the "abomination of desolation." This apocalyptic expression, which would have been unintelligible to Luke's public, was replaced by him, in the light of the event, by something more readily understood. It was no unusual matter of experience for the surrounding of a city by hostile armies to be followed by its storming and subjugation. C. H. Dodd does not dispute that Luke differs from the Markan wording, but argues that Luke's version of Jesus' forecast comes from an independent source and is not colored by the events of AD. 66-70 ("The Fall of Jerusalem and the 'Abomination of Desolation'" [1947], More New Testament Studies [Manchester, 1968], pp. 69-83). Mark, he thinks, may have introduced "the abomination of desolation" into the tradition of the desolation of 17. F. Blass (Ev. sec. Lucam [Leipzig, 1897). p. viii) instances Savonarola's prophecies of the capture of Rome in 1527, which were printed 30 years before the event, and which entered into much more remarkable detail than any of the predictions recorded in Luke (e.g., "the Roman enemy could have been foreseen, but not a Lutheran army"). Prophecies of the impending destruction of London by fire appeared in print for some years before the fire of 1666 (cf. F. Morison, And Pilate Said- [London, 1939), pp. 26 lf. ). Metternich in 1851 foretold the circumstances of the rise and fall of the German Empire of 1871-1918, seven distinct predictions which he made being fulfilled (see The Times Literary Supplement, 18 April 1929).
16
DATE OF ACTS
Jerusalem "under the stimulus, it may be, of Gaius's attempted sacrilege" of AD. 40 (p. 82). C. C. Torrey (Documents of the Primitive Church [New York, 1941 ], pp. 20-40) argues similarly: the Lukan form, he thinks, is original (being in perfect accord with the OT prophetic program of Zech. 14:2, etc.). 18 C. S. C. Williams, believing that Acts is earlier than AD. 70 whereas Luke in its present form is later than that date, suggested that the "former treatise" to which Acts is the sequel was "Proto-Luke," i.e., substantially, Q + L ("The Date of LukeActs," ExT64 [1952-53], pp. 283f., and The Acts of the Apostles, BNTC [London, 1957], pp. 13-15). But while Proto-Luke was probably a stage in the formation of Luke, there is no evidence that it ever had an independent existence or a shape in which it could have been dedicated to Theophilus. T. W. Manson suggested that Luke-Acts could belong to the years AD. 66-70 or shortly afterward, when the Judaean authorities (Paul's chief accusers) had completely discredited themselves in Roman eyes by the revolt against the empire (Studies in the Gospels and Epistles [Manchester, 1962), pp. 56, 62-67). 19 It is best to date Acts not very long after the completion of Luke, and to place the publication of both in the period following AD. 70. (7) Prominence is given in Acts to subjects which were of urgent importance in the church before AD. 70, but which were of less moment after that date. Such were the terms of Gentile admission to church fellowship, the coexistence of Jews and Gentiles in the church, and the food requirements of the apostolic decree. To these points it is added that both in conception and terminology the theology of Acts gives an impression of what is imprecisely called "primitiveness." This, however, could be due to the sources used, and in any case it is an uncertain criterion: Christian theology remained "primitive" in some churches longer than in others. Moreover, Luke has his own theology and need not be expected to reproduce the more developed theology of Paul. "Christ" very soon became practically a proper name in Gentile usage; in Acts it is still a title. Jesus is referred to, especially in reports of speeches and prayers, by such designations as n:ai£ 8eou (but see quotations from Didache and 1 Clement in the note on 4:27 below), 6 ulo£ tau uv8QUlll:OU (7:56; see note ad Loe.), 6 tbLO£ (20:28; see note ad Loe.). Christians continue to be known as µa01]tat, a term which does not appear in the Pauline letters. The word )..a6£ refers to the Jewish nation, except in the oxymoron of 15: 14 (Es E0vv 1.a6£) and in the Lord's words to Paul in 18:10; it was speedily transferred, even in NT times, to the church as the new people of God (cf. Rom. 9:25f.; Tit. 2:14; 1 Pet. 2:9f.). Sunday is "the first day of the week" (20:7), as in the Gospel resurrection narratives and 1 Cor. 16:2; it soon became known in the church as the Lord's Day (xUQtax~ ~µEQU, dies dominiea), as in Rev. 1:10; Did. 14:1; Dion. Cor. ap. Euseb. HE 4.23.11, etc.). But these are instances, in the area of Christian usage, of the wider evidence 18. Blass (PG, p. 46) supposes that both forms go back to Jesus' discourse, Mk. 13: 14 reproducing part of what he said and Lk. 21:20 another part. 19. Seep. 24 below.
17
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
that the record of Acts is true to its "dramatic" date, i.e., to the date of the events and developments which it relates. This is so also in the political, geographical, and social fields. At the end of the nineteenth century Sir William Ramsay demonstrated this with special reference to the nomenclature and frontiers of Roman provinces and regions in Asia Minor and to the titles of officials in these ( cf. SPT, pp. 10914; BRD, pp. 35-65); 70 years later A. N. Sherwin-White demonstrated it with special reference to Roman citizenship and its privileges, e.g., the right to appeal to Caesar (Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament [Oxford, 1963], pp. 172-81, et passim). The fact that Acts is true in these and other respects to its dramatic date suggests that its author wrote not very long after the events recorded; there was a constant tendency for such works to reflect the conditions of the time in which their author lived and wrote, especially if he himself had no firsthand acquaintance with the events narrated. The most that can be said with reasonable confidence is that Acts was written not more than 20 years after its last recorded event. The author had taken part in some of the events recorded, and his memory did not lead him astray. (8) Yet another relevant consideration is that of perspective. The author had taken part in some of the events recorded and had met some of the principal actors; yet he does not write as one might in the thick of events, while the actors were still active. It is easier to understand his silence about some of the doctrinal controversies in which Paul was involved with fellow leaders in the church if he can be pictured as looking back on them in the tranquillity of later years, and concluding (rightly or wrongly) that they no longer had the importance attached to them by the protagonists. The impression he gives of the relation between Pat1l, Peter, and James the Just is not the impression received from Paul's letters. But Paul's letters were written in mediis rebus; by the time Luke wrote all three of them had died, and he was able to view their lasting achievements in a more satisfactory proportion than would have been easily attained during their lifetime. 20 If, then, a date in the late 70s or early 80s of the first century (say, in the principate of Titus or early in that of Domitian) is assigned to Acts, most of the evidence will be satisfied. 21 20. See A Ehrhardt, The Acts of the Apostles: Ten Lectures (Manchester. 1969), pp. 4, 50, 88f., et passim. 21. Ramsay maintained this dating, but tried to support it on an insecure foundation: he reckoned "the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar" (Lk. 3: 1) from A.D 12, "when Tiberius was associated by Augustus in the Empire," and not from his accession year (A.o 14), and concluded that Luke could have followed this unusual method of calculation only when a similar situation obtained, or had very recently obtained~namcly, Titus's association with Vespasian in the imperial rule on July 1. All. 71, eight years before his accession as sole emperor (SPT, pp. 386f.). But Ramsay's interpretation of Lk. 3: l is quite improbable. The main criteria for dating Acts were discussed by E. J. Goodspeed in New Solutions of New Testament Problems (Chicago, 1927), pp. 65-109, and INT, pp. 191-97; he advocated a date c. AD. 90 (which is unnecessarily late). J.C. O'Neill's arguments for a second-century dating (The Theology of Acts in its Historical Setting [London. 2 1970], pp. 1-58, because of affinities between Acts and the
18
CANONICITY OF ACTS
III. CANONICITY OF ACTS Even if the "early allusions" cited on pp. 10-12 above are real allusions to Acts and not simply parallels, they prove only that the book was known, and possibly in circulation, in the churches about the beginning of the second century. Canonicity implies something more-it implies inclusion in a recognized list ( canon) of documents which are esteemed supremely authoritative in questions of religion, especially in those affecting faith or morals. Not only acknowledged authority but inclusion in the list must be certified before we can speak of a document as canonical in the strict sense. Moreover, the authority of the document is not to be inferred from its being included in the canon; it was included in the canon because its right to be there was established. By the end of the second century the right of Acts to a place in the canon of sacred scripture was well established. The Muratorian list (see p. 1 above), which seems to date from the time when the Roman church began to be Latin-speaking, 1 orovides sufficient evidence of that. If the anti-Marcionite prologue to Luke (see pp. 1, 8 above) can be dated in the same period, 2 its testimony is to the same effect, as is the testimony of Irenaeus (cf. Haer. 3.15.1).3 The various volumes of apocryphal Acts which appeared in the second half of the second century appear to have been composed on the model of the Lukan Acts in order that some of its canonical authority might rub off on them. 4 Early in the second century two authoritative collections of writings began to circulate among the churches-the fourfold Gospel and the corpus Paulinum. But, so far as can be ascertained, these two collections were independent of each other. If they were to form a canon of Christian scripture, a link had to be found to combine them. Such a link, in fact, was already in existence: it was the sequel to the Third Gospel, which had been detached in order to be included with Matthew, Mark, and John in the fourfold Gospel, but it was destined to become the keystone of the NT arch. How early it was included in a canonical list along with the fourfold Gospel and the corpus Paulinum cannot be ascertained. According to Tertullian (De praescriptione haereticorum 38.7), Valentinus (c. A.D. 140) "seems to use the entire canon" (instrumentum); unfortunately, while this statement is largely confirmed by the evidence of Valentinian literature discovered near Nag Hammadi in Egypt about 1945, there is no certain allusion to Acts in this literature. We
Apologists (especially Justin), have failed to carry general conviction. (Cf. J. Knox's thesis mentioned on p. 20, n. 6.) For the position on authorship and date in 1950 see J. Dupont, t.'tudes sur /es Actes des Apbtres (Paris, 1967), pp. 17-24; no further evidence on these matters has come to light since then. 1. Perhaps during the pontificate of Victor (c. A.O. 190), the first Latin-speaking bishop of Rome. 2. See E. Haenchcn, The Acts of the Apostles, E.T. (Oxford, 197 l), p. 10, n. 1. 3. Irenaeus argues that the authority of Acts must be acknowledged equally with that of Luke. Cf. Haa 3.12.1-14.2, where he quotes liberally from Acts, not so much asserting as assuming its canonicity. 4. See E. Hennecke-W. Schneemelcher-R. M. Wilson, New Testament Apocrypha, E.T., II (London. 1965), pp. 167-578.
19
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
arc on surer ground when we turn to Valentinus's contemporary Marcion: he certainly did not recognize Acts as canonical, although he gave an edited text of the Gospel of Luke pride of place as Part 1 ("The Gospel") in the canon of Christian scripture which he promulgated at Rome c. AD.144-Part 2 ("TheApostolikon") being an edited text of the corpus Paulinum (excluding the Pastorals). Marcion 's closed canon, which was designed to provide authority for his sectarian community and teaching (in intention Pauline, but in reality "more Pauline than Paul"), 5 was a challenge to catholic churchmen. 6 They were now obliged to define more precisely the Christian canon, which for them did not replace but included as its first division the OT writings. Their "Gospel" contained not one document only (like Marcion 's) but four; their Apostolikon contained not only ten but thirteen letters of Paul, and not letters of Paul only but of other "apostolic men" also. And in Acts they found the bond which united "The Gospel" and "The Apostle." They regarded it as constituting not only the sequel to "The Gospel" but also the introduction or background to "The Apostle." A work which acknowledged the authority of the original apostles as well as Paul's was unacceptable to Marcion, but that very acknowledgment enhanced its value in the eyes of catholic churchmen. Such a catholic work as Acts served most suitably as a pivot for a catholic canon. 7 The importance which was attached to Acts at the end of the seco11d century is illustrated by two quotations from Tertullian (De praescriptione haereticorum, written while he was still a member of the catholic church): Those who do not accept this hook of scripture cannot belong to the Holy Spirit, for they are unable to recognize that the Holy Spirit has yet been sent to the disciples. Neither indeed can they claim to be the church, for they have no .neans of proving at what time and in what swaddling clothes this body was established (22.11 ). To those who reject the Acts of the Apostles I may say here, "First you must show who this Paul of yours was, both what he was before he became an apostle and how he became an apostle" -since they use him to such a great extent in settling other questions (23.3).
This last passage is aimed at confuting those, like the Marcionites, who asserted the unique apostolic authority of Paul but rejected the one volume which provided independent testimony to his divine commission. The former passage argues that those who reject Acts cannot claim to have the Holy Spirit, since without
5. "Even in his understanding Paul he misunderstood him" (A. Harnack, History of Dogma, E.T., I [London, 1905 ], p. 89 [amended translation]). 6. According to J. Knox (Marc ion and the New Testament [Chicago, 1942 ]), another catholic response to Marcion's challenge was the twofold work Luke-Acts, at least in the form in which we have received it, composed c. A.D. 150 to provide a catholic "Gospel-plus-Apostle" compilation. This theory founders on the extreme improbability of a second-century date for Luke-Acts. 7. The pivotal part played by Acts in the formation of the NT canon is well brought out by Harnack in The Origin of the New Testament, E.T. (London, 1925), pp. 44-53, 63-68. See also p. 26 below on parallels between Peter and Paul.
20
PURPOSE AND PLAN OF ACTS
Acts they have no way of knowing that the Holy Spirit has been sent (a typical exaggeration on Tertullian 's part, for the coming of the Spirit could be inferred with certainty from many other NT documents). From then until now, however, the place of Acts in the NT canon has been secure.
IV. PURPOSE AND PLAN OF ACTS A. LUKE'S PRIME PURPOSE For Luke's own account of the purpose of his history, we turn to the opening paragraph of the Third Gospel, which serves as a prologue to the whole of his twofold work Ad Theophilum: Since many have undertaken to draw up a narrative of the events which have taken place among us, a~ they have been handed down to us by those who were from the beginning eyewitnesses and ministers of the word, I for my part, having followed the whole course of events accurately for some time back, have decided to write them for you in order. most excellent Theophilus, so that you may know the secure basis of the information you have received. 1
Then, after the introductory nativity and childhood narratives, he gives a brief summary of the activity of John the Baptist, leading up to the main subject of his first volume: the public ministry, passion, and resurrection of .Jesus. In the first sentence of Acts, he characterizes the previous volume as presenting an account "of all that Jesus began both to do and to teach." The verb "began" should not be regarded here as a redundant auxiliary (in imitation of an Aramaic idiom); rather it is emphatic, implying that Luke is now about to narrate what Jesus continued to do after his ascension-no longer in visible presence but by his Spirit in the apostles and other followers of The Way. The second volume might then be fittingly entitled "The Acts of the Risen Christ" or (with J. A. Bengel) "The Acts of the Holy Spirit. " 2 The Holy Spirit, promised by the risen Lord (1 :8). comes on his disciples on the day of Pentecost, seven weeks after the Easter event (2:1-4), enabling them to I. See H.J. Cadbury, "Commentary on the Preface of Luke," BC 1.2, pp. 489-510; G. Klein, "Lukas 1,1-4 als theologisches Prngramm," in Zcit 11nd Gcschichte, ed. E. Dinkier (Tiibingcn. 1%4), pp. !93-216; A. J.B. Higgins, "The Preface to Luke and the Kcrygma in Acts," in Apo,·ro/ic lfiw,,y and the Gospel, ed. W.W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter/Grand Rapids, 1970), pp. 78-lJI; D . .I. Snecn, "An Exegesis of Luke l:1-4 with Special Regard to Luke's Purpo,,e as a Historian." 1-.'xT 83 (!971-72), pp. 40-43; W C. van llnnik. "Remarks on the Purpose of Luke's Historical Writing (Luke I: l-4)," in Sparsa Col!ecta, I (Leiden. l lJ73), pp. 6-15; S. Brown, "The Role of the Prologues in Determining the Purpose of Luke-Acts," in Perspectives on l.uke-Acts, ed. C. II. lalbert (Edinburgh. \ 978), pp. 99- l 1 l; V. K. Robbins, "Preface in Greco-Roman Biography and Luke-Acts." Society of Bihlirnl Literature: 1978 Seminar Papers, ed. P. J. Achtemcicr. II (Missoula, MT, \LAE, wv ~Q;ato 6 'lrJooii£ JtOLEiv tE xal bLOOOXELV 2 U'.X.QL ~£ ~IJEQU£ EvtELASTJ· 3 ol£ xul itUQEotTJOEV foutov toovtu µmi to ltU0ELV U'lltOV EV JtOHOL£ tE,tµTJQLOL£, fa' ~µEQOOV tEOOEQQ6bm (Ap. 2.1) with tov µiv :rtQciltov 11.6yov EJtoLT]awvou£ 3tQTJVEi£, where 31:QTJVEI,£ is rendered injlatos in latvg_ A tradition that Judas did actually swell up to monstrous proportions was current in early times; Papias was cited as an authority for this (Exeg. 4, preserved by Apollinarius of Laodicea; see J.B. 109
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers [one-vol. edn., London, 1891 ], pp. 523f., 534f. ). This tradition may have arisen from a desire to assimilate his fate to that of other traitors (like the nephew of AJ:tiqar), of heretics (like Arius), and of tyrants (like Antiochus Epiphanes). See F. C. Conybeare, "Papias and the Acts of the Apostles," CR 9 ( 1895), p. 258; F. H. Chase, "On fIPHNHz. f'ENOMENOL in Acts I 18," ITS 13 (1912), pp. 278-85, 415. EAUiU]CTl'V] From 1,.aaxw, crack, burst; an accompanying noise is implied ( cf. crepuit latvg). E~EXUGlJ mivra ta an:1,.ayxva autou J Cf. Amasa in 2 Kms. (MT 2 Sam.) 20:10, E~EXUOl] ~ XOLALU amoii El£ T~V yf]v. 1: 19 tfi bLaAEXTuvEl'>oµivo£, "betrayed by simplicity and lack of practical capacity" (on the vocabulary of Val ens see E. K. Simpson, "Vettius Valens and the New Testament," EQ 2 [ 1930], pp. 389-400). Cf. ct3tA.OtTJ\; xagl'>ta\; in the same sense in Eph. 6:5; Col. 3:22: l Chr. 29:17; Wisd. 1:1. 2:47 EXOVtE£ xagt v 3tQO£ OA.ov tov 1..a6v] "enjoying all the people's favor" (cf. 5: 13). The more observant Jewish Christians of Jerusalem appear to have been held in general respect for long; cf. Hegesippus's account of James the Just, quoted in Euseb. HE 2.23.4 7 (also Jos. Ant. 20.200f.). The alternative rendering, "having good will towards all the people," is defended by F. P. Cheetham, "Acts ii.47: e:x:ovtE£ xagtv 1tQO\; oAov tov 1..a6v," ExT74 (1962-63), pp. 214-15; T. D. Andersen, "The Meaning of EXONTEL XAPIN IlPOL in Acts 2:47," NTS 34 (1988), pp. 604-10. As regularly in LXX and NT, 1..a6£ is used of the people of Israel. For 1..a6v D has x6aµov, which F. Nestle thought was due to a confusion between Aram. 'iilemii, "the world," and' ammd, "the people" ("Some Observations on the Codex Bezae," Exp., ser. 5, 2 [ 1895 J, p. 235; cf. M. Wilcox, The Semitisms ofActs [Oxford, 1965], p. 2). C. C. Torrey, however, points out that in popular Arnm. kule 'iilemii, "all the world," is used like Fr. tout le monde in the sense of "everybody" (Documents of the Primitive Church [New York, 1941 ], p. 145). 6 l>E xugto~ 1tgoaniJlH xtA J The Lord himself reserves the prerogative of adding new members to his community; it is for his people to welcome those whom he has received (Rom. 15 :7). toll\; aqi~oµivou\;] The force of the pres. ptc. here is probably iterative: they were added to the community as they were saved. But toll£ aqitoµivoU..) The quotation is from Dt. 18: 15-19, 3TQOcj,~tT)V EX t Toµoutj). xal tLaetjXT]V cf. Aristophanes, Aves 439, ~v µ~ l>LEL v] For EV tcp with infin., see on 2: 1. The construction here is not temporal but instrumental ("by turning"). Cf. 4:30. aJtOat(lEq>EL v is probably transitive, with Exaatov as its object. On the speech of vv. 13-26 see A Barbi, Il Cristo presente nella Chiesa, AnBib 64 (Rome, 1979).
146
ACTS4 3. Arrest of Peter and John; Increase of the Church (4:1-4) 1 AaA.O\JvtWV OE (l'\J't(J)V 3tQO£ tOV A,(l()V EltEotrioav amo~ oi LEQEL£ xm O otQUtriyoc; toii LEQOU mt ol ToMoumi:OL, 2 bLmtoVO\JµEVOl OUJ. to OLOUOXEL V U'U'tO'U£ tOV A.UOV mt mtayyEA.A.El v EV t 'Iriooii t~V avaotUOL v t~V EX VE?!.Q(J)V, 3 mt EltE~UA.OV amoi:c; tac; :XELQa)..~v ywviac;. Cf. Mk. 12:10 par. Lk. 20:17 and Mt. 22:42; 1 Pet. 2:7; Ep. Barn. 6:4 (where these words are quoted directly from LXX and applied to Christ). From the earliest times this text was combined with other "stone" testimonia from the OT (e.g., Isa. 8:14f.; 28:16; Dan. 2:34f., 44f.) and given a composite christological exegesis (cf. Lk. 20: 17f.; Cyprian, Testimonia 2.16). See J. R. Harris, Testimonies, I (Cambridge, 1916), pp. 27-32. The "head of the corner" is the keystone of the pediment; cf. C. H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures (London, 1952), pp. 35f.; S. H. Hooke, "The Comer-Stone of Scripture," in The Siege Perilous (London, 1955), pp. 235-49; F. F. Bruce, "The Comer Stone," ExT 84 (1972-73), pp. 231-35. Fod!;ou0Evew cf. Lk. 18:9; 23:11. In LXX it is used in 1 Kms. (MT 1 Sam.) 8:7 (once, and possibly twice) and 10:19, to render ma'as, the Heb. verb rendered 151
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
arroboxtµ~µma taiita ( cf. v. 1 b ). aJtELt..lJOWµE0a] byz prefaces the verb with MEL1..fi, "with a threat" (whence KJV "let us straitly threaten them"). This reading reflects the Heb. use of the abs. infin. before a finite verb for emphasis (e.g., Ex. 3:7, rii'oh rii'ifi, "l have certainly seen," translated i&iov dbov in LXX, quoted in 7:34 below). This "characteristic" reading "one is strongly tempted to accept," say MM, for it "clearly reflects the literal rendering of a Semitic original reported to Luke from an eye-witness-was it Paul? Homoeoteleuton and unfamiliarity to Greek ears would account for the loss of the noun in X AB D Pesh., etc. (so Blass)." Cf. 2:17, 30; 5:28; 23:14; alsobu8uµ( eav Dou>..Euaoum v] The use of av (e..atQEuaoua( v µm ev t. 14Cl:JIOOTELAU£ CE 'Iwa~cp µETEXUAEOatO 'Iaxwp TOV :rratEQU amoii xal n:aaav T~V ouyyEVElUV EV ,puxai; tpDoµtjxovta :JtfVTE, 15 XatEPTJ DE 'Iaxwp EL£ A'iyumov. xal ETEAEUTTJOEV amo£ ml oi :rratEQE£ riµwv, 16 xal µETEtEOTJoav EL£ LUXEµ ml Etr0TJOUV EV t..oyl]OEV 6 0EO£ t0 'Aj3Qa..EU£ ETEQO£ en:' A'iyumov, o; ovx fiDn tov 'Iwatjq,. t 9 outO£ xataaocptaOf; uµfuv, ov UJ'CEDOCT0E Elf; A'(yumov). 7:10 xal ~v 6 0Eof; µEt' amoii] Cf. Gen. 39:2, 3, 21. The God who had re194
7:9-19
ISRAELINEGYPT
vealed himself to Abraham in Mesopotamia now granted his presence and help to Joseph in Egypt; in making himself known to his people he shows no preference for one place over another. ,ml El>mXEv am 'l!.atUJtOV01JµEVcp JtatAoyi 3tUQO£ ~citou- 31 6 bE Mwuoft; [bwv Wauµa~EV to ogaµa· 3tQOOEQ;(Oµivou be amoii xatavoftom EYEVEtO q>WVTJ XUQLOU 32 'Eyco O 0Eo; twv 3tatEQWV oou, 6 0EQ£ '~gaaµ xai 'Iaaax xai 'Im«o~. EV'l'QOµo£ 6£ YEV6µEvo; Mwuoft£ aux h&µa xm:avoftom. 33 El3tEV bi; amqi 6 XUQLO£, Aiioov to U3tOblJµa t(J)V ,i:ot')(J)v oou, 6 yag t03tO£ Ecp' 4> EO'l'TJXU£ yft ayia Eativ. 34 Lbwv Elbov tTjV xcixwm v toii Aaoii µou toii iv AtyuITTcp, xai tou atEvayµoii am:oii ~xouaa, xai xatE~TJV E!;EAE00m am:ou£· xal viiv bEiigo a,i:oatELAW OE EL£ A'tyumov.
7:30 wq>0TJ am:qi EV tfl EQTJµcp toii ogo~ ::Et va liyyEAO£ EV q>Aoyl 3tUQO£ ~Aoy6£," ZNW 46 (1955), pp. 133-38, for a discussion of the variants Ev q>Aoyi 3tUQO£ and EV ,i:ugi q,1,.oy6£. The phrase EV 3tUQt q>Aoyo; occurs in 2 Th. 1:7 in a description of Christ's epiphany in judgment. 199
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Cf. also Isa. 66: 16, Ev q,1,oyl, l1:1JQO£ (in a judgment context); Dan. 7:9, where the throne of God is described as cj>1,o!; l1:1JQO£ (so also Sir. 21:9; Ps. Sol. 15:4). ayy£AO£] This is the ayy£AO£ xvQiov (see on v. 19), God's special representative in his dealings with humanity, called in Heb. mal'al.s yhwh (or mal'af.s piiniiyw, "the angel of his face [presence]," e.g. Isa. 63:9); cf. vv. 35, 38, and 43 below. In Ex. 3 the one who speaks to Moses is variously called liyyEAO£ X1JQL01J, 6 XUQLO£, and 6 0E6£. So here the angel speaks with the voice of the Lord (v. 31), claims to be God (v. 32), and is called 6 XUQLO£ (v. 33). ~atov] In Mk. 12:26 (Ent tou ~atov) this section of the OT narrative is referred to as "The Bush." See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 56 fin. (p. 89). 7:31 xarnvoijom] "to master the mystery" (MHT I, p. 117); the aor. here marks the completion of a mental process. EyEVETO q,wv~ )(.1JQL01J] 6 XUQLO£ ELl'tEV autcjl AEYWV D. 7:32 Eym 6 0EO£ TWV l'tatEQWV 0011, 6 0EO£ 'Af3Qaaµ xal 'Ioaax xal 'Iaxmp] From Ex. 3:6 (Eym ELµL 6 0EO£ tOU l1:atQO£ 0011, 0EO£ 'Af3Qactµ xal 0EO£ 'loaax xal 0EO£ 'la)(.(l)p), where the words follow the command to remove his shoes. b follows LXX in repeating 0EO£ before 'Ioaax and 'Ia)(.(l)p (cf. 3:13). The change from the sing. tou l'tatQO£ (similarly MT) to the plur. twv l'tatEQWV points to the use of a Gk. recension which agreed here with the Samaritan reading 'iiQ6fe/.sii, "your fathers" (cf. v. 4; see Kahle, The Cairo Geniza, p. 144). EvtQoµo£ be yEvoµEVO£] Cf. 16:29; Heb. 12:21. The adj. is postclassical; it is found in LXX, Plutarch, and the Palatine Anthology. 7:33 dmv bE amcjl x1:1,] From Ex. 3:5, 6 bE dnEv ... 1,uom to im6bT]µa Ex twv nobwv 0011, 6 yaQ t6no£ £V ~Vat EL£ Aiyumov ... a:rcOatQE'IJWµEV EL£ Aiyumov. 7:40 Ei:rc6vtE£ tw 'AaQWV xtt-] From Ex. 32: I, GllVEITTlJ 6 t-UO£ E:rcl 'AaQWV
amov£.
202
7:35-43
TuE WILDERNESS WANDERINGS
,ml ,iyouatv amcµ 'Av..wv. Torrey (CDA, p. 33) sees behind this phrase Aram. lepuqdiine mal'iilsfn, with the prep. ze in the sense "according to," "by"; this is quite unnecessary. btatay~ (also in Rom. 13:2; Ezra [LXX 2 Esdr.J 4:11; cf. btrni!;ato, v. 44 above) is frequent in papyri, inscriptions, and general literature (see New Docs. 1 [1976], § 34, p. 83). Deissmann mentions its use by the physician Ruphus of Ephesus (fl. AD. 100) to mean "ordered way of living," and by Vettius Valens (342.7; 355.18) in the sense "disposition" (LAE, pp. 89f.). The angelic ministration of the law is unmentioned in the OT. In Dt. 33:2 Yahweh is said to have been attended by angels in his Sinai theophany (see especially LXX EX bE!;tv amou a.yyE'J...ot µet' amou) and a similar inference was drawn in the tannaitic midrashim from Ps. 68: 17 (cf. Melsilta on Ex. 20: 18; Sifre Num. 102 on N um. 12:5), but this does not amount to their participation in the giving of the law. Neither is such participation envisaged in Jub. 1:29; TDan 6:2; Philo, Som. 1.141-43, which have sometimes been adduced as parallels. In Jos.Ant. 15.136, where Herod says that the Jewish doctrines and laws have been learned bt' a.yyE'J...wv naQa tou Ornu, the a.yyE'J...OL are possibly prophets. Yet Stephen (or Luke), with Paul (Gal. 3:19) and the writer to the Hebrews (Heb. 2:2, obt' a.yyE'J...wv 'J...a'J...1']0El; 'J...6yoi;), treats the angelic ministration of the law as something well known and generally accepted. Paul in Gal. 3:19 implies that the law, being imparted through angels, is inferior to the promise, which was made directly by God. The point in Heb. 2:2 is that the law, which was "spoken through angels," is attended by less solemn sanctions (solemn enough as the sanctions of the law were) than the gospel, which was first conveyed by one far superior to angels, the Lord himself. Stephen's point is that the impiety of those to whom the law was given was all the more heinous because it was communicated by beings as high and holy as angels. For a fuller discussion see F. F. Bruce, The Epistle to the Galatians, NIGTC (Grand Rapids/Exeter, 1982), pp. 176-78. xai mix Ecj>u'J...a!;atE J The implication may be that the empirical Israel, represented by the high priest and his associates, never kept the law, whereas the true Israel, the followers of Jesus, did so (cf.Paul in Ac. 21:23-26; 23: 1; 24:14-18; 25:8; 26:22).
7. The Stoning of Stephen (7:54-8:la) a. Stephen's final witness (7:54-56) 54 'AxouovtE£ bE tauta bLrnQLOvtO taL£ XUQbLUL£ amwv xal E~QU)'.OV tOU£ ooovtai; en' am6v. 55 UJtT]CTL v 6 1::uvoux.0£, 'Ioou ubwQ· ti xw11.uEL f..1£ ~amta8f]vm; 38 xal EXEA.EOOEV atf]vm to iiQµa, xal XatE~T]CTUV aµqi6tEQOL El£ to ubwQ OTE LA.LJtlt0£ xal 6 EUVOUX.0£, xal E~UJttLCJEV am6v. 39 OTE bi; ("bind"); cf. New Docs. 1 (1976), § 12, line 17.
2. The Light and Voice from Heaven (9:3-7) 3 'Ev l>E tcj> JtOQEliw0m EYEVEto mh:ov EyyitEL v tfl fiaµaoxcj>, E;aicpvl]wwv~v 1.iyouoav am:cj>, Laou1.. Laou1.., TL µE bu.ox.ELE, 'Eyoo dµL 'll]OO~ ov OU btooxuc;· 6 ClAA..lJV nmodav Eyxux>..tov anaoav, Strabo, Geog. 14.5.13)-in short, it was what we would call a university city, although it did not attract many students from other places. Its cultural influence on Paul has often been exaggerated. See W. M. Ramsay, The Cities of St. Paul (London, 1907), pp. 83-244; H. Bohlig, Die Geisteskultur van Tarsus (Gottingen, 1913); D. Magic, Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton, 1950), I, p. 272, II, pp. 1146-48; C. B. Welles, "Hellenistic Tarsus," Melanges de l'Universite St-Joseph 38 (1962), pp. 41-75.
9. The Church Enjoys Peace and Prosperity (9:31) 31 'H µh m'iv EXXA.l]Ota xa0' OA.l]£ tfJ£ 'Iou6ata£ xai fa>..t>..aia£ xai ToµaQELU£ dxEv ELQtjVljV, otxoooµoUµEVl] xal l'tOQEUOµEVl] t..l]Suvovto. The plur. is in accordance with Pauline and other NT usage, where the sing. is used only (1) of the local church (the church in a city) and (2) later, of the sum total of believers throughout the world or even throughout all time (cf. Eph. 5:25-27). What Luke here calls "the church"(~ text) is what Paul calls "the churches of God in Christ Jesus which are in Judaea" (1 Th. 2:14; cf. Gal. 1:22). But these churches represented the original Jerusalem church, now in dispersion. "The Ecclesia was still confined to Jewish or semi-Jewish populations and to ancient Jewish soil; but it was no longer the Ecclesia of a single city, and yet it was one: probably as corresponding, by these three modem representative districts of Judaea, Galilee and Samaria, to the ancient Ecclesia which had its home in the whole land of Israel" (F. J. A Hort, The Christian Ecclesia [London, 245
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
1897], pp. 55f.). See also K. N. Giles, "Luke's Use of the Term EKKAfilIA with special reference to Acts 20:28 and 9:31," NTS 31 (1985), pp. 135-42. 'Ioubaias xai ra>..t>..aias xai ToµUQEias] Judaea is obviously used here in the narrower sense which excludes the two other regions named. The evangelization of Samaria has been recorded in 8:5-25. Galilee has not been mentioned in the narrative of evangelization thus far; its mention here is noteworthy in view of our Lord's ministry there, and the near certainty that many of those who followed him during that ministry still lived there. But Galilee remained a backwater in the recorded expansion of Christianity; this solitary reference to the "church" there cannot be taken as reflecting "a later new significance of the Galilean communities for the church as a whole" (M. Hengel, Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity, p. 76; cf. Between Jesus and Paul, pp. 117, 123). JtOQEUoµivlJ] In an ethical sense: "living in the fear of the Lord"; cf. Lk. 1:6, where Zechariah and Elizabeth are described as "living (noQrn6µevm, lit. walking) blamelessly in all the Lord's commandments and ordinances." C. C. Torrey, however, thinks the ptc. represents the continuous sense of Aram. 'iizal, "go," as in the Eng. idiom, "it went on being multiplied in the fear of the Lord .... " tfl JtUQUXAT]CJEL toii ayiou JtVEuµatos l Cf. JtUQUXAl]to£ as a term denoting the Holy Spirit in Jn. 14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7. The gen. may be subjective ("the encouragement given by the Holy Spirit") or (less probably) objective, "the invoking His guidance as Paraclete to the Ecclesia" (Hort, Christian Ecclesia, p. 55).
III. ACTS OF PETER: THE GENTILES BROUGHT IN (9:32-12:24) A. PETER IN WESTERN PALESTINE (9:32-43)
1. Peter at Lydda: The Healing ofAeneas (9:32-35) 32 'EyEVEtO bf. IlEtQOV l>LEQXOµEVOV bux JtUvtWV xatE>..8EiV XUL JtQO£ tOU£ ay(ous taus xatotxoiivtas AuMa. 33Eii{.}Ev bf EXEL i':iv0QWJIOV nva 6v6µan Atvfov E~ ftWV 6xtw xataxELµEVOV EJtL XQU~cittou, os ~v JtUQUAEAuµEvos. 34 XUL dJtEV aurqi 6 IlEtQOS, ALVEU, L4 5 36 307 453 1175 pc Iatd P syrpesh copsa.codd ho.cod.
3. The Messengers from Cornelius Arrive at Joppa (10:17-23a) 17 'Qc; OE EV fomqi 0Ll]3t0QEL 6 fIE'tQO£ 'tl av dl] "CO OQaµa OdOEV, ibou oi avbQE£ oi 0.3tEITT. 24 tfi 1'>£ E:1toxfuv am:ou;, auyxa1-EaaµEVO£ toi,; auyyEVEL£ am:oii xal toll£ avayxa(o1!£ q>LAOU£. 25 'Q£ 1'>£ EYEVEtO toii ELOEA0EIV tov IlEtQOV, auvavttjOU£ autcj> o KOQVtjALO£ 3tWWV en:t tO'U£ n:61'>a£ j[QOOEXUVT]OEV. 26 0 0£ ITEtQO£ ~YELQEV am:ov °JJ;ymv, 'AvaatTj0L· xal eyw (lllt0£ liv0QC0:1t0~ dµL. 27 xal auvoµL1-fuv am:cj> EiaijA0Ev, xal EUQLOXEL OlJVEA TJA u06ta£ n:oUol)£, 28 Eq>TJ tE :1tQO£
257
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
U'l)to~, 'YµEl;; EJttotaCJOE ;; aOeµLtOV EotLV av6Ql 'loubat
Ql c)i WQLOEv), where the verb is used, as here, of his appointment as judge. l!.QL t~£ twvtwv ml VEXQ&v] Cf. 2 Tim. 4: 1; 1 Pet. 4:5. 10:43 acj>EOL v aµaQtLfuv] For the forgiveness of sins as a subject of prophecy cf. 3:18f.; Lk. 24:46f. The prophets, speaking in the name of God, proclaimed the forgiveness of sins; the gospel declares that this forgiveness is received through faith in Christ. Cf. 2:38 (if faith in Christ is not explicitly said there to be a condition of the forgiveness of sins, it is implied in the context; cf. 2:41, 44); 13:38f. (In the latter passage Paul adds justification to forgiveness, but the basic gospel is the same, whether preached by Peter or by Paul, and that not only on Luke's testimony, but on Paul's own; cf. 1 Cor. 15:11.) 263
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
mmEuovta EL£ amov] Cf. 14:23; 19:4 (mmEuw EL£, "believe in"); also 9:42; 11: 17; 16:31 (mmEuw E:itt, "believe on"), and 5: 14; 8:12; 16:34; 18:8; 24: 14; 26:27; 27:25 (mmEuw with dat.). See on 5:14.
6. Gentiles, Receiving the Holy Spirit, Are Baptized (10:44-48) 44 "En A.UA.OUVTO£ TOU ITEtQOlJ ta Q~µata tuUtu EJtEJtWEV to JtVEiiµa to iiytov E:Jtt mivtU£ toix; axouovtU£ tOV loyov. 45 xal El;EOTTJGUV oi EX JtEQLtoµfi£ JtLOTOt OOOL auvfil0av t
LEXQL vovto] "were divided (from him in opinion)" and so "disputed (with 266
11:4-17
PETER'SDEFENSE
him)." See on v. 12. Even Peter, and not only an evangelist like Philip (8: 14), is answerable to Jerusalem for his actions. ot EX :rttQLtoµiji;] See on 10:45. But it is possible that here the expression does not simply mean (believing) Jews in general, like those who accompanied Peter from Joppa to Caesarea, but those in particular who were especially zealous for the Jaw and sticklers for circumcision, like the people mentioned in 15:5 and 21 :20. Cf. Gal. 2:12, where ot EX :rttQttoµiji;, through fear of whom Peter abstained from table fellowship with Gentiles at Antioch, are the "circumcision party" in the church, those who insisted on the circumcision of Gentile converts as a condition for their admission to Christian fellowship. 11:3 ott] om P4 5. If the following verbs are read in 2nd pers. (see next note), on (o tt) may be the indirect interrogative pronoun, counterpart to the direct t(; ("Why?"). daijA.0E~ ... auvtq,ayEi;] P74 (vid) X AD 1739 byz lat syrhcl.mg;daijA.0Ev ... ouviicpayEv P4 5 B 33 81 614 1175 al syrpesh hcl. aXQof}uat(av iixovtai;] "uncircumcised"; cf. 7:51, UJtEQLtµl]tot. UXQof}uat(a (Heb. 'orliih), used in LXX (e.g., Gen. 34:14, etc.), is probably a disguised form of the etymologically clear UXQ0:1toa0(a, which is found in Hippocrates. Cf. MHT II, p. 277. auvticpayEi;] Entering a Gentile house was bad enough (see on 10:28), but eating with them was the last straw. The favor which the apostles had enjoyed in Jerusalem was no doubt largely due to their strict adherence to the traditional Jewish life-style; Stephen's attitude had gravely imperiled this favor, but it was too bad that the leader of the Twelve should thus compromise their public standing. (It is probably no accident that, shortly after this, the elder Agrippa could count on public approval when he executed James the Zebedaean and imprisoned Peter; see 12:1-3.) There were many Jews in Caesarea, despite their unpopularity in that city; the news of Peter's action soon got around, and preceded him to Jerusalem. While eating with Gentiles was the main subject of inquiry on this occasion, when wider issues were debated at the Jerusalem Council Peter used the Cornelius episode as an argument against requiring Gentile converts to be circumcised (15:7-11).
2. Peter's Defense (11 :4-17)
be ITEtQO~ E;Ett0Eto UlJtoii; XU0E;iji; A.Eywv, 5 'Eyw ~µl]V EV ltOA.El 'Io:1t:1tn JtQOCTEUXOµEVOS xal Elbov EV EXITTO.CTEl OQaµa, xataj3aivov CTXEOOS tl mi; 606vl]V µEYUAT]V tfoaaQat v UQXaii; xa0tEµEVl]V EX toii ouQavoii, xal ~A.0Ev UXQL Eµoii- 6 di; ~v UtEVtaai; XUtEVOOUV xal dbov ta tEtQCmoba tiji; yiji; xal t£] The causal sense of a.n:o is both classical and vernacular (cf. 12:14; 22:11). The 0Ai"ljJL£ is the lhwyµo; of 8:1 (where b adds xai 8U"ljJL£, perhaps from this place). XtJQLq>, 24 Otl ~v UV~Q uya06£ xal Jtt..~QT]£ JtVEuµato£ ayiou xal JtLITTEW£. xal JtQOGEtE0Tj OXt..0£ LXUVO£ tcj> XtJQLq>. 25 E1;'ijt..0EV OE EL£ TaQOOV uva~T]tijam miit..ov, 26 xal EUQCllV ~yayev EL£ 'AvtLOJCELav. EYEVEtO bE amoi£ xal Evtamov ot..ov auvax0ijvm EV tfi EXXATJGLLEA.0Eiv om P74 X AB 81 1739 pc latvg syrpesh 0 copb • The wording may imply that Barnabas followed the route taken by the itinerant Hellenists (cf. v. 19) until he reached Antioch, where he settled down to encourage and direct the new forward movement. 11:23 XUQLV ... EXUQTJ] Probably an intentional play on words; cf. Lk. 1:28, xaiQE, XEXUQLtUJµEVTJ. God's grace (XUQL£) brings joy (xaQ' 011.T]V t~V OlX01JµEVTJV· ~tLS EYEVEtO EltL K11.a1JOL01J. 29 tI.Ovta· 22 ')!.(ll, µEtaot~oai; amov ~YELQEV tov flaulb amoii; di; ~acnAia, qi xal El:n:Ev µaQtUQ~oai;, EiJQOV &tulb tOV toii 'Iwoa(, avb(>a Mta t~V X~taL£, 41 "ll>EtE, oi xatacj>QOVT]taL, xal 0auµcioatE xal acpavi.o0T]tE, Ott EQYOV EQYtT]yfjtm uµiv.
13:38 yvwatov ol)v eatw uµiv] Cf. 2:14; 4:10; 28:28. l>ta toutou] "through this man" (P74 B l>La tolito, "for this reason"). acprnt~ aµagn&v] As in 2:38; 10:43. 13:39 xal Mo Jtavtwv XtA] Paraphrased in l>: xal µEtu~0'r]tE EV voµq> Mwiiaiw£ l>txatoo0fjvm, ev toutq> ow mi~ 6 matEoov l>txatolitm Jtaga 0Eq:, (with JtaQa 0Eq:, cf. Rom. 2:13; Gal. 3:11, also with reference to justification). Grammatically, this sentence is capable of two meanings: (1) the Mosaic law provided justification from some things, but from all those things from which it could not justify, everyone who believes in Christ is justified through him; or (2) the Mosaic law could never justify from anything, but complete justification is provided through Christ to everyone who believes in him. The former interpretation is accepted by (among others) B. W. Bacon, The Story of St. Paul (London, 1905), p. 103; A. Harnack, Date of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels, E.T. (London, 1911), p. 58; P. Vielhauer, "On the 'Paulinism' of Acts" (1950-51), E.T. in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. Keck and Martyn, pp. 41f.-the conclusion being drawn that the words represent Luke's misunderstanding of Paul's position (so far, at any rate, as Jewish Christians ?.re concerned). Another way of taking the former interpretation would relate it to the sacrificial law: sin offerings were provided to expiate inadvertent offenses, but no sin offering could expiate those committed "with a high hand"; through faith in Christ, however, the slate was wiped clean, however flagrant one's previous offenses had been. But nothing in the context suggests that the sacrificial law is in view. The context is in favor of the latter interpretation: at the climax of the argument one expects a total and not a partial claim for the power of the gospel. The latter interpretation is closer to Paul's teaching on justification, although in expounding his teaching Paul does not use l>Lxatoiio0at aJt6 (the construction in Rom. 6:7, 6
311
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
yaQ an:o0avwv bEbtxaiwtm am'> tfJ£ aµaQtLU£, has different force: "a dead man is no longer answerable for his sin," NEB). Luke intends to express Paul's teaching here (just as he expresses his teaching on another subject in 9:20), and btxmofu8m should not have its force weakened, as it is in RSV, by being rendered "be freed." The only other place in the Lukan writings where the verb is used of an act of God is Lk. 18:14, where the man who confessed his sin and cast himself on the divine mercy went home bEbtxmwµtvo£ (here RSV properly translates it "justified"). Ev tomeµ ... EV voµcµ] EV of instrument or agent, found with btxatow also in Paul (e.g., Ev XQtotcj}, Gal. 2:17; Ev voµcµ, Gal. 3:11; 5:4). The present statement may be compared with Peter's argument in 15:7-11: in both passages faith accomplishes what the law cannot do. For the phrase Ev voµcµ ... btxmw8fJvm cf. 2 Bar. 51 :3, where God speaks of "the glory of those who have now been justified by my law." Contrast 4 Ezra 8:32-36, on the necessity of justification by grace for those who have no store of good works. Paul in his letters goes far beyond this, seeing all human beings, irrespective of their works, as equally in need of justification by grace. See J. J. Kilgallen, "Acts 13,38-39: Culmination of Paul's Speech in Pisidia," Bib 69 (1988), pp. 480-506. 13:40 EV toi£ JtQOq>~tm;] Cf. 7:42, where the book of the 12 prophets is also more specifically meant. The quotation is from Hab. 1:5. It was in Habakkuk that Paul found his key text for the exposition of justification by faith (Hab. 2:4, quoted in Rom. 1: 17 and Gal. 3: 11; cf. also Heb. 10:38). 13:41 tbEtE, oi xataq>QOVT]ta(, XtA.] LXX runs: 'LbEtE, oi xataq>QOVT]ta(, xal E3tl~A.E1j)atE xal 8auµaaatE Sauµama, xal a4>av(a8T]tE, btott EQYOV EYW EQYQoVT]tat ("despisers") presupposes Heb. habbogegim rather than MT baggoyim ("among the nations"). This variant reading is attested here in the Qumran commentary on Habakkuk ( I QpHab 2.1, 3, 5). Although xataq>QOVEW ("despise," "scorn") might be thought an unlikely rendering of bgd ("break faith," "commit treason"), it is so used by LXX in Prov. 13:15; Hos. 6:7; Hab. 1:13; 2:5; Zech. 3:4. There is nothing in MT corresponding to E (l'IJtO)V ltE tfi£ ouvuywyfi£ ~xoA.ou9r]ouv itoUo 1 i:&v 'Iouoo(wv XUL 'tWV OE~oµevwv ltQOO'IJA.U'tWV ,: IIuuA.cµ ')((ll ,: BUQVU~(i, o'(ttVE£ ltQOOA.UA.OUvtE£ (llJ'CO~ EltEt0ov E am&v lttEA.0Elv i:ov A.oyov rou 0Eou, in preparation for v. 44.
4. Gentile Interest Arouses Jewish Opposition (13:44-52) 44 T l>E EQXOµEVCJ) O(l~~a,:cµ OXEl>oV ltovtE£ l>E OL 'Ioooulot TOU£ OXA.01)£ EltA.~00rJOUV s~A.OU ')((ll avtEA.Eyov tol£ 'Ult() Iluu1..ou A.UA.OuµEVOl£ ~A.UOq>'l]µOUV'tE£. 46 lt6µE0U El£ 't(l E0VrJ' 470utW£ YUQ EvtE'tE 't(l ESV'I) EXULQOV ')((ll EOO!;a~ov 'tOV 1..oyov TOU XUQLOU, ')((ll EltLITTEUOUV OOOl ~ouv 'tE'twv fa' (l'IJtOU£ ~A.Sov El£ 'Ixovtov, 520'( 'tE µa0r],:al EltA.rJQOUV'tO XUQU£ XUL ltVEllµQµ~ of v. 5 was probably a plot to attack the missionaries (cf. ov6µatt tou XUQLOU 'IT]CJO'U XQtotou, a pietistic addition which makes the parallelism with the healing in the temple court more complete (cf. 3:6). OQ06£] o adds xal JtEQt:n:..o~, blaoo~sUVTE~ TU iµana am:&v Esrn~bT]OUV EL£ TOV ox>..ov, XQ(.)OOUVT)£ ta£ l«J.(.)0LU£ uµfuv. 18 xai taiita i..EyovtE£ µ6AL£ XatE:1tauaav toil£ ox;i..01J£ tou µ~ 0uEL v am:ot£. 14:14 axouaavtE£ OE ot OJtOO'tOA.OL Ba(.)va~U£ xal TiaUA.0£] UXOUOU£ OE B. xal. II. D (cf. the omission of an:oITT6i..wv in 1:260). See on v. 4 for the designation of Barnabas and Paul as "apostles." The view that Luke has drawn on a separate source for this designation may be strengthened somewhat by the unusual order "Barnabas and Paul." "Paul and Barnabas" is the usual order when the name "Paul" is used; when the name "Saul" is used, "Barnabas and Saul" is the usual order. (The order "Barnabas and Paul" in 15:12, 25 is intelligible in a Jerusalem context.) OLUQQ~;avtE£ ta tµcitta am:fuv] For am:fuv xc AB 33 36 453 pc read fomruv (if the shorter form be retained it may be provided with a rough breathing, autruv). It was in any case their own clothes that the missionaries tore. The pronoun expresses the shade of meaning which in classical Gk. would be expressed by the use of the middle voice. The action indicated their horror at blasphemy (cf. Mk. 14:63). (The action in 16:22 is quite different.) Cf. 13:51; 18:6 for similar gestures. E;E:11:~0T)OUV] ELOE:11:~0T)OUV byz. Cf. Judith 14: 16f., OLE(.)(.)T);EV ta tµEL v E:1tL 0EOV ~fuvta] P4 5 puts an:oatijvm before an:6 and l«J.L before E:1tLat(.)Eq>ELV. Cf. 1 Th. 1:9, E:1tEat(.)E1jlatE 31:(.)0£ tOV 8EOV OJ(() truv dbwi..wv ooui..EuEtv 0E ~wvtL l«J.L ai..T)Stv, words which might appropriately have been addressed to any of Paul and Barnabas's present hearers who made a positive response to their message. To Jews and God-fearing Gentiles the gospel proclaimed, "Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God"; to pagans it must begin by saying, "God is one (cf. Dt. 6:4), the living and true God, and has not left himself without witness" (aµJtov xaxti:vm] "even as they also" (i.e., the Gentiles), sc. are saved by faith. Hitherto it has been emphasized that Gentile believers share the same privileges as Jewish believers (cf. vv. 8f.; 10:47; 11:15, 17); now it is emphasized that Jewish believers share the same privileges as Gentile believers. What Peter's agreement amounts to in the context of the current dispute is that circumcision (with the concomitant obligation to observe the law of Moses; cf. Gal. 5 :3) should not be required of Gentile converts. "Peter was probably in fact and effect the bridgeman who did more than any other to hold together the diversity of first-century Christianity" (J. D. G. Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the New 337
TuE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Testament [London, 1977], p. 385). This is his final appearance in Acts; as far as Luke is concerned, "the legitimation of the mission to the Gentiles is virtually Peter's last work" (M. Hengel, Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity, E.T. [London, 1979], p. 125).
5. Paul and Barnabas Address the Council (15:12) 12 'Ea( YTJCTEV be miv to Jt11oij80£, xai ~xouov BaQVU~U xai ITUUA.011 E!;T]youµivoov oaa iito( T]lJEV 6 0EO£ CTT]µEia xai tE(lT]tfov, xa0W£ yeygamm, 16 MEt..Lxiav] Antioch was the administrative capital of the united province of Syria and Cilicia ( cf. v. 41; Gal. 1 :21). Cf. 1:8 for the name of a city followed by that of the united province in which it was situated. xaiQEL v] Imperatival use of infin.; cf. 23:26 and Jas. 1: 1 (epistolary usage); also Rom. 12: 15; Phil. 3: 16; Tit. 2:2. This construction is common in both classical and Hellenistic Gk. In general this letter is composed "on a good Greek model" (H. D. Wendland, Die urchristlichen literaturformen [Ttibingen, 1912], pp. 2f.). 15:24 tLVEv may have been omitted after wv,wv by haplography or inserted by dittography. If wmwv t&v inU£ EL EXOL tafrr:a OU'tW£. 12 JtOA.A.01, µEV ouv El; amwv EltlITTEUaav, XUL "[UJV 'El..A.TJVLO(J)V yuvmxwv twv Euox11µ6vwv xat civOQUJV oux oi..(yot. 13 'Q£ OE Eyvwoav oi Wto tfJ£ 0waai..ovixTJ£ 'IoooaioL O"[L xat iv tfi BEQOL£ EV tUXEl EA.80>at v :7tQO£ amov e;nwav. The ~ text implies that Paul went to Athens by sea, sailing from Methane or Dium. But Luke usually mentions the port of embarkation, and if the reading of byz be preferred (00£ erri t~v 8ciA.aooav), it might be concluded that those whom the Beroean brothers sent as Paul's escort made as if to conduct him to the sea, but actually took him overland by Thessaly and did not leave him until they arrived at Athens. This seems to have been the inference of the b editor, unless Ropes is right (BC 1.3, pp. 164f.) in supposing the b text to be based on a corrupt reading 8woaA.iav for 0aA.aooav in v. 14 (Ephrem has "Thessalonica"). The use ofE0>£ with another preposition occurs elsewhere in Luke-Acts (cf. 21:5; 26:11; Lk. 24:50). UrtEµEL vciv tE otE LtA.U£ xai 6 Ttµ68EO\; EXEi J With the reported movements of Paul and his companions from this point forward the information of 1 Th. 3:1-6 must be compared. The following reconstruction of the sequence of events is largely indebted to K. Lake (EEP, p. 74): 1. Paul leaves Silas and Timothy in Beroea, and goes on to Athens, from which he sends them a message asking them to rejoin him as soon as possible (17: 14f.). 2. They rejoin him in Athens (cf. 1 Th. 3:1). 374
17: 16-21
PAUL WAITS FOR HIS COMPANIONS IN ATHENS
3. Timothy is sent to Thessalonica (1 Th. 3:lf., 5), while Silas goes to some unspecified place or places in Macedonia (cf. 18:5). 4. Paul goes on from Athens to Corinth (18:1). 5. Silas and Timothy return from Macedonia and rejoin Paul in Corinth (18:5; cf. l Th. 3:6). 6. From Corinth they send the two letters to the Thessalonians. 17: 15 xa8LotavovtE;] xm:aoravovtE£ P45 DI xa8LotOJvtE£ byz. For the classical use of xa0LotT)µL meaning "conduct" cf. Thuc. Hist. 4.78.6, oi bE IlEQm~ol aurov . . . XatEITTTJOUV E£ i'.'1LOV. xal )..~6vtE£] :n:aQfJ>-.0Ev bE t~v E>waaliav, ixwluSTj YUQ EL£ aurou; XTJQU);aL tau )..6yov, >-.a~6vtE£ bf D. This addition is modeled on 16:6-8, down to the distinctive use of the verb :rtUQEQX,oµm (Paul by-passed Thessaly on this occasion because he was forbidden to preach the gospel there, just as he and his companions had bypassed Mysia on the earlier occasion). w; ta)(.Lota] Literary (contrast EV ta)(.EL D); this is the only NT occurrence of tU)(.Lota.
4. Paul Waits for His Companions in Athens (17:16-21) 16 'Ev bE tau; 'Aeftvm; EXbE)(.OµEV01J aurou; tou IlaUJ..01.J, :7tUQW;UVEto to :rtVEi,µa aurou EV aurcµ 0EWQOUvt0£ XatE (bw)..ov oooav t~V :n:6>-.L v. 17 bLEJ..EYEtO µEV ouv EV tfl auvaywyfl tou; 'loubaLOL£ xal. tou; OE~OµEVOL£ xal EV tfl ayoQ~ xm:a :rtciaav ~µEQUV :7tQ0£ tOU£ :n:aQatuyx.avovr~. 18tlVE£ bE xal. tOJV 'E:rtLX01JQLWV xal Lto°iXOJV V 01.JVE~UJ..J..OV autcµ, xa( tlVE£ EJ..Eyov, T( av 0EJ..Ol 6 0:7tEQµo)..6yo£ 0&0£ >-.EYEL v; oi bf, 2:Evwv bmµov(wv boxEI xatayyE>-.Ei,c; d vm· otL tov 'IT)OOUV xal. t~V avaatv E'UQOV ;cal ~roµov EV 4> EJ'tfYEYQUJ'ttO ArNQLTQ SEQ. o oiiv ayvoo'iivtE uµiv. 24 6 0Eo ran(wvt eµei..Ev.
18:12 ran(wvo£] M. Annaeus Novatus, as he originally was, was a son of the elder Seneca and brother of Seneca the philosopher and of Mela, the father of the poet Lucan. He was born in Cordova, and came to Rome with his father in the principate of Tiberius. He was there adopted by the rhetorician L. Junius Gallio, whose name he thenceforth bore. Under Claudius he became proconsul of Achaia (see next note). He left his province because of a fever and went on a cruise for his health (Seneca, Ep. Mor. 104.1). At later date we find him taking another voyage from Rome to Egypt after his consulship (A.D. 55) because of threatened phthisis (Pliny, NH 31.33). On the death of Seneca in A.D. 65, Gallio begged successfully for his life (Tac. Ann. 15.73), but later fell victim to Nero's suspicion, along with his other brother Mela (Dio Cass. Hist. 62.25). Seneca (NQ 4a, praef. 11) praises his virtues and lovable character ("nemo enim mortalium uni tam dulcis est quam hie omnibus"); cf. Statius, Silvae 2.7.32:
394
18:12-17
PAULBEFOREGALLIO
hoc plus quam Senecam dedisse mundo aut dulcem generasse Gallionem.
Dio Cassius (Hist. 61.35) speaks of his wit, quoting a tasteless joke (by our standards) about the death of Claudius. av0umitou ovto; tij; 'Axaia;] av0uJtatEuovto; tij; 'A byz. Achaia was governed by a proconsul from 27 B.C. to A.O. 15, when it was united with Macedonia and Moesia to form one imperial province; in A.O. 44 it was handed back to the senate and was once again governed by a proconsul. It was a province of the second rank; the proconsul held office "after holding the praetorship, and generally before the consulship" (Ramsay, SPT, p. 258). The date of Gallio's proconsulship is fixed rather precisely by an inscription recording a rescript of Claudius to the citizens of Delphi (S/G3, § 801). The rescript, dated from Claudius's 26th acclamation as imperator, i.e., within the first seven months of A.O. 52 (from CJL 3.476, 6.1256, with Frontinus, De aqu. 1.13, it appears that by the beginning of August in that year he had been acclaimed imperator for the 27th time), mentions a directive issued by "my friend Gallio, proconsul of Achaia," in terms implying that Gallio has been proconsul but is so no longer. Since Claudius made provincial governors set out from Rome year by year not later than mid-April (Dio Cass. Hist. 60.17.3), a date not later than May, A.O. 51, is indicated for Gallio's entrance on his proconsulship. By the time of Claudius's rescript (? May/June, A.O. 52), he had demitted office (for health reasons, according to Seneca). See A Brassac, "Une inscription de Delphes et la chronologie de Saint Paul," RB 10 (1913), pp. 36-53, 207-17; A Plassart, "L'inscription de Delphes mentionnant le Proconsul Gallion," REG 80 (1967), pp. 372-78; B. Schwank, "Der sogenannte Brief an Gallio und die Datierung des 1 Thess.," BZ n.s. 15 (1971), pp. 265f.; J. H. Oliver, "The epistle of Claudius which mentions the Proconsul Junius Gallio," Hesperia 40 (1971), pp. 239f.; K. Haacker, "Die Gallia-Episode und die paulinische Chronologie," BZ n.s. 16 (1972), pp. 252-55; C. J. Herner, "Observations on Pauline Chronology," in Pauline Studies, ed. D. A Hagner and M. J. Harris (Exeter/Grand Rapids, 1980), pp. 3-18, especially pp. 6-9. The incident here recorded, according to J. Murphy-O'Connor, "must have taken place between July and October A.O. 51" (St. Paul's Corinth, pp. 149f.). G. Ludemann (Paul: Chronology, pp. 158-73) dates Paul's evangelization of Corinth ten years earlier than this, and. thinks that the Gallia incident belongs to Paul's last visit to the city, on the eve of his last journey to Judaea (cf. 20:2f.). Luke, he says, tends to place all he has to say about Paul's association with any one place in the setting of his first visit to it. If we were forced to this conclusion, we should have to accept it, but we are not so forced-certainly not by the chronological indications of Paul's letters. Paul was encouraged by the outcome of the Gallia incident to spend more time in Corinth (v. 18); his schedule on the occasion of his later visit (cf. 20:16) did not permit him to prolong his stay. Luke's reference to Gallia, in conjunction with the inscription from Delphi, provides us with a welcome fixed point for the chronology of Paul's ministry. 395
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
6µo0uµabov oi 'Ioubatot] oi 'Ioul>atOL 6µo0uµabov B 2495 cop.[> adds auv1..a1..~aavtE£ µE0' foutfuv E!tl TOV rraut..ov, xaL Em0EVTE£ TCL£ XELQ text is preserved by lath syrhcl **).The Jews in various cities throughout the empire were allowed to exercise a considerable degree of jurisdiction over members of their own community, subject to the overriding authority of the Roman power. Paul's reference to his receiving the "forty stripes save one" on five occasions implies that he submitted to the jurisdiction of Jewish authorities (to have refused synagogue discipline, relying on his rights as a Roman citizen, would have been practical apostasy, and he would not thus cut himself off from his people). EnL to ~ijµa] The elaborate podium overlooking the lower terrace of the forum of Roman Corinth is commonly pointed out as Gallio's tribunal; see, however, E. Dinkier, "Das Berna zu Korinth," in Signum Crucis: Aufsiitze zum Neuen Testament und zur christlichen Archiiologie (Ti.ibingen, 1967), pp. 118-33. For ~ijµa of the tribunal of a Roman judge cf. 25:6, 10, 17; Mt. 27: 19; Jn. 19:13. 18:13 1..i:yovtE£]prae/xat~ofuvtE£ xai, D lath (representingl>). naQa tov v6µov] Paul's accusers probably meant that he was giving religious teaching not countenanced by Roman law and forming his adherents into a collegium illicitum. This is different from the charges brought against him at Philippi (16:21) and Thessalonica (17:6f.). There may be a studied ambiguity in the words "contrary to the law": did they mean Roman or Jewish law? F. Blass thought the "law" in question was Julius Caesar's decree in favor of Hyrcanus II, confirming the Jews' existing privileges (cf. Jos.Ant. 14.190-95); but this decree probably related to Judaea. Galli o's reply meant in effect that he was not concerned with Jewish law and that Paul had committed no offense against Roman law. avanEi0EL] The only NT occurrence. MM quote papyrus evidence for the word in the sense of evil persuasion; they refer also to Jer. 29 (LXX 36):8; 1 Mace. 1:11. LSJ refer to Herodotus, Hist. 3.148; 5.66, etc., for its use in the sense "seduce," "mislead." 18:14 Q?.l>to'UQYl]µa J Cf. Q~l>LOuQyta (13: 10), which also seems to imply fraud or deception ("false pretenses," MM). Both words occur once only in the NT. 'Ioul>atOL] co o.v{>QE£ 'Ioubaiot D lath vg (representing b ). xma 1..6yov] "reasonably," "as is reason." avrnx6µl]V] In 2 Cor. 11: 1 avi:xoµm is used of listening patiently while others are allowed to speak. In a judicial context (as here) it has the technical sense of taking up a case, accepting a complaint. 18:15 !tEQL 1..6you Xa~. 25 oi'rro£ ~v xatl]X,T]µEVO£ t~v ooov toii XUQLOU, xal sEOJV tc'jl JtVEUµatL EA.UA.El xal eMbaoXEV CtXQl~W£ ta JtEQL toii 'IT]OO'U, EJtlCTtUµEVO£ µ6vov to ~(lJttLOµa 'Iwuvvou. 260iJtO£ tE ~Ql;ato JtUQQT]OLUsE00m EV tfi ouvaymyfi· cixouoavtE£ bE autoii IlQLOXLA.Aa xal 'Axu11.a£ JtQOOEA.U~OvtO atitov xal O.XQl~EOtEQOV aurcj:, El;E0Evt0 t~V 6Mv toii 0EOii. 21~ou11.oµivou bt autoii bLE11.8Eiv EL£ t~v 'Ax.a(av JtQOtQE'ljHlµEVOL oi abE11.cpol iiyQmpav toi£ µa0T]tai£ aoobE£Uo0m aut6v· 8£ JtUQayEVOµEVO£ ouvE~UAEto JtOA.'U tOi£ JtEJtlCTtEUXOOL Vbla t~£ X,UQlto£" 28 E'UtOVOl£ YUQ tOi£ 'IoubatOl£ btaMtl]AEYX,Eto bl]µOOL~ EJtlbELXVU£ bLa t&v YQacj>&v dvm tov XQLCTtOV 'IT]OO'UV. Now that Paul is on his way back to Ephesus, the record of events there since his hasty departure is brought up to date, before we learn of his arrival (19:1). 18:24 'AJto11.11.&£] 'AJtEAA.~£ l'{ (cf. Horace, Sat. 1.5.100, "credat Iudaeus Apella")/'AJtoHcovw£ D (the full form of the name). The name Apollos "is fairly common in Egypt" (New Docs. 1 [1976], § 50, where references are given to other instances). i\A.El;avbQE'U£ tc'jl yivn] Cf. IlovtLxov tc'jl ylivEL, v. 2. Alexandria in Egypt, founded by Alexander the Great in 331 B.C., afforded from its earliest days a home for many Jews; by the first century A.O. they inhabited two out of its five wards and had their own constitution, separate from the civic government. It was the chief literary center of the Hellenistic world, Jewish as well as Gentile; here the LXX and the works of Philo saw the light, as well as such minor works as Wisdom and 2 Maccabees. av~Q 11.6yL0£] "a learned man"; 11.6yw£ has this sense in classical and also in Mod. Gk. The meaning "eloquent" (given to it by lat syr KJV), which is deprecated by Phrynichus, is secondary; the earliest example given by LSJ is from Demetrius, De elocutione 38 (c. A.O. 50-100). "Perhaps some such general sense as 'a man of culture' best gives the sense" here (MM). buvato£ oov EV ta~ yQacpai£] So the 'Iouba(mv 11.oyLcotatoL of Jos. Ant. 17.149 showed their learning as outstanding El;TJYT]tal t&v JtatQLOJV v6µwv. 18:25 outO£ ~v xatl]X,T]µEVO£] + EV t'fi JtatQtbL D latg (representing b ), implying that Christianity had reached Alexandria by A.O. 50, which is in any case highly probable. The origins of Alexandrian Christianity are, however, very obscure: only in the second half of the second century do they emerge from obscurity. Much that is written on the subject is imaginative; only the careful study of relevant papyri yields anything like firm evidence. See H. I. Bell, Jews and Christians in Egypt (London, 1924), and "Evidences of Christianity in Egypt during the Roman Period," HTR 37 (1944), pp. 185-208; W. Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity (1934, 21964), E.T. (Philadelphia, 1971), pp. 44-60; E. Molland, The 401
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Conception of the Gospel in Alexandrian Theology (Oslo, 1938); C. H. Roberts, "The Christian Book and the Greek Papyri," JTS 50 (1949), pp. 155-68, and Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London, 1979); S. G. F. Brandon, The Fall ofJerusalem and the Christian Church (London, 1951), pp. 217-43; A Ehrhardt, "Christianity before the Apostles' Creed," The Framework of the New Testament Stories (Manchester, 1964), pp. 151-99; L. W. Barnard, "St. Stephen and Early Alexandrian Christianity," NTS 7 (1960-61), pp. 31-45, and "St. Mark and Alexandria," HTR 57 (1964), pp. 145-50; M. Smith, Clement ofAlexandria and a Secret Gospel of Mark (Cambridge, MA, 1973); E. A Judge and S. R. Pickering, "Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century," JAC 20 (1977), pp. 47-71; B. A Pearson and J.E. Goehring (eds.), The Roots of Egyptian Christianity (Philadelphia, 1986). The fact that Apollos was accurately acquainted with the story of Jesus, but was ignorant of Christian baptism, suggests that his knowledge came to him along some other line of transmission than that traced in Acts. F. Blass (PG, pp. 29-31) suggests that he was dependent on a written Gospel (either Mark, or something like it); but l«ltTJXTJµEVO£ may rather imply oral instruction (cf. Lk. 1:4). t~V ooov tOU XUQLOU] om ,:01) XUQLOU P4 1 B 614 pc I tOV ">..oyov tou XUQLOU D. For Ov '&j>wiwv] B repeats this clause, "picturesquely," say LC, who adopt the double reading in their translation, adding, "It may be a dittography; if so, it is a happy one." See on v. 28 for the breading (here as there). c. The town clerk calms the agitation (19:35-41)
35 XatUITTELAai; be 1:0V Ol(.AOV 6 yQaµµatElli; q>TJOLV, 'Avb()Ei; '&j>fotm, ,:(i; YUQ EITTL v av0QW:7tOJV oi; OU YL VWOXEL ,:~v '&j>WLOJV 3tOAL v VEOJWQOV oiioav ,:~i; µqaAT)i; 'AQtEµLboi; xal 1:0U bL0:7tEtoiii;; 36 avavtLQQ~l:OJV OtrV OV'l:OJV 1:0Ul:OJV bfov eai:lv uµai; xmEmaAµEvoui; u:7taQX.EL v iml µl]bev 3tQ0:7tEi:ei; 3tQaooEt v. 37 ~yayEi:E YUQ toui; UVbQUi; ,:omoui; OUl:E LEQOOlJAOUi; OU,:E f\AUOq>l]µouvi:ai; T~V 0EOV ~µcilv. 38EL µev OtrV L'lT]µ~tQtoi; xal oi ouv amcji 1:El(.VL'l:UL El(.OUOLV 3tQ6i; 1:LVU 1,.oyov, ayoQULOL tH:n::n:wv, xa.l ~WoµEv :n:QOS a.moil; ELS T~V TQcpa twvta, xal n:aQEXA.~0lJaav ou µttQ(wi;.
20:7 tfl µL(i tcilv a~~atwv] Originally "the first day after the sabbath"; then "the first day of the week." Cf. Mk. 16:2 par.; 1 Cor. 16:2. From the primary meaning "sabbath day" (see on 13:14), aa~~ata and aa~~atov acquired the extended sense of the interval between two sabbath days, i.e., a week (so l>li; toii aa~~atou, "twice in the week," Lk. 18: 12). The cardinal numeral µL(i is used in the sense of the ordinal (cf. Tit. 3:10; Ps. 23 LXX [24 MT]:1, 'lj)a),,µoi; tcp 1'.au({>· tf]i; µuii; aa~~atoov). See J. H. Moulton, MHT I, p. 96; A Thumb,Handbook of the Modern Greek Vernacular, E.T. (Edinburgh, 1912), § 130, p. 82. auvljyµevoov ~µcilv x),,aam liQtov] See on 2:42, tfl x),,aaEL toii liQtou. The reference is probably to a communal meal, shared by the local believers as well as the travelers (~µcilv), in the course of which the Eucharist was celebrated. See on v. 11. 6 IIau),,oi; l>LEA.EYEto auto ii;] A conversation rather than an address is indicated, a "sermon" in the etymological sense of the word (Lat. sermo, "conversation"). Cf. 6µL1,.~aai;, v. 11. The third person pron. auto ii; after ~µcilv in the preceding clause suggests that the meeting took place in the worship setting of the church of Troas. Nothing is said of evangelism at Troas on its earlier featuring in Luke's narrative (16:8), but Paul's attempt to preach the gospel there a year or two before was probably more fruitful than he thought at the time, amid his preoccupation with the crisis in the Corinthian church (2 Cor. 2:12f.; amoii; here no doubt includes the people indicated by amoii; in 2 Cor. 2:13). tfl en:aUQLov] If this be compared with liXQL auyf]i; (v. 11), it may be inferred that for Luke the day did not begin, in the Jewish way, at sunset, but in the Greek 425
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
way, at dawn; it was therefore not on Saturday evening but on Sunday evening that they came together. :itaQEtELVEV tE tov 1,.6yov] For Paul's lengthy discourses cf. 28:23, an:o :itQw'i: EW Jtotµviq:i, EV CJ) iµLa. toU u'4.Lutos tOU Uitou. 29£YW oloo Otl ELCJEA.EUCJOvtUL µmt t~V llq>Ll;tv µou A.UXOL ~UQEL£ ds iµ..duv tou 0rnll). 20:26 1«10UQOS dµt xtA) Cf. 18:6 (and, for an OT background, Ezek. 3:1521; 33:4). 20:27 OU YUQ 'UJtEotELA.UµTjV toU µ~ uvuyyEiA.m] Cf. v. 20. Jtiiouv t~v ~ou>..~v toii 0wu] For the "counsel" $ouA.~) of God cf. 2:23; 4:28; 13:36; in the Pauline corpus the expression appears only in Eph. 1:11 (xmu t~v ~oul~v toll 0EA~µmos uutofJ). ~ou>..TJµu appears in Rom. 9:19 (tcj> yaQ ~ou>..~µun amoii tis uv0EotTJXEv;). Here "all the counsel of God" corresponds to and explains the "expedient things" of v. 20. 20:28 JtQOOEXEtE fomois] Cf. 2 Tim. 4:16 (EJtE)'.E ornmcj>). tcj> Jtmµviq:i) Cf. to µtxQov Jtoiµvwv, Lk. 12:32; µia JtoiµvTJ, Jn. 10:16. EV CJ) iµas to JtVEiiµU to iiytov E0Eto EJtl(JX0JtOU£] It is uncertain whether the Holy Spirit's appointing them as guardians consisted in his bestowing the appropriate XUQWµu on them (cf. 1 Cor. 12:7-11) orto his marking them out by the voice of prophecy in the church (cf. 13:2, 4; 1 Tim. 4:14). ForeJtioxoJtOL cf. Phil. 1:1; 1 Tim. 3:2; Tit. 1:7. These men are called JtQE~utEQOL by Luke (v. 17) and here, by implication, JtOLµEVES (cf. Eph. 4: 11 ). Other NT designations for those discharging this kind of ministry in the church are JtQO°Lot ~ liyye1.o;] Referring to Paul's experience on the Damascus road. If they can bring themselves to admit the possibility that this experience was a genuine revelation from heaven, then indeed they are not far from the kingdom of God (Mk. 12:34). The apodosis to the conditional clause is suppressed; byz supplies it withµ~ 8rnµaxooµ£v (cf. 5:39). 23:10 µ~ l'>Laonao0fi] "lest he should be pulled apart" (cf. Mk. 5:4, of Legion's treatment of the chains with which he was bound). to atQcttEUµa] I.e., the detachment of soldiers on duty at the time (cf. Lk. 23:11). xata~av] From the Antonia fortress (the naQE~o11.~); the Sanhedrin's meeting place was on the southwestern slope of the temple hill (Jos. BJ 5.144). liyEL v tE] tE om B 69.
9. The Lord Appears to Paul by Night (23:11) 11 Tfi & Emouon V'IJXtL Emata; aut
~tat£ yEyQaµµEVOL£, ISEA.n:(oa EXWV EL£ tov 0EOV, ~v 'XUL autol O'IJtOL ll:QOCTOEXOvtm, avciataCTL v µEA.A.El v forn0m Ot'X{ll(J)V tE 'XUL al'>t'XWV' 16 EV tout(Jl 'XUl U'Ut0£ UCT'X(J) Ull:QOCT'XOll:OV CTUVELOT]Ol v EXEL v l1:QO£ tov 0EOV 'X{ll tO'U£ civ0QWl1:0U£ Ota n:avtO£, 17 0t' ft(J}V OE ll:A.ElOVUlV EA.ET]µc)CTUVU£ n:m ~owv EL£ to E0VO£ µou ll:UQfYEVOµT]V xal l1:QOCTq>OQU£, 18 EV al£ digov µe ~yvwµevov EV tcp LEQ(jl, OU µEta OXA.OU oubE µEta 0og~ou, l 9tl VE£ OE an:o tfJ£ 'ACT LU£ 'Ioubalot, OU£ Ebfl En:l CTOU ll:UQELVat 'XUL XatT]yOQELV E'( tt EXOLEV l1:QO£ EµE, -20 ~ amoi o&ot dn:] As in v. 2. For Wvo~ used by Jews of their own nation cf. also 26:4; 28:19 (in both places Paul is again the speaker); Lk. 7:5; 23:2. It is used of the Jewish nation by Gentiles in 10:22. The noun in the sing. was used of a politically organized ethnic community, e.g., of the Jews of Alexandria, with the Ef.lvE auto\)£ 6 naui..c; xal OU l((lA.A.lOV EJtlYl VWOXELavtoav oi ClQ:(LEQEi£ xal oi JtQEO~utEQOL twv 'Iouoa(wv, aho,iµEVOL xat' ain:ou XataOLXTJV' 16 3tQO£ ou; TJOLV, axouan ain:ou.
25:13 ~µEQOJV bE btayEvoµivoov tt vwv] "And after an interval of some days"; for bta in btayEVOµEVCllV cf. 24: 17. 'AyQtltltU£ 6 ~aotAEU£] Herod Agrippa II, described on his coins as Marcus Julius Agrippa (his name as a Roman citizen), was the son of Herod Agrippa I (see on 12:1 ), born in A.O. 27. He was in Rome when his father died in 44, and Claudius was disposed to give him his father's kingdom, but was dissuaded (on account of the son's youth), and Judaea again became a Roman province. In 50, however, Claudius gave Agrippa the kingdom of Chalcis (in Lebanon) in succession to his uncle Herod, together with the right of appointing the Jewish high priests. In 53 Agrippa exchanged Chalcis for Batanaea, Gaulanitis, Trachonitis, and Abila, which had formed part of his father's kingdom; three years later Nero gave him in addition the regions of Tiberi as and Tarichaea, west of the sea of Galilee, together with Julias in Peraea and 14 neighboring villages. As a compliment to Nero he changed the name of his capital from Caesarea Philippi to Neronias (modern Banyas/ Ilavda£). Like his father he called himself ~aotAEU£ µeya; q,t)..6xmoaQ EUOE~~; xal q>LAOQWµmo£. He did his best to avert the revolt of AD. 66 (see the speech attributed to him in Jos. BJ 2.345-401); when his efforts failed, he remained loyal to the empire throughout the war and was rewarded with a further increase of territory and 490
25: 13-22
AGRIPPA II AND BERNICE VISIT FESTUS
(in 75) with promotion to praetorian rank. He corresponded with Josephus about the latter's BJ, confirming its accuracy (Jos. Vita 362-66; Ap. 1.51 ). He died childless about the end of the century. Cf. Jos. BJ 2.233, 245, 247, 309, 337-407; 3.56f.; 7.97; Ant. 19.354, 360-62; 20.104, 135, 138-40, 159, 179, 189-93, 203, 211-13; Vita 34, 38f., 46, 48, 52, 61, 74, 112, 114, 126, 131, 149, 154f., 162, 180-82, 185, 220, 340-56, 359, 362-67, 381-84, 388-91, 397f., 407f., 410. See also A.H. M. Jones, The Herods of Judaea (Oxford, 1938), pp. 207-31; Schurer I, pp. 471-83. BEQVLX'I]] This form replaced the earlier BEQEVLX'I] by the operation of "Kretschmer's law" (which states that in popular Hellenistic Gk. an unstressed vowel after A,µ, v, orQ dropped out when the same vowel stood in the preceding syllable). Berenice was a common name for women of the Macedonian royal families (Veronica is a latinized form). The corresponding general Gk. form was ckQEVLXt]. Julia Berenice was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I, born in A.O. 28, and given in marriage by her father to his brother Herod, king of Chalcis. When her husband died in 48, she lived in the house of her brother Agrippa. Later she married Polemon, king of Cilicia, but soon left him and returned to her brother. As the wife of Herod and, after him, Polemon she had the title "queen": she is styled "great queen" in /G 3.556 == C/G 361 ('Iou1,.iuv BEQEVLX'l]V ~uaiA.LCJCJuv µqaA'l]V). On a Lat. inscription from Beirut she is called regina Berenice regis magni A[grippae ft.Zia] (Comptes rendus de l 'Academie des Inscriptions [1927], pp. 243f. ). In Jerusalem, in the spring of 66, she performed a Nazirite vow and attempted in vain, not without personal risk, to prevent a massacre of Jews by the procurator Gessius Florus; later, however, when her house in Jerusalem had been burned by Jewish insurgents, she became an ardent pro-Flavian, like her brother. She attracted the attention of Titus during the war, and later lived with him on the Palatine, when she came to Rome with Agrippa in 75. Titus was dissuaded from marrying her by popular disapproval at Rome, and severed his connection with her. Cf. Jos. BJ 2.217, 220f., 310-14, 333f., 405, 426, 595;Ant. 19.276f., 354; 20.104, 143, 145f.; Vita 48, 119, 180f., 343, 355; Juvenal, Sat. 6.156-60; Tac. Hist. 2.2; Suet. Tit. 7.1; Dio Cass. Hist. 65.15; 66.18. See also G. H. Macurdy, "Julia Berenice," AJP 56 (1933), pp. 246-53; J. A. Crook, "Titus and Berenice," AJP 72 (1951), pp. 162-75; D. C. Braund, "Berenice in Rome," Historia 33 (1984), pp. 120-23. xut~vtt]auv ... to 31:(.)0~yayov (l'IJtOV tqi' uµwv xal µakL..acji xai TOL£ E0VEOLV. 26:22 imxoUQLU(; oiiv TUJCWV] This is the one NT occurrence of the good classical word imxouQia (it also occurs once in LXX: Wisd. 13:18). It is used with Tuyxavw (as here) in Polybius, Diodorus, Josephus, and papyri. See New Docs. 3 (1978), § 37. µtxQtj'J TE xal µqa>..(J)] I.e., to all. Cf. 8: 10; also v. 29 below, xal EV 6>..t y(J) xal EV µey..(J). oooi:v EXTO£ >..iywv] For 011 (oubiv) with ptc. cf. 7:5; 28:17, 19. Parallels are quoted from papyri. "In many of these examples we can distinctly recognize, it seems, the lingering consciousness, that the proper negative for a statement of a downright fact is ou" (MHT I, pp. 231f.). Jiv TE oi :n:Qocj>~Tm] For Jiv o'i TE :n:Qocj>*m, a not uncommon backward attraction of TE. ot ltQOq>~Tm ... xa1 Mwi.io~(;] I.e., the OT scriptures; cf., in a similar context, Lk. 24:27, 44. Paul insists throughout that his gospel is the logical and necessary fulfilment of the OT revelation, "the law and the prophets" (Rom.1:2; 16:26; 1 Cor. 15:3f.). µEHovtwv yivw0m] Note the attraction of µE>..>..ovtwv (for µt>..>..Etv) to v, itself an example of Attic attraction. xal Mwi.ia~£] scriptum est enim in Moyse late h (probably by way of introducing the EL clauses in v. 23). 26:23 EL :n:a01JTO(; 6 XQtato(;] "whether the Messiah is to suffer." This and the following EL clause may be regarded as headings from a collection of messianic testimonia, OT texts in which Christians recognized predictions fulfilled in the passion and resurrection of Jesus and in related gospel events (see on 1:20): "Must the Messiah suffer?" "Must he rise from the dead?" and so on. See J. R. Harris, Testimonies, I, pp. 19f.; II, p. 77; C.H. Dodd,According to the Scriptures, pp. 16f.; B. Lindars, New Testament Apologetic, p. 80; A. T. Hanson, The Living Utterances of God, p. 81. Cf. Justin, Dial. 39.7, on yo.Q :n:a01JTO£ 6 XQtatO£ bto. Tci>v yQUcpci>v XTJQUOOETm ... ixavci>~ ... u:n:ooibrnam (similarly 89.2). By these headings Luke summarizes the arguments from prophecy which Paul (it is implied) used in addressing Agrippa. For insistence elsewhere on the passion and resurrection of Jesus as foretold by Moses and the prophets cf. 3: 18; 17:3; Lk. 24:25-27, 44-47. :n:Qci>To~ E!; avaataoEw~ vExeci>v] "first out of the resurrection of the dead," i.e., "the first that should rise from the dead" (KJV) or "the firstfruits of those who have fallen asleep" (1 Cor. 15:20). As has been pointed out already (see on 23:6), for Paul the resurrection of the dead in general cannot be separated from the resurrection of Christ in particular, since his resurrection is the first instalment and guarantee of theirs. For i!; avaataoEw£ VEX{)ci>v cf. Rom. 1:4, also with reference to the resurrection of Christ. cpoo£ µEA.A.Et xatayyi>..>..u v T..acµ xal toi~ ·rnvwt v1Cf. 13 :4 7, quoting Isa. 49:6 (with other scripture references in notes ad Loe.); Lk. 2:32. Both Israel and the Gentiles are to receive the same gospel light. 504
26:24-29
AGREEMENT ON PAUL'S INNOCENCE
13. Interchange between Festus, Paul, and Agrippa (26:24-29) 24 Tafn:a bE amou UJto)..oyouµivou o 4,iim:0£ µq ')((lL EV µey ou µovov aE unu ')((ll :n:Qoauv1J is the antithesis of demon possession (cf. 2 Cor. 5: 13); here Paul uses it as the antithesis of µavia (which is another kind of possession). Cf. Plato, Protag. 323B, o E'l!.£1 acocpQOOUVTJV ~youvto Elvm tUA1]0ij AEYEL v, EvtaOOa µav(av. According to Xenophon, Mem. 1.1.16; 3.9.6f., acocj>QoauvTJ or aoq,(a is the opposite of µavia. According to Philo, Vtt. Mays. 1.5.11, 21-23, 25, acoQOOUVTJ is the result of good nmbE(a. un:ocp0Eyyoµm] Of solemn utterance; cf. 2:4, 14. 26:26 ')((lL 3tllQQ1JOLQaµuvtrJVwoaA.OVLXEW£] E>woaA.OVLXEWV [le 'AQLITTUQXO£ xai Thxoiivbo~ 614 1518 2495 pc syrhcl (representing b), under the influence of 20:4. It has been generally supposed that Aristarchus accompanied Paul to Rome (Col. 4: IO and Phlm. 24 would be relevant here if these letters were sent from Rome); he may, however, have been on his way home to Thessalonica, for which he could expect to find a connecting passage at one of the ports in Asia. Ramsay (SPT, p. 316) supposed that Aristarchus and Luke "must have gone" as Paul's slaves; thus "his importance in the eyes of the centurion was much enhanced" ( an unnecessary and improbable supposition). 27:3 xat~x0r]µEv d~ LLbciJva] "we put in at Sidon," about 69 miles north of Caesarea. Achilles Tatius (Leucippe and Clitophron I .I) mentions its double harbor and calls it "the mother city of the Phoenicians" (µ~tl'JQ fuL VL)((l)V ~ JtOAL£). (j)LA.av0QooJtw~ ... XQrJoaµEvo~] "treated kindly" (an idiomatic expression). JtQO£ tot)\; (jl(A.o~] "to his friends"; but Harnack (Mission and Expansion of Christianity, E.T. [London, 1908], I, pp. 419-21, II, pp. 25-34) suggested "to the Friends," regarding oi q>LA.oL as perhaps another name by which Christians called one another (see on 11:26), and comparing 3 Jn. 15. Sidon was probably evangelized as part of the advance chronicled in 11: 19 (cf. Tyre, 21 :3-6). lmµEA.ELa~ tuX,Eiv] Another idiomatic expression. This is the only NT occurrence of the noun emµe>.Ew. Cf. lmµEA.foµm, Lk. 10:34f., of medical attention. 27:4 uJtrnA.EuaaµEv t~v KuJtQov] "we sailed under the lee of Cyprus," i.e., east and north of the island, the prevailing wind in the Levant through the summer months being westerly or northwesterly. Thus a ship going from Syria to Lycia coasted, helped probably by the land breeze blowing, especially at night, about 90 degrees to the shore; a ship doing the reverse journey fared directly over the open sea, passing west of Cyprus (cf. 21: 1-3). 27:5 t6 tE JtEAUYO£ ... bLUJtAEUOUvtE£] + bL' ~µEQWV bEXUJtEvtE 614 1518 2147 lath vg.cod.ardmach syrhcl * * ( representing b), a probable estimate for the voyage between Caesarea and Myra, if they had to hug the coast until they had passed under the lee of Cyprus, after which there was nothing for it but to "sail across the open sea" (JteA.ayo~) between Cyprus and the southern coast of Asia Minor. Lucian (Nav. 7) gives nine days for a voyage from Sidon to the Lycian coast. MuQCL] MUQQU B (whence, by a misunderstanding, LµUQvav 69; an even more aberrant reading is AuatQuv p7 4 ~ lat copb 0 ). According to[), Myra was Paul's port of trans-shipment on his last voyage to Judaea (21:1). Myra, or rather its port 512
27: 6-8
THEY TRANS-SHIP AT MYRA AND SAIL TO CRETE
Andriace (c. 3 1/2 miles west-southwest of Myra; cf. Strabo, Geog. 14.3.7), was one of the chief ports of the imperial grain service. The site of Myra is now known as Kocademre ("Old Demre," marked by remains of a theatre, aqueduct, and rock tombs); modem Demre stands a mile to the south. See G. E. Bean, Lycian Turkey: An Archaeological Guide (London, 1978), pp. 120-30.
2. They Trans-ship at Myra and Sail to Crete (27:6-8) 6 Kaxe l EUQWV 6 EXUtovtUQXTJ£ JtA.0 lov 'AfesavbQL VOV JtA.EOV EL£ t~V 'ltaHav he~(~aoev ~µa£ EL£ am:6. 7 h [xavai£ bE ~µEQUL£ ~QUbun)..oouvte£ xai µo1..L£ yev6µevOL xatu t~v Kv(bov, µ~ JtQOOEfuvto£ ~µa£ tou avi\µou, unen1..euoaµev t~v KQ~tTJV xatu LUA.µffiVTJV, 8 µ61..L£ tE JtUQU1..ey6µevOL am:~v ~)..0oµev EL£ t6nov n vu xa1..ouµevov Ka1..0U£ ALµEVU£, cµ EYYU£ ~v n61..L£ Aaoa(a.
27 :6 EUQUJV 6 EmtovtUQXTJ£ n1..o iov 'AfesavbQL vov JtA.Eov EL£ t~v 'lta)..(av] This ship of Alexandria appears from v. 38 to have been a grain ship. Egypt was the chief granary of Rome, and the regular and adequate supply of grain from Egypt was of the greatest importance for the stability of the state and the power of the emperor. The service of ships devoted to the Alexandrian trade was a department of state, "the oldest and best organized com fleet of Rome ... organized for the service of the state as early as the Ptolemaic period" (M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 2 1957], II, p. 708). The ships were privately owned, but as their owners (vamATJQOL, as in v. 11) let their services out under contract to the state, they operated under state control, and if Julius was afrumentarius (see on v. 1), the authority which he assumed on board this ship of Alexandria is readily understood, and there may be more significance than appears on the surface in the statement that it was "the centurion" who "found" this ship at Myra. C. J. Herner ("First Person Narrative ... ," pp. 94f.) quotes a Lat. inscription from Andriace (CIL 3.6738 = /LS 5908) of the time of Trajan (c. 119), marking an imperial building for the storage of grain, and another of the same period from Patara (CJL 3.12129). See also New Docs. 1 (1976), § 9 (especially p. 44). It was already late in the sailing season (see on v. 9), and the ship owner was no doubt anxious to make what speed he could and complete the voyage before the seas were closed for the winter. Myra was by no means out of his way: with a steady wind from the west, the best route from Alexandria to Rome was by Myra. (Lucian's ship, attempting the straight run from Alexandria to Myra, was driven to Sidon.) From Myra a northerly wind would take the ship to Sicily; thence a change of wind to the west would bring it to Puteoli or Ostia. 27:7 ~Qabun1.ooiivtE£ ml µ61.L£ yev6µevoL xatu t~v Kv(bov] "sailing slowly and arriving with difficulty off Cnidus." (With the vb. cf. ~Qabun1.mfo, P.Oxy. 2191.8.) The difficulty was due to the strong northwest wind, like those mentioned by Cicero, Fam. 14.5.1 (written from Athens, where he had arrived on October 14, 50 B.C., on his way home from Cilicia): "cum sane aduersis uentis usi essemus, tardeque et incommode nauigassemus" (quoted by J. Smith, Voyage, p. 75). Cnidus was a Peloponnesian colony on the Carian promontory ofTriopium; it had two har513
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
bors, that on the east being particularly large. According to Thucydides (Hist. 8.35), Triopium was frequented by merchant vessels from Egypt in the late fifth century B.C. It is not clear if Paul's ship put in at Cnidus; probably it could not. Its departure from the vicinity of Cnidus marked Paul's farewell to Asia Minor (although he may not have thought in our geographical terms). un:t:n:A.EOOUJ.l.EV t~v KQ~tl]V xata LaA.µc.ovl]V] "we sailed under the lee of Crete off Salmone" (the cape at the eastern end of Crete). By sailing thus east and south of Crete, they were sheltered from the northwest wind. According to Smith (Voyage, pp. 75f.), the ship would not have been prevented from pursuing the normal course north of Crete had not the wind been west of north-northwest(µ~ :n:QoaEciJvto£ ~µa£ toii avEµou ), and she could not have fetched Cape Salmone had not the wind been north of west-northwest; the wind was therefore northwest, "precisely the wind which might have been expected in those seas towards the end of summer." Cf. Aristotle, De mundo 4.15, ol bE 0EQOU£, 00£ ol Etl]Gtm A.EYOJ.l.EVOL, µi~t v EX,OvtE£ tciJv tE a:n:o tfi£ UQXtoU q>EQOµEV(I)V l((ll, ~Eq>'IJQWV. 27:8 3tUQUA£YOJ.l.EVOL ain:~v] "coasting along it," i.e., the south side of Crete. Although Salmone is the nearer noun, xma To)..µc.ovl]v is almost parenthetical (it is in fact omitted by the b witnesses 614 2147 2495 pc). See F. Field, Notes on the Translation of the New Testament, pp. 143f., against the view that the reference is to the "weathering" of Cape Salmone. Ka)..oi,£ AtµEVU£] A small bay two leagues east of Cape Matala, still so named on modem maps (although the modem use of the name is probably a revival rather than a survival). The bay is protected by small islands, but could not be a very good winter harbor, since it stands open to nearly half the compass. Soon after Fair Havens the coast tends northward, and would therefore no longer provide such good protection against a northwest wind. Aaaaia] Variously spelled: Aaafo B 33 1175 1739 1891 2464 al I Aaaia 36 81 453 945 pc I Aa'taaa X 2 I "A)..aaaa A syrhcl.mg copsa I Thalassa lat (cf. v. 13; also 0 XU~EQV~tn XUL tq> VUUXA.~Q avEµHyov] Lukan litotes (see on 12:18). 520
27:21-26
PAUL'S ENCOURAGEMENT
A.OLJtov] om B (perhaps by accident). For adverbial A.OLJtov cf. 1 Cor. 7:29; 2 Tim. 4:8. JtEQLTIQEito EA.ltL£] An idiomatic expression; the imperf. implies the continuous worsening of their situation. The ship was in imminent danger of breaking up and foundering in the open sea, with consequent death to all aboard.
5. Paul's Encouragement (27:21-26) 21 ITokHi£ tE aoLtia£ urtUQXOU01']£ t6tE ata0d~ 6 ITmiA.0£ EV µfo(!l autci>v ELrtEv, "EbEL µh, cb v JtA.~v toii nkoiou· 23JtUQEat'l] yciQ µm tautTI tfl vu,al toii 0rnii ou dµi, cjJ xal katQEUW, a.yyEA.0£ 24 keywv, M~ q,o~oii, ITaiiA.E· KaiaaQi aE OEi rtaQaatijvm, xat tooi, XEXClQLata( am 6 0EO£ mivtU£ toil\; JtA.EOvtU£ µEta aoii. 25 OlO di0uµeltE, O.VOQE£" JtlatE'IJ(t) yag t 0E on omw£ Eatm xa0' ov tQ6rtov A.Ekcik'!]tai µm. 26 EL~ vfJaov OE 'tl va OE i ~µii£ EXltEOE iv. 27:21 noHfJ£ tE aoLtiU£ unaQxoua11£] Their abstinence from food might be due to various reasons-difficulty of cooking, spoiling of food by sea water, sea sickness, etc. Cf. a.mtoL, v. 33. EOEL µEV, O~OUµ£VOL tE µ~ :n:ou xata t()UX£L£ tOJtOU£ EX:n:EO(J)µEV EX Jt()UµVTJ£ Ql1j1UvtE£ !tA.OlUaEL cf. 23:15, 20. 27:31 El:1tEv 6 IIauAo£ xtA] Paul shows outstanding presence of mind, not for the first time in this narrative. Had the sailors made good their escape in the dinghy, there would not have been enough skilled hands left to work the ship. As it was, the dinghy could be used for rowing the ship's company ashore in small groups if the storm abated sufficiently. Paul gives his opinion to the centurion (whose confidence he had won) and the soldiers under his command; this time it is acted upon promptly, but unintelligently. 27:32 wtfao,jmv ta axoLvia tfJ£ axacp1J£] "cut away the falls of the dinghy." In doing this, the soldiers effectively prevented the sailors from escaping, but their action meant the loss of the boat and thus rendered the business of getting ashore more difficult.
8. The Meal on Board (27:33-38) 33 'AXQL OE OU ~µ£QU ~µEAAEV yivw0m JtUQEXUAEl 6 IlaUAO£ aJtavta£ µEtUAU~ELV tQOq>TJ£ 1i.tywv, TwaUQwxmOEXUtl]V a~µEQOV ~µEQUV JtQoaooxciJvtE£ ciaLtOL owtEAEitE, µ1JOEv :1tQoa1i.a~oµEvm· 34 oLo naQaxa1i.& vµa£ µEtaA~Eiv tQocpfJ£, touto YUQ JtQO£ tfJ£ 1JµEtEQU£ 0Wt1]QLU£ 'IJJtUQ;(EL' OU0EVO£ YUQ vµciiv 0Qtl; (lJt() tfJ£ XEcpakfJ£ wtOAEitm. 35 E'irl:a£ OE tama xal, ka~oov ciQtov EU:(UQLITTTJOEV tTJ£. 37 ~µE0a OE at Jtc'iam ,1ruxal EV tOLm E~Ooµ~xovta ii!;. 38 XOQE00EvtE£ OE tQOq>TJ£ EXOUq>L~OV to JtAOLOV E~anoµEVOl tOV aitov EL£ t~V ea1i.aaaav.
27:33 UXQL ou] Lit. "until"; here probably "when." 1tUQEXUAEl] Cf. JtUQT]VEL, v. 9. µEtaAa~Eiv tQocpfJ£] Repeated in v. 34. For the partitive gen. cf. also JtQOOEA.U~OvtO tQOq>TJ£, v. 36. tEOOUQEOXmOExt~ov to :rti..oiov] Cf. the same verb in Jon. 1:5 LXX, quoted in the note on v. 18. See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 25. ixpai..i..oiu,vot tov aITov] For aITov S. A Naber, "TQLTov toiito EQ,:oµm I Ad Novum Testamentum," Mnemosyne n.s. 9 (1881), p. 293; cf. "Nautica," p. 269, conjectured iatov, "mainmast," because the grain cargo had already been jettisoned (v. 18). But not all the wheat had been jettisoned: some would have been kept to serve as ballast and possibly to provide food, apart from the fact that the sacrifice of the entire cargo would have been a course resorted to "only in the last extremity" (Herner, "First Person Narrative ... ," p. 94). But now that extremity had arrived: it was necessary that the ship should draw as little water as possible, so as to run aground well up the beach.
9. The Shipwreck (27:39-41) 39 "OtE be ~µEQa EyEVEto, T~v yf]v otm i:rtqivwaxov, xouov bE TL va xatEvoouv E)COvta atytaAOV Et£ ov ipoui..Euovto Et buvmvto t':!;am to :rtAOLOV. 40xal ta£ ayxUQa£ :rtEQLEAOvtE£ E'twv Et£ T~V 0ai..aaaav, iiµa UVEVTE£ TU£ ~EUlCtT]QLa£ tfuv :rtT]OOALWV, xal £:rtLJtOA.EUOai; 0Ecj'J Auyouotqi, JG 14.601. A parallel has been discerned in the words from CJL IO. 7495, [munic]ipii Mel(itensium) primus omni[umj, but in the light of their (admittedly mutilated) context, 532
28:7-10
WORKS OF HEALING IN MALTA
which speaks of architectural and statuary works, they may refer to someone who was" 'first' to perform benefactions of the kind listed" (C. J. Herner, "First Person Narrative ... ," p. 100). Tiox)..icµ] TI6x)..w;; is the Gk. form of Publius. Luke, a Greek, has little time for the technicalities of Roman nomenclature (so Polybius regularly refers to P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus as TI6:n:)..w;;). Ramsay suggests that the peasantry on the estate called Publius by his praenomen, and that Luke uses the name he commonly heard (SPT, p. 343). uval'>E~µtvos fiµii;; ... i!;hwev] Is Paul's status being enhanced by his being the guest for three days of the "first man of the Maltese"? 28:8 eye veto l'>E] Followed by acc. and infin. without a temporal clause, as in 27:44. :n:ugeto1;;] "fever," i.e., gastric fever. The plural (which is quite common) may imply "attacks of intermittent fever" (Hobart, p. 52). What is traditionally called Malta fever is caused by a microbe in goats' milk; it is no longer the menace that it once was. booevtEQL(!l] "dysentery" (trouble in the EvtEga). The form in-Lov is later than that in - ia (Moeris, grammarian of 2nd cent. AD., calls the former Hellenistic and the latter Attic), and is perhaps due to the influence ofµtoEvtEQLov. In Hippocrates OOOEvtEQLU is (not unnaturally) often joined with JtUQEt6;; (Hobart, p. 52). ouvE:x,6µEvov] Cf. Lk. 4:38, of Peter's mother-in-law, ouve:x,oµevri :n:ugEtcj> µeya)..cµ, for the less technical :n:ugfooouou of Mk. 1:30 par. Mt. 8:14. JtQOOEu!;aµEvos imeds tas :X.ELQUS amcµ] For the imposition of hands in healing cf. 9:17; Lk. 4:40 (and Mk. 16:18); see also 6:6 and 13:3 for prayer as an accompaniment to the imposition of hands in other contexts. taoato) "healed": contrast the aor. with imperf. WEga:n:Euovto, v. 9. 28:9 WEQU:n:Euovto) "were tended," "were treated" (cf. 5:16; Lk. 4:40; 5:15; 6:18); contrast aor. taoato in v. 8. The aor. indic. act. of0Ega:n:Euw means "cured"; passive "were cured" (cf. 8:7; Lk. 13:14, etc.). Harnack (LP, p. 16) suggests that they received medical attention from Luke (cf. fiµa.;;, v. 10). 28:10 tLµai.s) "honors" or "fees" (honoraria)? The latter suits the medical context; cf. the ambiguity in 1 Tim. 5:17; Sir. 38:1 (tiµa tmgov :lfQOS tas XQELU£ tLµals umou, a passage remarkably similar to this); Cicero, Fam. 16.9.3, "ut medico honos haberetur." fiµfis] From here on (and perhaps as early as v. 7) "we"/"us" is used in a narrower sense than earlier in the voyage-and-shipwreck account: it means Paul and his immediate companions (including the narrator). Harnack (LP, p. 16) suggests that the absence of an expressed agent with WEQUJtEuovto in v. 9 prepares the way for fiµa.s here. After drawing attention to the medical coloring of vv. 3-6 he adds, "and seeing that in verses 7-10 both subject matter and phraseology are medical, therefore the whole story of the abode of the narrator in Malta is displayed in a medical light" (LP, p. 179). See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 2 (especially pp. 20f.). i:n:E9Evto] "bestowed on us," "put on board"; the latter sense is implied by syrhcl** (possibly representing o), which adds "in the ship." 533
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
G. ROME AT LAST! (28:11-31) 1. The Last Lap: "And So We Came to Rome" (28:11-15) 11 Meta OE tQEI; µfjva; rtUQUXE:X.ELµaxon fV t'fi vtjo..cpoiJ£] In such a seaport it is not surprising that Christians were to be found, as also around this time at Pompeii and Herculaneum. The Jewish community of Puteoli was apparently the oldest in Italy after that of Rome: there was a Jewish colony there in 4 B.C. (Jos. BJ 2.104; Ant. 17.328). :Jt..~0T)µEv :Jt8a)..µo i:£ xa l i:oL£ mo lv axouowm v xal i:fl XUQbt(:10uvciim v xal E:1tLITTQE'ljJWOL v, xal laooµm amou;. 28 yvwo,:ov m)v i,µ1v £0,:(1) on i:oi; E8vEOL v O.:ltEITTUA.T] ,:oii,:o ,:o 0(1)1:~QLOV i:oii 8EOii- amol xal a.xoooovi:m.
539
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
28:23 EL£ t~v 1;Eviav] "to his lodging" or "to receive his hospitality" (the latter being the commoner sense). Cf. Phlm. 22, where 1;Evia seems to mean "guest room." 1'>LaµaQtUQO!ffVO£ t~v ~amA.Eiav toii 0rnii JtEL0wv t€ autOU£ JtEQt toii 'IT]aoii] "bearing witness to the kingdom of God and trying to convince them about Jesus." The kingdom of God and the story of Jesus (ta JtEQL toii 'IT]aoii, as in 18:25) are interwoven in the preaching of the gospel; see on v. 31; 1:3; 8:12; 20:24f. (lJ't() t€ toii voµou MwiiOEOl£ xal tciiv JtQ µto0wµatL, )t(lL rutEbE)'..Eto mivt~ to~ ELCJ3tOQEuoµho~ 3tQO£ am:6v, 31 XTJQOOOWv t~v ~aOLAEiav toii 0Eoii )t(lL btba.oxwv ta 3t£QL toii XUQLOU 'ITJCJOU XQLITTOU µeta 3tE axw).ut