Acta synodi Atrebatensis; Vita Autberti; Vita tertia Gaugerici [PDF]

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CORPVS CHRISTIANORVM Continuatio Mediaeualis

270

GERARDI CAMERACENSIS

OPERA

TURNHOUT BREPOLS@J PUBLISHERS 2014

GERARDI CAMERACENSIS ACTA SYNOD I ATREBATENSIS VITAAVTBERTI VITA TERTIA GAVGERICI VARIA SCRIPTA EX OFFICINA GERARDI EXSTANTIA

ediderunt Steven V ANDERPUTTEN Diane J. REILLY

TURNHOUT

BR.EPOLS ~ PUBLISHERS 2014

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In the summer of 20 I o, the two editors of this volume spent the month ofJ uly on an intensive study of one of the many intentions that dictated the form and contents of theActa SynodiAtrebatensis. We immediately realized that not only was the available edition of the Acta Synodi wholly inadequate to this task, but also that to understand the literary output of Gerard of Cambrai and his episcopal circle a new collection of edited texts was needed. This collection, which was termed Gerard's 'episcopal corpus', includes those texts either penned by Gerard or attributed to him, or to his patronage, within his lifetime. Our efforts have benefited from the able assistance of many scholars, only some of whom we can thank individually here. Participants in conference sessions at the International Medieval Congress at Leeds, including Theo Riches, Brigitte Meijns, and Christopher Woolgar, initiated thought-provoking discussions on the issues surrounding these texts. Ann Kelders and Tjamke Snijders photographed several of the component texts, and Dr. Snijders provided valuable insights into the scribal practices of the relevant workshops. Andrew Turner and Katrien Heene helped revise the punctuation in all the edited texts. Charles Meriaux provided important information about the probable compilation of miracle collections appended to the saintly Vitae. The anonymous reviewers for the Corpus Christianorum series offered invaluable criticism of all parts of the volume. Luc Jocque, senior editor of the CC Continuatio mediaeualis series, and Christine Vande Veire greatly improved the text through their careful editing. , Ghent University and Indiana University have both provided crucial institutional support, Indiana University during the term of an Institute for Advanced Study Visiting Fellowship held by Professor Vanderputten in the spring of 20 I 2, and Ghent University, which hosted Professor Reilly for the Special Research Fund Visiting Fellowship in 20 I o that originally inspired this project. Further support was provided by the FWO-funded international research network Conventus: Problems oJReligious Communal Life in the High Middle Ages, and the FWO-funded

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

research project The Peace as an Instrument oJSocial Competition: Toward a Non-Homeostatic Interpretation ofPolitical Relations in the Central Middle Ages. Both editors would like to express their gratitude for having worked in such a harmonious and productive collaboration, however challenging the project has been, and look forward to many similarly rewarding projects. Diane Reilly would also like to thank her husband, Giles Knox, for his patience during this, at times, very intensive project, and also her son, Ian. Steven Vanderputten as usual wishes to acknowledge Melissa Provijn, and would like to dedicate his part of the effort to Hugo.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AASS

Acta Sanctorum quoquot toto orbe coluntur, Antwerp, Brussels, Tongerlo, 1643-. AASS Belgii Acta Sanctorum Belgii - ed. J. Ghesquiere, 6 vols, Brussels, Tongerlo, 1783-1794. AASSOSB Acta Sanctorum Ordinis S. Benedicti - ed. J. Mabillon et al., 9 vols, Paris, 1668-1701. BHL Bibliotheca hagiographica Latina antiquae et mediae aetatis, 2 vols, Brussels, 1898-1901 (Subsidia hagiographica, 6); Supplementi editio altera auctior, Brussels, 1911 (Subsidia hagiographica, 12); Novum supplementum ed. H. Fros, Brussels, 198 6 ( Subsidia hagiographica, 70). Bibliotheque municipale BM Bibliotheque nationale de France BnF Bibliotheque Royale Albert rer BR Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio mediaeualis, TurnCCCM hout, 1966-. Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina, T urnhout, 19 s3-. CCSL Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptores, Hanover MGHSS etc., l 8 26-. Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptores rerum MeroMGHSRM vingicarum, 7 vols, Hanover, 1884- 1920. Ptitrologiae cursus completus, Series Latina, 221 vols, PL Paris, 1841-1864. Sources chretiennes, Paris, 1942-,. SC

BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES Acta Synodi Atrebatensis - ed. L. d' Achery ( Veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis maxime benedictinorum latuerant Spicilegium, 1 3), Paris, 1677, p. 1-63; ed. L. d' Achery, L. F. De la Barre and E. Baluze (Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, 1), Paris, 1723, p. 607-624. ADALBERO LAUDUNENSIS, Carmen ad Rotbertum regem - ed. C. Carozzi, Paris, 1979.

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HrERONYMVS, Epistulae - ed. I. Hilberg ( Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latino rum, 54- 56), Vienna, 19 IO- 19 18. HILARIVS ARELATENSIS, Vie de Saint Honorat: introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes - ed. M. D. Valentin (SC, 23 5), Paris, 1977. HINCMARVS REMENSIS, Opusculum LV capitulorum, in Die Streitschriften Hinkmars von Reims und Hinkmars von Laon S69-S7I - ed. R. Schieffer (MGH, Cone., 4, Suppl. 2), Hanover, 2003, p. 130-361. lACOBVS DE GvrsrA, Annales Hanoniae - ed. E. Sackur (MGH SS, 3o- 1) Hanover, 1896. lNNOCENTIVS I PAPA, Epistolae- ed.]. P. Migne (PL, 20), col. 463-636. ISIDORVS HrsP ALENSIS, De ecclesiasticis ojficiis - ed. C. M. Lawson (CC SL, 113), Turnhout, 1989. ISIDORVS HISPALENSIS, Etymologiarum siue originum libri .IT ed. W. M. Lindsay, Oxford, 191 1. ISIDORVS HlSPALENSIS,lnNumeros- ed.J. P. Migne (PL, 83), col. 339360.

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genes Werke, 9; Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller, 3 8), 2 nd ed., Berlin, 1976. P ASCHASIVS RADBERTVS, De corpore et sanguine Domini - ed. B. Paulus (CC CM, 16), Turnhout, 1969. PASCHASIVS RADBERTVS, Epistola beati Hieronymi ad Paulam et Eustochium de assumptione sanctae Mariae Virginis - ed. E. A. Matter, A. Ripberger (CC CM, 56C), Turnhout, 1985, p. 97-162.

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RUSSELL, J.B., 'Apropos du synode d'Arras en 1025', Revue d'histoire eccfesiastique, 57 ( l 962), p. 66-87.

-, Dissent and Reform in the Early Middle Ages, Los Angeles, CA, 1965. -, Dissent and Order in the Middle Ages: The Search for Legitimate Authority, New York, NY, 1992. SACKUR, E., 'Reise nach Nord-Frankreich im Friihjahr 1889', Neues Archiv, 15 (1890),p.437-473. SCHMITZ-ESSER, R., Arnold von Brescia im Spiegel von acht jahrhunderten Rezeption. Ein BeispielJur Europas Umgang mit der mittelalterlichen Geschichte vom Humanismus bis heute, Vienna - Berlin, 2007. SNIJDERS, T., 'Manuscript Layout and Reecriture: A Reconstruction of the Manuscript Tradition of the Vitae Gisleni', Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire, 87 (2009 ), p. 215-23 8. - , 'Handschriftelijke productie in tijden van hervorming: De kloosterbibliotheek van Sint-Gislenus in het tweede kwart van de elfde eeuw', Jaarboek voor Middeleeuwse Geschiedenis, 13 (2010), p. 6-32. - , 'Celebratingwith Dignity: The Purpose ofBenedictine Matins Readings', in Understanding Monastic Practices of Oral Communication (Western Europe, Tenth-Thirteenth Centuries) - ed. S. Vanderputten, Turnhout, 2011, p. 115-136. SOT, M., Gesta episcoporum, Gesta abbatum ( Typologie des sources du M oyen Age occidental, 37), T urnhout, 19 8 r. STEIN, R. M., Reality Fictions: Romance, History and Governmental Authority Io25-nSo, Notre Dame, IN, 2006. STOCK, B., The Implications ofLiteracy: T-Vritten Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, Princeton, NJ, 1983. TAYLOR, A. L.,Epic Lives and Monasticism in the Middle Ages, Soo-Io50, New York, NY, 2013. TOCK, B. M., Scribes, souscripteurs et temoins dans Les actes prives en France (vIIe-debut du Xlle siecle), Turnhout, 2005.

UGE, K., Creating the Monastic Past in Medieval Flanders, York, 2005. VAN DEN GHEYN, J., Catalogue des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, 1 3 vols, Brussels, 1901 -191 3. VAN DER ESSEN, L., Etude critique et litteraire sur Les Vitae des saints merovingiens de l'ancienne Belgique, Louvain, 1907.

XIX

BIBLIOGRAPHY

VAN METER, D. C., 'The Peace of Amiens-Corbie and Gerard of Cambrai's Oration on the Three Functional Orders: The Date, the Context, the Rhetoric', Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire, 74 ( 1996), p. 63 3-657. - , 'Count Baldwin IV, Richard of Saint-Vanne and the Inception of Monastic Reform in Eleventh-Century Flanders', Revue benedictine, 107 (1997),p. 130-148. VAN MINGROOT, E., 'Gerard Ier de Florennes, eveque de Cambrai (d. 1o 5 1) ', in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de giographie ecclisiastiques, 20, Paris, 1984, col. 742-751. - , 'Kritisch onderzoek omtrent de datering van de Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium', Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire, 5 3 (1975), p. 281-332.

- , 'Acta synodi Attrebatensis ( 1025). Problemes de critique et de provenance', Studia Gratiana, 20 ( 1976), p.201-229.

VANDERPUTTEN, S., Monastic Reform as Process: Realities and Representations in Medieval Flanders) 900-noo, Ithaca, NY, 2013. V ANDERPUTTEN, S., and B. MEIJNS, 'Realities of Reformist Leadership in Early-Eleventh-Century Flanders: The Case of Leduin, Abbot of Saint-Vaast', Traditio, 65 (2010), p. 47-74. VANDERPUTTEN, S., and D. REILLY, 'Reconciliation and Record Keeping: Heresy, Secular Dissent and the Exercise of Episcopal Authority in Eleventh-Century Cambrai',journal ofMedieval History, 37 (201 I), p. 343-3 57. VANDERPUTTEN, S., and T. SNIJDERS, 'Echoes of Benedictine Reform in an Eleventh-Century Booklist from Marchiennes', Scriptorium, 63 (2009), p. 79-88. V AU CHEZ, A., 'Diables et heretiques: les reactions de l' eglise et de la societe en accident face au mouvements religieux dissidents, de la fin du xe au debut de Xlle siecle', in Santi e demoni nell'alto medioevo occidentale (secoli v-x1), 7-IJ aprile I9SS, 2, Spoleto, 1989, p. 573-601. WAKEFIELD, W. L., and A. P. EVANS, Heresies ofthe High Middle Ages, New York, NY, 1991. ZALUSKA, Y., L 'enluminure et le scriptorium de Citeaux au Citeaux, 1989.

Xfle

siecle,

GENERAL INTRODUCTION Gerard of Cambrai (c. 980-1051), bishop of Arras-Cambrai from I o 1 2 to I o s1, was in many ways the embodiment of imperial episcopal culture at the beginning of the eleventh century. Born of noble parents from near Florennes, he was educated under the direction of his uncle, the pro-imperial archbishop of Reims, Adalbero, in a school formed, if perhaps no longer staffed, by Gerbert of Aurillac, whose own support for imperial precedence led to a controversial tenure as pope. The diocese of Arras-Cambrai bridged the frontier between the West Frankish state, governed for much of Gerard' s episcopacy by King Robert the Pious (and more locally by the powerful Count of Flanders), and the East Frankish realm. Gerard was appointed to the see by Emperor Henry II, at whose palace chapel he had served. The death of Gerard' s predecessor, Erluin, had precipitated a battle over episcopal succession that pitted imperial interests against those of Count Baldwin of Flanders, who tried to suggest his own, 1

2

1

The bibliography addressing Gerard of Cambrai is understandably vast. Existing scholarship is summarized in c. MERIAUX, 'La parole d'un eveque d'Empire au XI" siecle: Gerard de Cambrai (1012-105 1)', inParoleet lumiereautourde l'anMil- ed.J. Heuclin, Villeneuve d' Ascq, 20 1 1, p. 1 37- r s 3; T. M. RrcHES, 'Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai ( r or 21o51) and the Representation of Authority in the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium', PhD dissertation, Kings College, 2006; ID., 'Episcopal Historiography as Archive: Some Reflections on the Autograph of the Gesta episocoporum Cameracensium (MS Den Haag KB 75 F 15)',Jaarboek voor Middeleeuwse Geschiedenis, ro (2007), p. 7-46; G. LOBRICHON, 'Arras, I 02 5, OU le vrai proces d'une fausse accusation', in Inventer l'heresie? Discours polemiques et pouvoirs avant l'inquisition - ed. M. Zerner, Nice, 1998, p. 67-8 5; E. VAN MINGROOT, Les chartes de Gerard fer, Liebert et Gerard IL eveques de Cambrai et d'Arras, comtes du Cambresis (I012-Io29/93), Leuven, 2005; ID., 'Gerard Ier de Florennes, eveque de Cambrai (d. 1o 5 r )', in Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ecclesiastiques, 20, Paris, r 984, col. 742-75 r; R. M. STEIN, Reality Fictions: Romance, History and Governmental Authority ro25-nSo, Notre Dame, IN, 2006; D. REILLY, The Art of Reform in Eleventh-Century Flanders: Gerard of Cambrai, Richard of Saint-Vanne and the SaintVaast Bible, Leiden, 2006. On the episcopal court of Archbishop Adalbero, and Gerbert's tenure at Reims, see most recently J. GLENN, Politics and History in the Tenth Century: The Work and World of Richer of Reims, Cambridge, 2004, which summarizes the bibliography dedicated to both leaders, and the studies in Gerbert: moine, eveque, et pape: d'un millenaire al'autre: actes des journees d'etude, Aurillac~ 9-ro avril r999 - ed. J. Fouilheron, Aurillac, 2000. Gerbert had left Reims by 989, when he became tutor to Otto III. 2

XXII

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

ultimately unsuccessful, candidate., The diplomatic complexity created by Gerard' s unavoidable allegiance to two rulers, and his status as both count of the Cambresis and bishop of Cambrai, and bishop of Arras, contributed to the travails Gerard experienced as bishop: repeatedly harassed by a local castellan loyal to Count Baldwin, apparently too distant from the emperor to command his assistance more than occasionally, Gerard strove to undergird his own office by defending its status, and to enhance the power of those he saw as legitimate rulers, using literary instruments such as the documents edited here. The literary ceuvre of Bishop Gerard' s intellectual circle records, over the course of several decades, the bishop's struggle to maintain political and spiritual control over his diocese, his desire to foster orthodoxy, and his fluctuating relationship with both local and international leaders. 4 Gerard and the authors from whom he commissioned works employed a variety of genres, including epistle, sermon, uita,gesta, charter and conciliar report, to construct a coherent vision of Gerard' s government and to model the persona of a successful bishop. The texts belonging to Gerard' s episcopal literary corpus, in conjunction with the wealth of eighth-, ninth-, tenth- and eleventh-century manuscripts that survive from the institutions governed and regularly visited by Gerard, 5 give us almost unparalleled access to his intellectual environment and the strategies he and his associates utilized to achieve these goals. While all of the texts presented in this volume have long been available in older editions, this segment of Gerard' s literary output has suffered markedly from subsequent scribal and editorial interventions. It is essential that the scholarly community have access to editions of these texts that approximate as closely as possible the form in which they were originally disseminated. The editors' aim has thus been to rely on the 'best' witnesses, not for each text per se, but for the version used during 3 D. C. VAN METER, 'Count Baldwin IV, Richard of Saint-Vanne and the Inception of Monastic Reform in Eleventh-Century Flanders', Revue benedictine, 107 ( 1997 ),

P· l 39-140. 4

VAN MINGROOT, Les chartes, p. 7-1 5, has already outlined the development of an episcopal chancery in the diocese of Arras-Cambrai. He credits the creation of both an episcopal seal and the position of chancellor-school master to Gerard's successor, Liebert, who may have charged fixed 'employees' (p. 8) with the duty of redacting official documents. Gerard certainly had at least one secretary, and by 1046 he had named an archchaplain to marshal his episcopal charters. 1 See below, p. xxxiii onwards.

XXIII

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

Gerard' s lifetime. Further, the editors have presented each text in ways chat mirror the syntax and distinctive orthographical traits of these manuscript witnesses so chat scholars will be able to access many aspects of the literary culture surrounding Gerard. The variety chat can be observed across the different texts and manuscripts strongly suggests chat this literate community was fairly heterogeneous in its approach to scribal practices. The best known events connected with Gerard' s episcopacy include: the trial of a group of putative heretics in Arras, which likely took place soon after Christmas of 1025; 6 Gerard's resistance to the Peace of God at Robert the Pious' s Compiegne summit in May of 1 o 2 3, and even cual mediation of a Peace of God at Douai in the 1 o 3 os; 7 and his participation in the diplomatic maneuverings between the Emperor Henry II and King Robert the Pious, culminating in a meeting Gerard attended at lvois on the Meuse in August of 102 3, on the eve of Henry II' s death. Discussion of the documents surviving from the bishop's intellectual circle has centered on what light each can shed on these events, and what each reveals about Gerard's political and theological beliefs, 8 particularly his view of societal hierarchies, 9 and those of his contemporaries. They have further been mined for the evidence they may provide more broadly of the existence of heresy and civil dissent, levels of elite and popular literacy, and constructions of the miraculous. The until now common practice of treating each document as an autonomous witness to events, however, denies scholars a more synthetic understanding of Gerard' s objectives as a sacred and secular actor. It also may obscure 10

6 This is the subject of an immense literature, summarized most recently in S. VANDERPUTTEN and D. REILLY, 'Reconciliation and Record Keeping: Heresy, Secular Dissent and the Exercise of Episcopal Authority in Eleventh-Century Cambrai', journal of Medieval History, p (2011),p. 343-357. 7 Cf G. KOZIOL, 'Monks, Feuds and the Making of Peace in Eleventh-Century Flanders', The Peace ~{God: Social Violence ,md Religious Response in Franre around the Year 1000 - ed. T. Head, R. Landes, Ithaca, NY, 1992., p. 2.39-2.58; T. M. RICHES, 'The Peace of God, the 'Weakness' of Robert the Pious and the Struggle for the German Throne', Early Medieval Europe, 18 (2.010), p. 2.02.-2.2.2.; REILLY, The Art ofReform, p. 1 57-162.. 8 STEIN, Reali~y Fictions, p. 1 3-63. 9 D. C. VAN METER, 'The Peace of Amiens-Corbie and Gerard of Cambrai' s Oration on the Three Functional Orders: The Date, the Context, the Rhetoric', Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire, 7 4 ( 1 996), p. 6 3 3-6 5 7; G. DUBY, Les trois ordres ou l'imaginaire du jeodalisme, Paris, 1 978. B. STOCK, The Implications ofLitemcy: Written Langu,ige ,md Models oflnterpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, Princeton, NJ, 198 3, p. 12. 7-139. 10

XXIV

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

diversity or similarity of the texts' formal qualities, the workshop practices where they were drafted, and the literary heritage and ideological perspective that the authors shared. Gerard was active both as a diplomatic legate for the two rulers to whom he answered, and as a noted reformer. Gerard' s schoolmate from the cathedral school at Reims, Richard ofSaint-Vanne, had in 1008 been appointed to lead the powerful Merovingian abbey of Saint-Vaast in Arras by Gerard' s predecessor, Erluin, and may have intervened to suggest Gerard as Erluin' s successor. Not surprisingly, then, after Gerard' s advent in the diocese he and Richard cooperated to intervene in a number of institutions that were subjected to their principles of monastic government. Richard and Gerard both deputed disciples to lead and control local institutions, most importantly Abbot Leduin who inherited control of Saint-Vaast from Richard. Thus a network of monasteries that shared a connection to key agents of reform and exhibited similar textual traditions was created, if the evidence of their surviving libraries can be trusted. 3 This tradition of cooperation also probably established persistent pathways of communication and exchange that shaped the drafting of these documents. In addition, by the Carolingian period the diocesan administrative offices that would have contributed members to his episcopal curia, including archdeaconries, canonries and abbacies, were in place, 14 and both the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium and the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, manifestly written during Gerard' s lifetime and within his intellectual circle, attest to the many occasions on which these churchmen rallied round the bishop, such as at his synods or on diplomatic missions. The coterie of ecclesiastical colleagues who may have participated in the construction of Gerard' s literary persona could have included those archdeacons, deans, provosts and abbots directly appointed by Gerard or installed under his guidance. 1 1

12

1

11

VAN METER, 'Count Baldwin IV', p. r 36-r 38. S. VANDERPUTTEN and B. MEIJNS, 'Realities of Reformist Leadership in EarlyEleventh-Century Flanders: The Case of Leduin, Abbot of Saint-Vaast', Traditio, 65 ( 20 r o ), p. 4 7-7 4; S. VANDERPUTTEN, Monastic Reform as Process: Realities and Representations in Medieval Flanders, 900-noo, Ithaca, NY, 201 3, p. 102-r 30. 13 REILLY, The Art ofReform, p. 73-104; S. VANDERPUTTEN and T. SNIJDERS, 'Echoes of Benedictine Reform in an Eleventh-Century Booklist from Marchiennes', Scriptorium, 63 (2009), p. 79-88; VANDERPUTTEN,Monastic Reform, p. r 3 I-I 52. 14 See VAN MINGROOT, Les chartes, p. 8-9, on diocesan organization. 12

XXV

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

The CEuvre associated with Gerard' s court thus may stem from two different cathedrals and the institutions the bishop patronized surrounding these two cathedral cities. 5 When founding and reforming monastic and canonical institutions, Gerard and his cathedral clerics would have endowed those foundations with the manuscripts necessary for both a basic knowledge of theology and correct liturgical practice. Surviving records make clear that Gerard continued to foster these monasteries, even retiring to and possibly arranging burial in one, Saint-Andre-du-Cateau-Cambresis. 6 We should thus not be surprised that the earliest copies of some of our texts hail from these communities, whether they were copied in house or arrived as gifts. 1

1

TEXTS FROM THE LITERATE COMMUNITY OF THE DIOCESE OF ARRAS/CAMBRAI While a detailed discussion of the sources, rationale for dating, contents and intent of the documents edited in this volume will occur in discrete introductions devoted to each text, a general overview of both the edited texts and those produced in the same environment and at the same time will help to illuminate the corpus as a whole.

A.

THE VJTAAVTBERTI AND THE VITA TERTIA GAVGERJCI

The texts most immediately associated with Gerard and his circle can be organized by genre and date. The first is the Vita Autberti, the life of the seventh-century Bishop Ambert, founder of the abbey ofSaint-Vaast in Arras, and patron saint of an episcopal necropolis in Cambrai. 17 Written early in the episcopacy of 1

s Monasteries founded or reformed under Gerard' s direction include Florennes

( IO IO ), Saint-Ghislain ( 101 5 ), Hautmont ( 1o16), Haspres ( 102 3-1024), Saint-Rictrude at Marchiennes (1024), Maroilles and Saint-Andre-du-Cateau-Cambresis (both 1025), and Denain ( 1024-1025). Chapters of canons founded or reformed include Saint-Gengoul at Florennes (ea. IOI 5), Saint-Martin at Henin-Lietard (1024), Saint-Pierre in Douai ( 1o 12- 1o 3 5 ), Saint-U rsmer in Lobbes and Saint-Gery at Haaltert (both 1046), and Saint-Gudule in Brussels (1047?). See VAN MINGROOT, 'Gerard Ier de Florennes',

p. 743-746. 16

On Gerard's possible places of burial, see below, p. 140 and note 50. C. MfRIAUX, 'Hagiographie et reforme J. Cambrai au debut du Xie siecle: la Vita Autberti et son auteur', in Zwischen Niederschrift und TViederschrift: Hagiographie und 17

XXVI

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

Gerard, probably to coincide with his translation of Autbert' s relics in I o 1 5, 18 its author drew primarily on older works of hagiography for inspiration. Its terminus ante quem is 102 3, when the first two books of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium (see below) were drafted, since these mention Gerard' s commissioning of the Vita Autberti. 19 Gerard may have followed the same procedure as his predecessor, Erluin, and turned to an author from outside the episcopal court, for the Vita Autberti does not share any sources with the later material, but rather embraces more traditional norms for hagiography. The other, but markedly later, example of hagiography is the revision Gerard commissioned of the Vita Gaugerici of St Gery, the sixth-century founder of the diocese of Cambrai (although the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium credits the foundation to his predecessor). Based on two preexistingversions of the Vita, this Vita tertia is a significant expansion and reworking of the life, and can also be dated using the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, which adapts material from the second, but not the latest, version of the Vita Gaugerici, thus providing a terminus post quem as will be discussed below. The diocese of Arras-Cambrai and its immediate surroundings saw a blossoming of hagiographic activity in the early eleventh century, 2 1 witnessed materially by the hagiographical collections compiled by monastic foundations, such as Cambrai, Mediacheque 8 6 s, which contains the earliest surviving copy of the Vita tertia. Other Vitae produced in the diocese and possibly during Gerard' s episcopacy may participate in the discourse he seems to have generated about episcopal power and responsibility. For instance, the Vita Vincentii Madelgarii prima, a hagiography of 20

Historiographie im Spannungsfeld von Kompendienuberlieferung und Editionstechnik ed. R. Corradini, M. Diesenberger, M. Niederkorn-Bruck, Vienna, 201 o, p. 33 5-3 50. 18 MERIAUX, 'Hagiographie et reforme', p. 342-344. 19 ID., 'Hagiographie et reforme', p. 3 39. 20 c. MERIAUX, 'Une Vita merovingienne et ses lectures du !Xe au Xie siecle: Le dossier de saint Gery de Cambrai', L 'hagiographie merovingienne a travers ses reecritures ed. M. Goullet, M. Heinzelmann, C. Veyrard-Cosme (Beihefte der Francia, 71), Ostfi.1dern, 2010,p. 175-178. In addition to the references cited in the following notes and the introductions to the editions of the Vita Autberti and Vita tertia Gaugerici in this volume, see K. UGE, Creating the Monastic Past in Medieval Flanders, York, 200 5; A. L. TAYLOR, Epic Lives and Monasticism in the Middle Ages, Soo-I 050, New York, NY, 201 3. 21

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXVII

St Vincent of Soignies, may have been written at Hautmont, an abbey reformed at Gerard's direction. 23 Alternatively, as Michel de W aha has suggested, it may have been drafted by a cathedral canon in Cambrai, 24 who perhaps availed himself of the same copy of Sulpicius Severns' Vita Sancti Martini used by the author of Vita Autberti and the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium. The Vita Vincentii is preserved in Cambrai, Mediatheque 865, which may have been donated to Saint-Andre-du-Cateau-Cambresis by Gerard himself. 25 The author of the Vita Vincentii was clearly preoccupied with some of the same concerns as those who penned those two works. Similarly, the Vita Humberti, commemorating Humbert ofMaroilles, was rewritten in the wake ofGerard's contested reform of the abbey, and with the express intent of justifying this episcopal intervention, a goal it shares with the Vita Vincentii. 26 The author of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium made use of either this Vita or its predecessor when he compiled his notes on Maroilles. 27 A psalter manuscript, Cambrai, Mediatheque s4, that likely belonged to Gerard during his episcopacy is heavily annotated with obituary notices of his family members, as well as added notices for feasts connected to St Gery, St Aubert, and St Humbert, indicating his special interest in their cults. 28 Certainly, all of the lives penned in this region during Gerard' s episcopacy can be read together to inform our understanding of 22.

2 "

(l

Vita Vincentii Madelg,zrii prima - ed. A. Poncelet, Analecta Bollandiana,

893 ),

12

p. 426-440.

F. DE VRIENDT, 'Les deux Vies latines de saint Vincent de Soignies (xre-xll" siecles). Un patrimoine litteraire sonegien ?', in Saint Vincent de Soignies. Regards du xxe siecle sur Stl uie et son culte. Recueil d'etudes publie a!'occasion du quatrieme centenaire de la cor~frerie Saint-Vincent (1599-1999)- ed.]. Deveseleer, Soignies, 1999, p. 3 5-50. 24 M. DE WAHA, 'Saint-Vincent, Soignies, Lotharingie, Hainaut. Apports et questions de la recherche recente', Reuue beige de philologie et d'histoire, So (2002), p. 599-630, who additionally summarizes the earlier debate. 21 c. MERIAUX, 'La parole d'un eveque d'Empire au Xie siecle: Gerard de Cambrai (1012-105 1)', in Parole et lumiere autourde !'an Mil- ed.]. Heuclin, Villeneuve d'Ascq, 20 r 1, p. 14 3- 144. On Cambrai, Mediatheque 8 6 5, see the introduction to the Vita Gaugerici in this volume. 6 '- A.-M. HELVETIUS, 'Reecriture hagiographique et reforme monastique: les premieres Vitae de saint Humbert de Maroilles (xe-xre siecles)', in La reecriture hagiographique dans l'occident medieual: tran~{ormations formelles et ideologiques - ed. M. Goullet, M. Heinzelmann (Beihefteder Fr,mcia, 58), Ostfildern, 2003, p. 195-230. ,- HELVETIUS, 'Reecriture hagiographique', p. 201. 8 ' H. H.J0NGBL0ED, 'Autour d'un millenaire: le psautier manuscrit 54 de la Mediatheque de Cambrai, son proprietaire l'eveque Gerard 1er (1012-1051) et le calendriernecrologe dit 'de Florennes", Reuue du Nord, 95, no. 399 (201 3 ), p. 11-56. 2

'

XXVIII

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

how Gerard and his contemporaries relied on the genre to disseminate and implement his initiatives. Nonetheless, only in the cases of the Vita Autberti and the Vita tertia Gaugerici do we have contemporary and unequivocal evidence that Gerard commissioned the Vitae, and thus that they were presumably written with his oversight.

B. THE GESTA EPISCOPORVM CAMERACENSJVM The Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, which is not edited here, thus falls between these two works of hagiography in chronological terms, and also marks a turning point in local authors' use of sources, and their efforts to establish an overtly episcopal agenda in their literary output. Together with the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, it has attracted the lion's share of the scholarly attention given to texts originating in Gerard' s circle. As has been recognized for decades, and most recently explained thoroughly by Theo Riches, the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium was written and reworked over many decades and probably by several contributors. 29 It was eventually joined with the gesta of Gerard's successors, Lietbert, and Gerard II, making the work as a whole into a very lengthy, if not particularly coherent, chronicle. The three parts written under Gerard' s influence include Book I, which addresses the history of the diocese prior to Gerard's installation; Book II, a catalogue of the diocese's religious institutions; and Book III, the history of the diocese under Gerard' s leadership. 30 The dating of the different parts of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium has been chronically vexed, however both Erik Van Mingroot and Riches agree that at least two authors contributed to the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, one drafting Books I and II between 102 3 and 102 s, and another returning to the work probably in the 1040s or early I o sos and commencing or continuing Book III. 3 1 The authors of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium appear to have adopted the same format as that used in

I

29

RICHES, 'Episcopal Historiography', p. I 6-2 3.

10

Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium - ed. L. Bethmann (MGH SS, 7 ), Hanover,

846,

p. 402-489.

'' E. VAN MING ROOT, 'Kritisch onderzoek om trent de dacering van de Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium', Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire, 53 (1975), p. 295-298; RICHES, 'Episcopal Historiography', p. I 7-34.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXIX

Flodoard' s Historia Remensis ecclesiae, written to exalt Hincmar ofReims, and indeed borrowed heavily from its contents. 3 This is unsurprising given the time Gerard had spent at Reims. As a celebration of Gerard' s leadership, the authors of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium focused their efforts on describing Gerard's triumphs over the challenges he faced during his episcopacy, his patronage of local institutions, and his participation in esteemed ecclesiastical and political service. The Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium recounts Gerard' s fraught arrival in the diocese, when he was forced to evict the local castellan from the episcopal palace with the aid of Count Baldwin. It reports the bishop's early diplomatic missions, and his presence at royal and episcopal councils. It documents Gerard' s efforts to rebuild the damaged cathedral in Cambrai, and its consecration in 1 o 3o. Gerard' s presence at King Robert's royal assembly at Compiegne in 1023, his participation in the meeting between Robert and King Henry at Ivois in 1024, and his eventual leadership in declaring the Peace of God at Douai are highlighted. In between these incidents the authors have scattered descriptions of the low points of Gerard' s career, specifically his ongoing troubles with the castellans of Cambrai and their coteries. As Riches and Van Mingroot have described, the autograph manuscript of Books I and II exhibits its rather piecemeal assembly with numerous contemporary stitched-in parchment fragments and marginal notes. 3 3 If we assume, as is likely, that all three books of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium were compiled in the same jumbled fashion as Books I and II, the surviving section of the autograph, then the history as a whole can be described as a work that was in progress over the course of decades, as well as being continued into the episcopacies of Gerard' s successors. Michel Sot has identified the compendium or anthology form as characteristic of gesta episcoporum and gesta abbatum texts, which typically excerpted from other texts in order to celebrate the actions ofliving or dead clerical leaders. 34 Riches noted that the additions to Books I and II found in the margins and on 2

2 '

RICHES,

'Episcopal Historiography', p. 3 5. 'Kritisch onderzoek', p. 300-305; RICHES, 'Episcopal Historio-

"VAN MINGROOT,

graphy', p. 19-20, 28-33. 34 M. SOT, Gesta episcoporum, Gesta abbatum ( Typologie des sources du Moyen Age occidental, 37), Turnhouc, 1981, p. 1 5, 18 and 21; RICHES, 'Episcopal Historiography',

P·

34-35.

XXX

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

parchment inserts of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium autograph manuscript adapt or retell stories with changed emphases, as if to reflect the changing circumstances or opinions of the scribes and their superiors. 3 5 Further, in imitating the model provided by Flodoard' s Historia Remensis ecclesiae, which was expanded in the decades following Flodoard' s death, the first Cambrai author knew that he was composing a text that would remain malleable and would be lengthened and revised by others. 3 6 The authors of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, Vita Autberti, Vita tertia Gaugerici as well as the letters, charters, treaties and decrees, instead must have at least hoped, however unreasonably, that their work would remain static. Thus, while the information provided by the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium casts light on the contents of the Vita Autberti, the Vita tertia Gaugerici, the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis and the Documenta Miscellanea, the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, a long text with a very complex manuscript tradition, demands a separate edition independent from this volume, which is devoted to the products of Gerard' s episcopacy alone.

C. THEACTA SYNOD! ATREBATENSIS Soon after Christmas of I 024, Gerard traveled to the cathedral of Arras, as was apparently his annual custom. In the days afterwards, he assembled the local clergy for a synod, probably intending, as was his episcopal duty, to inform them of standards of doctrine and practice and to question them about events in the western portion of the diocese. 37 Perhaps as part of this process, the existence of a cell of putative heretics was brought to Gerard' s attention. The subsequent trial was documented in a lengthy set of Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, in which Gerard is described as answering not just the heterodoxy of the heretics as it was revealed when they were questioned, but many other challenges to orthodoxy and church practice, and to the members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy whose responsibility it was to defend Christiandom.

' '

5

RICHES,

6

Ibid., p. 32-34 and 36-37.

'Episcopal Historiography', p. 28-34.

and REILLY, 'Reconciliation and Record Keeping', p. 34 5-34 7; 'Arras, 102 5', p. 67-8 5; E. VAN MINGROOT, 'Acta synodi Attrebatensis ( 1025 ). Problemes de critique et de provenance', Studia Gratiana, 20 ( 1976), p.201-229. n V ANDERPUTTEN

LOBRICHON,

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXXI

As will be explained below, overlaps between the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium and the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis in vocabulary, orthography and textual sources indicate that both texts were likely first generated in roughly the same time and place, although both cannot necessarily be attributed to the same author. 38 In many cases, there are also striking thematic similarities between the two texts, such as the nearly identical way in which each addresses Christian burial. 39 It is even possible that the report of the synod was originally intended to be incorporated into the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, although in its preserved form the Gesta surprisingly does not record the event, which must have occurred during the period when the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium was being compiled. 40 The terminus ante quem of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis is 1o 27- 1o 3 1, when Gerard' s relative Adalbero of Laon borrowed from the text in his Carmen ad Robertum regem Francorum, although the text, which survives in a single, late twelfth- or early thirteenth-century manuscript copy, may have been subject to later revisions. 41 All experts seem to agree, however, that the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis was originally written in Gerard' s literary circle and within his lifetime. Certainly it addresses many of the same concerns raised in the Vita tertia Gaugerici and the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, both written near the middle of the 1020s.

D. DOCVMENTA MISCELLANEA Given Bishop Gerard' s geographical centrality, his role in the diplomatic maneuverings of two sovereigns, his reformist activities and his demonstrated propensity to commission histories, uitae and synodal records, one might expect evidence of a flourishing correspondence to survive from his episcopacy. Instead, his epistolary legacy is limited to nine letters, ranging in date from some time after 1o 18, to near the end of his life, in 1046. Eight are 8 ' VAN MINGROOT, 'Acta synodi', p. 201-229, agrues that a member of Gerard's retinue entrusted with commemorating the bishop's actions in the Gesta episcoporum would be the natural choice to record the events of the synod, as well. Also STOCK, The Implications, p. 1 2 r. ' 9 MfRIAUX, 'La parole d'un eveque', p. I 49-1 50, explores this thematic overlap. 40 L. JfGOU, 'L'eveque entre autorite sacree et exercice du pouvoir', Cahiers de civilisation medievale, 47 (2004), p. s3. 41 VAN MINGROOT, Les chartes, p. 3 2 7-3 29, and STOCK, The Implications, p. r 2 r.

XXXII

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

addressed to other clerical leaders, including archdeacons, abbots and bishops, and dealt with ecclesiastical issues such as Christian burial, simony, heresy and marriage, echoing concerns voiced in theActa SynodiAtrebatensis. One was sent to Emperor Henry III regarding his ecclesiastical policies. Two other surviving documents are sets of treaties between Gerard and his local nemesis Walter II, castellan of Cambrai. One text is a record of the Peace of God, likely declared at Cambrai in 103 6, and tentatively attributed to Gerard, and finally one is a sermon on the same subject, addressed to French bishops, that includes Gerard's famous disquisition on 'the three orders'. Van Mingroot in 200 s published an interim catalogue and description of most of these texts, including the letters, treaties and acts, although he did not edit the texts themselves and did not include the sermon. 42 All but the peace accord are embedded within texts firmly linked with Gerard: all the letters save one, both sets of treaties between bishop and castellan, and the sermon are found in the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium; the letter concerning an incident of heresy prefaces the sole surviving manuscript witness of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, which presumably documents the resolution of the same affair. The record of the Peace of God is found only in an eleventh-century compilation of Vitae, translation narratives and sermons from the abbey of Saint Rictrude at Marchiennes, an abbey reformed by the bishop of Cambrai. ln terms of content, these shorter works touch upon issues central to the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, Vita Autberti and Vita tertia Gaugerici, such as heresy, orthodox doctrine, episcopal authority and hierarchy. But their contents are tailored to a particular, current situation, or addressed to specific individuals or groups. As such, they offer scholars the opportunity to study Gerard' s ideas and policies as they evolved over time, and how he attempted to maximize their impact in discrete situations and to a targeted audience, a goal that is obscured when these texts are edited only as parts of the texts into which they were later incorporated, such as the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium.

·+>

VAN MINGROOT, Les chartes, p.317-348.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXXIII

E. THE CHARTERS In 200 s Erik Van Mingroot delivered the definitive critical edition of Gerard' s diplomatic output, which comprises four charters issued by the bishop and another issued by Engelbert III of Petegem and confirmed by Gerard. 43 Several of these came from Gerard's original archive. For our purposes, the first four charters can be used to establish that a large diocesan administration was in place, for the clerics who witness these documents are often those mentioned surrounding Gerard at synods and on diplomatic missions, including his abbots, archdeacons, and chaplains. 44 The first of these ( I .o I), dating from March, 103 I, confirms the exemption of the abbey of N euilly from secular and episcopal jurisdiction. The second, 1.0 2, from between I o 3o and IO 36, records Saint-Vaast' s right to the proceeds from altars at Dainville, Biache-Saint-Vaast, Gavrelle and Thelus. With I .o 3, from I 046, Gerard founds the abbey of Saint-Andre-du-Cateau-Cambresis and grants it the profits from several altars, churches, villages, farms, a chapel and a mill, among other properties. The last, 1 .04, grants to the collegiate chapter of Saint-Pierre in Douai the tithes and offerings of the parish of Saint-Pierre, as well as other privileges. INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE VITA AVTBERTI, VITA TERTIA GAVGERICI,

ACTASYNODIATREBATENSIS AND DOCVMENTA MISCELLANEA This is not the venue for a thorough investigation of the sources employed by Bishop Gerard and his court in drafting theActa Synodi Atrebatensis, Vita Autberti, Documenta Miscellanea, and in recasting the Vita Gaugerici. As should already be apparent, the authors surrounding Gerard, and Gerard himself in his letters, relied on a finite body of sources, and frequently returned to the same texts when drafting new material. Knowledge of these texts, 41 VAN MrNGR00T, Les chartes, 1.01, p. 51-58; 1.02, p. 58-61; 1.03, p. 61-69; 1.04, p. 69-73; and Appendix o. 12., p. 344-345 (charter issued by Engelbert III of Petegem regarding the foundation of the chapter of Haaltert, 1046). 44 On subscriptory practices in that period, see B. M. TOCK, Scribes, souscripteurs et temoins dans les actes prives en Fr,mce (n1e-debut de Xlle siecle), Turnhout, 2005.

XXXIV

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

except for the hagiographical works almost exclusively penned by Patristic or Carolingian authors, may have been shared among this textual community through frequently consulted compilations such as homiliaries, or manuscripts surviving in older foundations from their Carolingian heritage. 45 Gerard and his literary proxies littered their texts with these biblical, Patristic and Carolingian excerpts, in a conscious attempt to construct convincing arguments for episcopal hegemony, orthodoxy and cooperation between Church and state. Scholars are fortunate that not only are many of the texts that inspired these authors readily apparent, but also that a good proportion of the manuscripts containing these texts, which once belonged to the libraries to which Gerard and his associates had access, are preserved in regional and national collections. Even a cursory examination of our edited texts reveals connections between the sources that Gerard' s authors excerpted or used more indirectly as inspiration, and the library collections of the principal institutions of the diocese, especially the cathedral of Cambrai, and the monasteries of Saint-Vaast in Arras, Saint-Sepulcre in Cambrai, founded by Gerard's successor, Lietbert, and SaintAndre-du-Cateau-Cambresis, which Gerard founded in 1024 and where he was later buried. Our knowledge of the texts available is further augmented by a tenth-century library list preserved in a Merovingian copy of Gregory the Great' s Historia Francorum from the cathedral, Cambrai, Mediatheque 6 8 5 ( 6 2 5)' f. I. 46 Gerard' s circle appears to have relied on a finite and fairly standard repertoire of texts, weighted heavily towards Patristics and Carolingian theologians. That his authors turned repeatedly to the same set of sources when drafting different works suggests either that these works were written in the same workshop, or that they were written by members of an intellectual community that shared a knowledge of and appreciation for the same body of

45 B. Jumc, 'La diffusion de la Regula pastoralis de Gregoire le Grand clans l'Eglise de Cambrai, une premiere enquete', Revue du Nord, 76, no. 305 (1994), p. 207-230, provides a preliminary exploration of the Carolingian manuscript heritage available in Cambrai. 46 Catalogue general des manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France: Departements, 17: Cambrai, Paris, 1891, p. vii-viii, 260-261; D. NEBBIAI-DALLA GUARDA, 'Les ourils de la culture chretienne et de la liturgie', in Le Christianisme en Occident: du debut du VIIe siecle au milieu du Xle siecle: textes et documents - ed. F. Bougard (Regards sur l'histoire, 117 ), Paris, 1997, p. 119-12 7.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXXV

scholarship. 47 For instance, both theActa SynodiAtrebatensis and the Vita tertia Gaugerici reference Sulpicius Severns' s Dialogi and Vita Sancti Martini, and Gregory the Great's Liber Pastora/is (which was a key source), while several letters in the Documenta Miscellanea and the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis reference Gregory' s Dialogi, his Registrum epistolarum, and his Homiliae in evangelia. Other manuscripts that may have been consulted by members of the episcopal court and shaped their literary creations include the several early volumes of conciliar canons and decretals both recorded in Cambrai Cathedral's library list and preserved in departmental libraries. Most striking, perhaps, is our ability to trace the sources consulted by the author of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis. For the 'confession of faith' and anathematization of heresy that Gerard is described as exacting from the accused, the author probably borrowed from the Decretals of Burchard of Worms. 48 In some cases, the choice of texts excerpted may reflect those available in a florilegium, homiliary or lectionary familiar to clerics associated with the diocese of Arras-Cambrai. Gerard' s authors appear to have relied heavily on the same authors and works favored by Paul the Deacon. A monk at Montecassino and later member of Charlemagne's court, Paul the Deacon composed his homiliary for the Night Office in the years before his death, some time after 792. His homiliary formed the basis for programs of liturgical reading for centuries, although it was frequently modified. 4 9 Excerpts from Gregory' s Dialogi, and the works of Paschasius Radbertus, Fulgentius Ruspensis and Pope Leo feature in the scholarly productions of both Paul the Deacon and Gerard' s court. Because no perfectly preserved Pauline homiliary survives from Gerard' s circle, perhaps the most significant observation that can be drawn from this is that Gerard was schooled in an ambiance, and fostered libraries that reflected, the same scholarly priorities that had persisted since the flowering of Charlemagne's court at Aachen, where Paul had worked. It may be more than a 47 STOCK, The Implications, p. r 20- r 39, has already investigated the intellectual environment of Gerard' s court in depth, although his analysis of the text privileged the Acta S)nodi's use of Scripture over Patristic and Carolingian sources. 48 BvRCHARDVS W0RMATIENSIS, Decretorum libri uiginti, 232 - ed. J.P. Migne (PL, r 40 ), col. 6 r 5-6 r 6. On this inspiration, see V ANDERPlJTTEN and REILLY, 'Reconciliation and Record Keeping', p. 3 5 r. 49 R. GREGOIRE, Homeli(lires liturgiques medievaux: Ana{yse de manuscrits, Spoleto, 1980,p. 423-425.

XXXVI

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

coincidence, however, that many of the passages excerpted by Gerard' s court authors can also be found in this Night Office handbook. In Paul's homiliary, Pseudo-Origen' s Commentary on Matthew 7, 15-21, excerpted in theActa SynodiAtrebatensis, was read on the fourth Sunday after the feast of Paul, 29 June, recorded in the summer lectionary. Bede's homily I, 1 2, excerpted in theActa SynodiAtrebatensis, was a standard part of Paul the Deacon's winter lectionary for the octave of Epiphany, while Gregory' s Homily 2, 3 4, also excerpted, was read from the summer lectionary for the third Sunday of Pentecost. so Eusebius's Historia Ecclesiastica 3, 2 3, similarly excerpted in the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, was read on the feast ofJohn the Evangelist. sr Surviving manuscripts from Gerard's diocese hint that his first stop may have been just such handy compilations. A now incomplete ninth-century copy of Sulpicius Severns' Dialogi and Vita Sancti Martini was apparently available in the diocese in a section of a homiliary, now Cambrai, Mediatheque 5 46, f. 1 o 3- 1 1 7. This fragment was later combined with a tenth-century summer lectionary written for either Notre-Dame of Arras or Notre-Dame of Cambrai, which also included Alcuin' s Vita Sancti Vedasti. s The now fragmentary winter volume of this lectionary, Cambrai, Mediatheque 365, contains on f. 55-59 the Passio S. Andreae Apostoli which was excerpted in the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis. On the folio with readings for the Feast of John the Evangelist, f. I o8v- I I I, one finds the same passage that was excerpted in the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis from Eusebius' s Historia Ecclesiastica (which is the same passage found in Paul's homiliary). 53 The surviving fragments of Cambrai, Mediatheque 36 5, at least, exhibit significant overlaps with the Paul the Deacon's homiliary, suggesting that the now lost portions may have provided the readings by Bede and Gregory. Further, in the eleventh century the Passio S. Andreae Apostoli, and the Vita Sancti Martini were copied at Saint-Vaast in Arras into a manuscript of the Passiones et Vitae 2

50

GREGOIRE, Homeliaires liturgiques, homiliary edited at p. 42.6-478. The PseudoOrigen reading is indexed on p. 464, the Bede readings on p. 440, and the Gregory readings on p. 460. 5 ' GREGOIRE, Homeliaires liturgiques, p. 4 36 for Eusebius readings. s Catalogue general, I 7: Cambrai, p. 2.07; D. M UZERELLE, Manuscrits dates des bibliotheques publiques de France, 1: Cambrai, Paris, 2.000, p. 77. 5 ' Catalogue general, I 7: Cambrai, p. I 3 4- I 36; MUZERELLE, Manuscrits dates, p. 6 I. This manuscript contains yet another copy of the Vita Sancti Vedasti. 2

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXXVII

Sanctorum, so clearly both texts were being read in foundations associated with Gerard. s4 Cambrai Cathedral also owned Cambrai, Mediatheque 3 2 3, a now mutilated and incomplete ninth-century copy of Gregory the Great's Homiliae in Ezechiel, which was excerpted in the Letters, 5 5 while Saint-Vaast in Arras owned a tenth-century copy of Gregory's Dialogi, now Arras, Mediatheque 617, excerpted in both the Letters and the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis. 56 Several copies of Eusebius' s Historia Ecclesiastica, which is referenced in the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, survive from Cambrai or nearby, including Cambrai, Mediatheque 689, an early-eleventh-century copy at one time owned by Saint-Andre-du-Cateau-Cambresis which looks nearly identical in initial style to Cambrai, Mediatheque 865, containing the Vita tertia. But the bishop and his staff also had access to a copy commissioned by one of Gerard' s predecessors, Rothard I, between 879 and 886, and written by a scribe named Fulco, Cambrai, Mediacheque 691. 57 This is most likely the 'Ecclesiastica historia' listed in the cathedral's tenth-century library list. 58 The first of the letters edited here, which addressed John, the archdeacon of Liege, on the subject of the burial of the excommunicated, excerpts passages from Ambrosius Autpertus' Sermo de cupiditate. That sermon was included in a ninth-century theological florilegium belonging to the cathedral, Cambrai, Mediacheque 204 (f. 2 3V-3 2v). Themanuscriptwas updated in the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries with additional sermons, hymns, and tracts, including, in the eleventh century, neumed prayers to St Gery on the verso of the final folio ( 11 3), so the cathedral clerics were certainly aware of its existence. 59 Isidore of Seville's De ojficiis ecclesiasticis, which was heavily used by the author of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, survives as a fragment in an eighthcentury manuscript from the cathedral, Cambrai, Mediatheque 9 37, which is also probably the manuscript recorded in the tenth-

54 Arras, Mediatheque 309; see Catalogue general des manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques des departements, 4: Arras, Avranches, Boulogne-sur-Mer, Paris, 1872, p. 128. 5 5 Catalogue general, I 7: Cambrai, p. I 20. 56 Catalogue general, 4: Arras, p. 246. 5 7 Catalogue general, I 7: Cambrai, p. 26 3; M UZERELLE, Manuscrits dates, P· 8 8. 58 MuzERELLE, Manuscrits dates, p. x, n. 4. 59 Catalogue general, I 7: Cambrai, p. 6 I -6 3.

XXXVIII

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

century library list on the line that says 'Amularius. Isidorus'. 60 'Amularius' may refer to a now lost copy of Amalarius of Metz's Liber officialis, also extensively excerpted in the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, but another ninth-century copy of the Amalarius' s Liber officialis survives from Saint-Vaast, Arras, Mediatheque 627. 61 Book II of Isidore' s De officiis ecclesiasticis was also included in a tenth-century compilation of commentaries on offices and sacraments from Saint-Vaast, now Arras, Mediatheque 2 76. 62 Some works are such staples of episcopal and monastic library collections that one would expect to find multiple copies, such as in the case of Augustine' s Enarrationes in Psalmos. Saint-Vaast in Arras owned a tenth-century, multi-volume copy, of which at least two volumes survive, Arras, Mediatheque s70, with the commentary on Psalms 7 1 to 1 oo, which is the volume the author of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis might have consulted, and Mediacheque s8 s, covering Psalms so to 70. 63 At least two new copies were made in the eleventh century: Boulogne-sur-Mer, BM 6 1, which exhibits classic early eleventh-century Saint-Vaast style script and decoration, as well as a seventeenth-century owner's mark from the monastery's library, and Arras, Mediatheque 547. 64

Thus if the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis were in fact drafted close to the date of the synod and in Arras, the author would have had immediate access to all of these works of Amalarius, Isidore, Gregory, Paschasius Ratbertus, Sulpicius Severns and the Passio S. Andreae Apostoli simply by visiting the nearby abbey of SaintVaast, whose abbot had attended the synod. Then there are manuscripts copied or compiled at roughly the same time as the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, Documenta Miscellanea and Vita tertia Gaugerici that may participate in the same program. Bruno Judic has already explored the multiple borrowings authors in Gerard' s circle made from Gregory the Great' s Liber Pastoralis. In his passages on marriage the author of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis echoed Past. 3, 2 7, and again in defending the

6

° Catalogue general, l 7: Cambrai, p. 3 8 2-3 8 3 and M UZERELLE, Afanuscrits dates, p.

n.4. 61 62

6

'

64

Catalogue general, Catalogue general, Catalogue general, Catalogue general,

4: Arras, p. 25 1-25 2. 4: Arras, p. l l 8.

4: Arras, p. 228 and 2 34. 4: Arras, p.612 (Boulogne-sur-Mer) and 218 (Arras).

X,

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

XXXIX

church's governing hierarchy he recalled Past. 2, 6(1), IO. 6 s The author of the Vita tertia Gt:Lugerici aimed to convey an image of the bishop by relying strongly on the same passage from the Liber pastora/is and echoing the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis' s representation of Gerard as a crucial mediator between God and society through the administration of the sacraments and the exercise of other episcopal prerogatives. 66 Judic notes that Douai, Bibliotheque Marceline Desbordes-Valmore, 3 14, a heavily annotated and corrected tenth- or eleventh-century copy of Gregory' s Liber pastora/is joined to Augustine' s De opere monachorum, was owned by Saint-Rictrude of Marchiennes, which Leduin of Saint-Vaast and Gerard had cooperated to reform in 1 024. 67 In addition to these more standard texts, the manuscript also contains two notable excerpts. The first, from Taj6n of Saragossa' s Sentences on maintaining the peace, was echoed by the author of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium in his discussion of the Peace of God. The second is an extract from Bachiarius's Epistu!a adjanuarium de reparatione lapsi, about Solomon's secret deathbed repentance and burial in sacred ground. The Acta Synodi Atrebatensis recalled this story to defend Gerard' s argument against the heretics' rejection of Christian burial. 68 Because this manuscript cannot be dated with any exactitude, one could speculate either that the Cambrai-based authors were familiar with and influenced by its contents, or, as suggested by Judic, that it was compiled by a member of Gerard' s inner circle to reflect many of the issues that preoccupied the episcopal court.

65 66

Juorc, La diffiJsion, p.

Ibid., P· 6 :- Ibid., p. 68 Ibid., p.

2 I 8-2 I

9.

219-220. 222-223.

2 1 8.

ACTA SYNOD! ATREBATENSIS

INTRODUCTION The Acta Synodi Atrebatensis is the longest and best known of the works edited here, and the second longest of all works associated with the episcopal court of Gerard of Cambrai, after the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium. As the sole record of one of the earliest known outbreaks of heresy in the high Middle Ages, and as a lengthy and coherent disquisition on ecclesiastical orthodoxy from one of the more powerful clerics of the period, it has rightly garnered the attention of numerous scholars of history, theology, art, literacy and philology. Paradoxically, of all the texts edited here, aside from the letter (edited as text VI in the fourth section of this volume) that accompanies it in its one surviving manuscript witness, the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis left the fewest traces in its own time. In the single remaining manuscript version it is joined to three treatises on similar subjects that were at one time much more celebrated and more widely copied. None of Gerard' s contemporaries mentioned the heretical incident that Gerard purports to describe, and the gesta of his own episcopal reign, the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, surprisingly also fails to mention the event. The beliefs of the heretics themselves are delineated in such vague terms that it is virtually impossible to connect them to other heresies witnessed at the time, or even to discern if the accused were truly heretics, or were instead social 1

2

The literature on the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis is understandably immense. In addition to the works referenced below, we refer readers to the summary of scholarship in S. VANDERPUTTEN and D. REILLY, 'Reconciliation and Record Keeping: Heresy, Secular Dissent and the Exercise of Episcopal Authority in Eleventh-Century Cambrai',Journ,z/ ofMedieval History, 37 (201 r), p. 343-3 57. I. DA Mru,No, 'Le eresie popolari de! secolo XI nell'Europa occidentale', Studi Gregoriani, 2 ( r 947 ), p. 43-89, summarizes all known literary witnesses to eleventh-century heresy. The Acta Synodi Atrebatensis and its accompanying letter are the only evidence of the heretics that Gerard encountered, although they may have been members of a local branch of a heretical movement that also existed elsewhere. See also D. lOGNA- PRAT, Ordonner et exclure. Cluny et la societe chretienne face l'heresie, au judai'sme et l'islam (I000-n50), 2 nd ed., Paris, 2000; G. LoBRICHON, 'Arras, ro25, ou le vrai proces d'une fausse accusation', Inventer l'heresie? Discours polemiques et pouvoirs avant !'inquisition ed. M. Zerner, Nice, r 998, p. 76-80. Lobrichon refutes in detail the suggestion that the Arras heresy and its textual description were inventions of the twelfth century. 1

2

a

a

4

INTRODUCTION

dissidents whom Gerard chose to transform into straw men in order to expound his description of orthodoxy. 3 The contents of Acta Synodi Atrebatensis are well known. The text begins with a description of events surrounding Gerard's arrival in Arras following the Christmas of, mostly likely, 1 o 2 s. 4 Gerard was in the process of discharging his regular episcopal duties, which perhaps included convening a synod of the local clergy, when he learned of the arrival of certain 'ab Ytaliae finibus uiros' who were 'noue hereseos sectam introducentes' (11. 8-9). Understandably alarmed at this news, Gerard ordered that the presumed heretics be apprehended and brought before him. Having questioned them and ascertained that their alleged beliefs and practices were indeed heterodox, he remanded them to custody for three days, while he and his fellow clerics fasted in preparation for a trial. On the third day, Gerard, his archdeacons, other clergy and a multitude of people gathered in the cathedral of NotreDame in Arras and prepared to question the heretics. As recorded in the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, the synod quickly escalated from a simple questioning of the accused and rendering of judgment to an opportunity for Gerard to expound on his interpretation of orthodox belief. His address covered a multitude of subjects, from the efficacy of penance and the validity of the sacraments, church buildings and the Divine Office, to the authority of the church hierarchy and its office holders, and the value of material expressions of belief such as the burning of incense and the veneration of the crucifix. The Acta Synodi Atrebatensis thus offers a virtual encyclopedia of eleventh-century Christian orthodoxy as defined by Gerard. 3 J. B. RUSSELL, Dissent and Order in the Middle Ages: The Search for Legitimate Authority, New York, NY, 1992., p. 2. 1; ID., Dissent and Reform in the Early Middle Ages, Los Angeles, CA, 1965, p. 2.0; R. I. MOORE, The Origins ofEuropean Dissent, Oxford, 1977, p. 9-2.0, who aptly notes (p. 1 o) that 'the more remote the report becomes from the heretics themselves, the more elaborate and comprehensive become the doctrines which they are alleged to have held'. 4 E. VAN MIN GROOT, 'Acta Synodi Attrebatensis ( 102. 5): Problemes de critique de provenance', Studia Gratiana, 2.0 ( 1976), p. 2. 11-2. 14. While theActa SynodiAtrebatensis themselves establish that the events took place after Christmas and name the year as millesimo uigesimo quinto, inditione ottaua (Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, 11. 1 -2. ), the actual year of the synod is more difficult to confirm, as it depends on whether the cathedral scribes chose 2. 5 December or 1 January for the transition from one year to the next, or whether the scribes followed a Roman or Imperial system of indictions. The question has been convincingly settled by Van Mingroot, who dates the events between 10 and 17 January,

102.5.

INTRODUCTION

s

Interspersed among these explanations of doctrine are narrative descriptions of the events of the synod as they unfolded. In the midst of Gerard' s discourse the heretics were, according to the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, suddenly moved by the wisdom of the bishop's words to reject their heterodox beliefs and to throw themselves at his feet in an attitude of penance. Gerard, after encouraging them to repent and return to the Christian fold, resumed his disquisition speaking, ostensibly, almost eleven thousand more words before he finally drew his oration to a close because the day was fading. The bishop then instructed the penitent sinners to affirm and sign a confession of faith, which had been relayed to them orally in the vernacular, all assembled said grace, and the synod was concluded. Gerard may have been inspired to accumulate such a lengthy series of explanations from the conciliar ordines of early Christian synods that he would have encountered during his education in Reims, and within his own cathedral library, or from instructions for synods provided by more recent decretalists such as Burchard of Warms or Regino of Prum. 5 Similar to the records of early councils he may have read, the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis is so protracted that it must have been intended to serve not simply as a record of events, but as a theological tract destined for broader circulation. In fact, at over sixteen thousand words the text is so lengthy, and the Latin so complex, that it is unlikely Gerard could have delivered it orally as it is recorded. Instead the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis must have been intended to form a coherent and convincing statement of orthodox Christian faith and a defense

s See VANDERPUTTEN and REILLY, 'Reconciliation and Record Keeping', p. 346. The library of Cambrai cathedral possessed several Carolingian manuscripts preserving collections of ordines, including Cambrai, Mediatheque 48 5 with records of the Synod of Ephesus, and extracts from the Council of Orleans; Cambrai, Mediatheque 600-601, containing the canons of many early Christian councils and papal decretals; Cambrai, Mediatheque 625, another collection of early Christian councils and decretals, along with an early penitential; and Cambrai, Mediatheque 679, a collection of early Irish canons and an ordo for an inquisition. See Catalogue general des manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France. Departements, 17: Cambrai, Paris, 1891, p. 179, 234-23 5, 242-243, 257-258. Saint-Vaast in Arras owned a copy of Regino of Prum created contemporary with the synod (Arras, Mediarheque 675, see the Catalogue des manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques des departements, 4: Arras, Paris, 1872, p. 268-269; R. GAMES0N, "Signed' Manuscripts from Early Romanesque Flanders: Saint-Bertin and Saint-Vaast', in Pen in Hand: Medieval Scribal Portraits, Colophons and Tools - ed. M. Gullick, Walkern, 2006,p. 53-57).

6

INTRODUCTION

of the church hierarchy's rightful role in defending it. 6 The combination of these two related goals, one more traditionally theological, the other ecclesiological but wedded to the power politics in which Gerard acted, make theActa SynodiAtrebatensis a compelling record of the interaction of church and secular society in eleventh-century Southern Low Countries. Although Gerard may have envisioned his tract as universal in its application, 7 in the reality it addresses the challenges Gerard faced negotiating the interrelationships that defined his sphere of influence. 8 He could not have anticipated that unlike the conciliar ordines that probably served as his models, and probably because the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis was inspired by such temporally specific concerns, the acts of his own synod would ultimately be preserved by only one, distant, institution. The author of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis demonstrated a thorough command of the biblical commentaries, explanations of liturgy, saints' lives and theological tracts that would have been found in the sort of established ecclesiastical library typified by either the cathedral of Cambrai or the nearby abbey of SaintVaast in Arras, both of which throve in the Carolingian period. Extracts from exegeses of Scripture, such as homilies by Bede and Gregory the Great, Isidore of Seville's Etymologies, and Augustine' s Enarrationes in Psalmos, litter the text. These are joined by explications of the liturgy and church offices such as Amalarius of Metz' s Liber ojficialis, Isidore' s De ecclesiasticis ojficiis, Gregory' s Liber Pastoralis, 9 and theological tracts, such as Paschasius Radbertus' De corpore et sanguine Domini, and Fulgentius' s De ueritate praedestinationis et gratiae Dei. The author also excerpted liberally from Scripture, though he favored the New Testament, drawing particularly heavily on the Epistles, and the Psalter. Excerpts from the Old Testament are restricted almost entirely to 6 On this, most recently, M. FRASSETTO, 'Reaction and Reform: Reception of Heresy in Arras and Aquitaine in the Early Eleventh Century', Catholic Historical Review, 8 3 (1997), p. 385-400; R. M. STEIN, Reality Fictions: Romance, History and Governmental Authority, Io25-nSo, Notre Dame, IN, 2006, p. 29-32; VANDERPUTTEN and REILLY, 'Reconciliation and Record Keeping', p. 345. 7 B. STOCK, The Implications ofLiteracy. Written Language and Models ofInterpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, Princeton, NJ, r 9 8 3, p. r 2 r - r 2 2. 8 V ANDERPUTTEN and REILLY, 'Reconciliation and Record Keeping', passim. 9 On this see especially B. Jumc, 'La diffusion de la Regula pastoralis de Gregoire le Grand clans l'Eglise de Cambrai, une premiere enquete', Revue du Nord, 76, no. 305 (1994),p. 207-230.

INTRODUCTION

7

the Pentateuch. Unlike his contemporaries, such as Fulbert of Chartres and Gerbert of Aurillac, the author does not refer to surviving legal codes, ancient authors, or medieval authors, such as Jerome, Boethius, and Cassiodorus, taught in the cathedral schools of the era and certainly represented in any reasonably furnished church library. Arguably the Theodosian code and the works of Cicero were irrelevant to his task. The utter absence of Jerome from all of the texts edited here is perhaps more surprising. That the documents emanating from Gerard' s intellectual circle, including the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, the Vita tertia Gaugerici and the Documenta Miscellanea, relied on the same somewhat idiosyncratic selection of texts, however, reinforces that they were created in the same environment and under the same leadership. In addition, as discussed above, the author or authors may have been guided in their selection by a book of excerpts such as a homiliary available in a local collection. 3 10

1 1

1 2

1

THE DATE AND AUTHORSHIP OFTHEACTASYNODIATREBATENSIS While the synod which inspired the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis can be dated with reasonable certainty to 102 5, it is more challenging to date the tract that purports to describe these events. 4 The Acta Synodi Atrebatensis are too long, their Latin too complex, and they make too many references to Patristic and Carolingian texts necessarily available only in a well-stocked religious institution for the report of the synod to have been drafted at the spur of the moment or to be considered a direct proces-verbal of events, despite the fact that this term is often used to describe it. 5 Instead, the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis were 1

1

10

I

The Letters and Poems ~/Fulbert ofChartres - ed. and trans. F. Behrends, Oxford,

976, p. xxii-xxxvi.

For the works taught by Gerbert in the Reims cathedral school, where Gerard had studied, see C. E. LUTZ, Schoolmasters ofthe Tenth Century, Hamdon, CT, 1977, p. 1 30138. General Introduction, p. xxxiii onwards. 1 3 General Introduction, p. xxxv onwards. 14 The bibliography of the literature addressing the date of the Acta S)modi Atrebatensis has been compiled by VAN MINGROOT, 'Acta Synodi', p. 222-229 and ID., Les chartres, p. 3n-328. 1 VAN t\1INGROOT, 'Acta Synodi', p. 2.2 7 and STOCK, The Implications, p. 1 22. 1 1

1 2

1

8

INTRODUCTION

most likely composed weeks, months, or even years after the episode. As Brian Stock and Van Mingroot have pointed out, a strict terminus post quem is provided only by the synod itself, and a terminus ante quem only by the death of Gerard, since he is described in the text itself as being alive. 16 If the letter that now accompanies the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, to Roger I of Chalonsen-Champagne (Documenta Miscellanea VI), was written contemporaneously, then an earlier terminus ante quem of 1042, the date of Roger's death, may be implied, because it seems to refer directly to the tract it now adjoins as 'huius libelli sequentia' (11. 24-25). 17 Also arguing against a later date for either the original composition of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis or a significant later revision is the document's orthography. Van Mingroot has analyzed the spelling of toponyms in theActa SynodiAtrebatensis, and noted that the author employed both older forms such as Kamaracensis, and new forms such as Attrebatensis, suggesting that he worked in the transitional period of the mid eleventh century. 18 Nonetheless, it is likely that the author set to work not long after the synod, for as early as 102 7 evidence that the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis were known by Gerard' s peers appeared. 9 Adalbero of Laon, Gerard' s cousin, may have borrowed from the Acta in creating his own admonitory treatise, the Carmen ad Rotbertum regem Francorum, which was written between 102 7 and 1

I

03 I. 2.o

As with the date, the authorship of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis remains murky. Few scholars have suggested that it was written by Gerard himself Yet the themes on which Gerard expounds in its text, and the similarities in emphasis among the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium 2 1

16

VAN MINGROOT, 'Acta Synodi', p. 22 3 and STOCK, The Implications, p. 121. VAN MING ROOT, 'Acta Synodi', p. 2 2 3 and STOCK, The Implications, p. 121 - 1 2 3. 18 VAN MINGROOT, 'Acta Synodi', p. 224-225. 19 Andre Vauchez has asserted, without explanation, that the text was significantly revised between 1042 and 105 l: 'Diables et heretiques: les reactions de l'eglise et de la societe en occident face au mouvements religieux dissidents, de la fin du x" au debut de Xllc siecle', in Santi e demoni nell'alto medioevo occidentale (secoli V-XI), 7-IJ aprile r988, 2, Spoleto, 1989, p. 582. VAN MIN GROOT, Les chartes, p. 3 2 8 and C. CAROZZI, Adalberon de Laon, Poeme au roi Robert, Paris, 1979, p. cvi-cvii.J. P. POLY and E. BouRJ\/AZEL, La mutation feodale, xeXIIe siecle, Paris, 199 r, p. 2 3 3, suggest, alternatively, that both Adalbero and the unidentified author of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis borrowed from the same source. 21 VAN MINGROOT, 'Acta Synodi', p. 224. 17

20

INTRODUCTION

9

and the Vita tertia Gaugerici argue strongly in favor of it originating in Gerard' s immediate circle, probably from the bishop's own secretary and possibly even from the same pen as the Gesta and the Vita. For instance, the author of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis made use of several of the same sources employed by the author of the Vita tertia, including Sulpicius Severus's Dialogi and Vita SanctiMartini, and Gregory the Great'sLiber Pastora/is, suggesting at the least that the two authors, if the two works were crafted by two different clerics, were working within the same library. This last work, Bruno Judie has recently shown, can be found in a codex from Marchiennes (Douai, Bibliotheque Marceline Desbordes-Valmore 3 14) copied during Gerard' s episcopacy that incorporates several texts that echo themes addressed in the Acta 22

Synodi Atrebatensis.

2

3

THE MANUSCRIPT AND PRINT TRADITION

OFTHEACTASYNODIATREBATENSIS The sole manuscript in which the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis is preserved, Dijon, BM s82 (D), 24 was once part of the library of the abbey of Citeaux. Citeaux from its inception nurtured a vibrant relationship with monastic institutions in Flanders, and particularly with Saint-Vaast in Arras. The diocese of Arras, by the time of Citeaux' s founding, had been split from Cambrai, but until 1093 Saint-Vaast was the most powerful monastery in the diocese of Cambrai-Arras. Robert of Molesme, who founded the abbey of Citeaux in 1098, had visited Flanders in 109 5, receiving donations and establishing a new priory at Cohem in Therouanne. 25 As reported in the Exordium Paruum, one of Citeaux's foundation documents, two of the founding monks, John and Hilbod, hailed from Arras, probably from Saint-Vaast. 26 Either because of Robert's preexisting relationship with Saint-Vaast, or u VAN MINGROOT, 'Acta Synodi', p. 224-22.8. For further discussion of this topic, see the introduction. Jumc, 'La diffusion', p. 216-224. 24 Catalogue general des manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France: Departements, s: Dijon, Paris, r 8 89, p. r 48- r 49. B. LACKNER, The Eleventh-Century Background of Citeaux, Washington, DC, 1972, p. 226-230. 26 Exordium paruum - ed. C. Waddell, Narrative and Legislative Texts from Early Citeaux (Studia et documenta, 9 ), Citeaux, 1999, p. 4 r 6-440. 2

'

2

'

INTRODUCTION

IO

because of the visit of a later abbot, Stephen Harding, to Flanders, the monks of Citeaux owned many eleventh- and twelfth-century manuscripts that appear to have come from the Saint-Vaast collection: Dijon, BM 30, an eleventh-century Psalter, was made at Saint-Vaast and given to Robert; Dijon, BM 177 and 179, Gregory the Great' s homilies on the Gospels and Dialogorum libri quattuor, both also from the eleventh century, may have been given to him at the same time. 27 In 1 1 24, while Burgundy was experiencing a famine, Abbot Stephen traveled north to Flanders to seek donations, and while there acquired from Saint-Vaast a newly copied and illustrated manuscript ofJ erome' s commentary on Isaiah, Dijon, BM 1 30. 28 This contains a miniature commemorating a prayer society established between Saint-Vaast and Citeaux. Before 1 161, Godescalc, Bishop of Arras, gave Dijon, BM 204, Hugh of Saint Victor's De sacramentis Christianae Fidei to Citeaux. 29 With such a history of gifts from Saint-Vaast, whose abbot, Leduinus, undoubtedly attended the Arras synod in 102 s, there is every possibility that a copy of theActa SynodiAtrebatensis found its way into the Citeaux library some time in the twelfthcentury. While this is a potential route of transmission, however, other now lost, or as yet unidentified, copies of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis may have survived in other libraries, and could have provided the basis for the Citeaux copy. D exhibits no discernable Cistercian characteristics, such as use of the punctus flexus 30 or typical Citeaux decoration. The small ( 17x 11. s cm), very plain manuscript is a compilation of what once were two smaller codices. The first section, of eighty folios, was restricted to disquisitions on heresy, including the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, Bonacursus' Manejestatio haeresis catharorom, and two tracts that often circulated with the Manejestatio: the Summa contra haereticos on the Passagians and a text now known as Adversus Arnaldistas, on the sect supposedly associated with

27

Y. ZALUSKA, L 'enluminure et le scriptorium de Citeaux au XIIe siecle, Citeaux, r 989,

P· 267-271. 28 Ibid., p. 271-272. 29 Ibid., p. 2 7 2. 0 ' On these marks, most recently N. PALMER, 'Simul cantemus, simul pausemus: Zur mittelalterlichen Zisterzienserinterpunktion', in Lesevorgdnge: Prozesse des Erkennens in mittelalterlichen Texten, Bildern und Handschriften - ed. M. Backes, E. C. Lutz, Zurich,

2009,

p. 483-570.

INTRODUCTION

I I

the twelfth-century canon Arnold of Brescia. 3 1 The undated tract Adversus Arnaldistas is especially close in theme to the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, as Arnold of Brescia (executed 11 s s) was accused primarily of rebellion against the ecclesiastical hierarchy after denying the right of the clergy to own property. 32 The text itself, like the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, uses excerpts from Scripture and Church Fathers to defend the status of church offices and the efficacy of the sacraments. 3 3 Bernard of Clairvaux, who may have read a copy of the Acta Synodi Atrebatensis and its accompanying letter if it had arrived in Citeaux among the other manuscripts from the north, railed vociferously to Pope Innocent and others against Arnold. 34 A letter from around 1 14 3 to Bishop Herman of Constance, which rings with much the same tone as Gerard's letter to 'R.', rebuked him for ignoring the arrival of Arnold in his diocese, and then complained of Arnold's false doctrines, which he related to those of Peter Abelard, and predicted that he would 'rise up against the bishops themselves, and rage on all sides against the ecclesiastical order'. 3 5 The Adversus Arnaldistas remains unattributed, however. The second section of D, which has different script and ruling, contains several anonymous meditative tracts, such as De cognitione humane conditionis, followed by extracts from the meditations of St Anselm. 36 The two codices were bound together at a much later date, based on the evidence of a binding that survives at the end of the first codicological unit. 37

31 Aduersus Arnaldistas - ed. J.P. Migne (PL, 204), col. 775-792. On the possible original function of the volume, see LOBRICHON, 'Arras, 1025', p. 71-72. On these antiheretical tracts, see W. L. WAKEFIELD and A. P. EVANS, Heresies ofthe High Middle Ages, NewYork,NY, 1991,p. 177-185. 12 MOORE, The Origins, p. 116-1 20; R. ScHMITZ-ESSER,Arnold von Brescia irn Spiegel von acht jahrhunderten Rezeption. Ein Beispielfur Europas Urngang rnit der mittelalterlichen Geschichte vom Humanismus bis heute, Vienna - Berlin, 2007. 33 Adversus Arnaldistas - ed.]. P. Migne (PL, 204), col.791-792. 34 SCHMITZ-ESSER, Arnold von Brescia, p. 30-32, 38-40. 35 BERNARDVS CLAREVALLENSIS, Opera, VIII: Corpus epistolarum ISI-po; Epistolae extra corpus JII-547 - ed.]. Leclercq, H. M. Rochais, Rome, 1977, Nos. 239,242, 2502 5 1. The letter to the bishop of Constance is number 2 5o. 36 Catalogue general, 5: Dijon, p. l 48-149. 7 ' The last of the anti-heretical tracts ends on f. 79, followed on 79v by a late ownership inscription of liber see marie cistercii. F. 8ov exhibits indentations left by paste-downs once glued to the interior of a now lost binding, indicating that at one time this was a freestandingvolume dedicated to the theme of heresy.

12

INTRODUCTION

The first part, including the letter to 'R', was written in gothic textualis in a single column of 2 1 lines with graphite ruling and little decoration. While the script is generic enough to be datable only to the late twelfth to thirteenth century, the text addressing the Passagian heresy helps us to date the copying of this work moreexactly.Itwasdraftedonlyattheendofthetwelfthcentury, 38 indicating that the first component of D could not have been copied before the very late twelfth century.We have grouped our edition of the letter to 'R' with the other texts of the Documenta Miscellanea because, although its only surviving manuscript witness adjoins that of theActa SynodiAtrebatensis, it may have originally been but one of many epistles drafted by Gerard or his secretary to accompany the Acta when he set out to circulate it. Thus it probably was not intended to constitute an inseparable part of the Acta. The Acta Synodi Atrebatensis' s first editor, Lucas d' Achery, derived his version of the text not from D but rather from a transcription of the manuscript provided by a Citeaux monk. This edition was published, along with the later anti-heretical tracts that accompany it in the manuscript, in d'Achery's Veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis maxime benedictinorum latuerant Spicilegium, of 1677 (sI). 39 This printed edition was then reedited without reference to D or, it would appear, the transcription employed by d'Achery, for the 172 3 publication Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant (s 40 The editors of this second edition, Etienne Baluze and Louis-Fran\ois De la Barre, transformed d' Achery' s text by interpolating into the Acta most of d' Achery' s marginal suggested readings, and adding, changing, and omitting additional words without comment, probably in an attempt to 'improve' the text. 41 This edition, customarily attributed to 2

).

8 ' WAKEFIELD and EVANS, Heresies, p. 173. On the dating and authorship, see The Summa contra haereticos Ascribed to Praepositinus of Cremona - ed. J. N. Garvin and J. A. Corbett, Notre Dame, IN, 19 58, p. xiii-xv. Garvin and Corbet did not include Din their edition of all the manuscript versions of the text known to them. 9 ' Acta SynodiAtrebatensis - ed. L. d'Achery (Veterurn aliquot scriptorurn qui in Galliae bibliothecis rnaxirne benedictinorurn latuerant Spicilegiurn, 1 3 ), Paris, 1677, p. 1-63. 40 Acta Synodi Atrebatensis - ed. L. d' Achery, L. F. De la Barre and E. Baluze (Spicilegiurn sive collectio veterurn aliquot scriptorurn qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, 1 ), Paris, 1723, p. 607-624. 41 The most notable variation is found at the very end of the text, where D contains two important lacunae. In the 1 677 edition, these l~cunae are presented as such in the

INTRODUCTION

d' Achery but in reality heavily reworked by the two later editors, was reprinted in 1843 by Thomas Gousset in the second volume of Les actes de la province ecclesiastique de Reims, the version which provided the text for the most frequently cited reprint, in Jacques Paul Migne's Patrologia Latina series.42· Subsequent reprints of the edition are summarised by Van Mingroot, 43 who also edited the letter to 'R' based on a new collation of Din his article 'Acta Synodi Attrebatensis ( 102 s): Problemes de critique de provenance'. 44 In 2002, Amleto Spicciani provided a new transcription ofD and the only modern translation of the completeActa Synodi Atrebatensis, into Italian, but it is a typescript and unfortunately of extremely limited availability. 4 s Because d' Achery regularized the orthography of the text, regionally or temporally specific word forms visible in D may have been obscured in his edition and all subsequent editions, since they in large part merely reprinted his rendering. For example, d' Achery regularized D's inditione to indictione (11. 1- 2), annue to annuae (l. 3), Ytaliae to Italiae (l. 8 ), nove hereseos to novae haereseos (l. 9 ), temptabant to tentabant (l. 11 ), questoribus to quaestoribus (l. 1 6), tercia to tertia (l. 22 ), tocius to totius (l. 24) and paradyso to paradiso (l. 28 3 ). Such variants have not been noted in our critical apparatus. Baluze and De la Barre changed spellings further, for instance rendering caritatem, as found in D and s\ as charitatem (l. s7 ). The only instances in which s rather than sr resembles the original text of the Acta more closely is in the orthography of words such as temptabant (l. 1 1 ), where the later editors preferred the forms incorporating a 'p'. The non-standard spellings found in D are similar to those seen in eleventh-century manuscript versions of other works originating in Gerard' s intellectual circle, such as the copies of the Vita Autberti and Vita tertia Gaugerici in C and the copy of the VitaAutberti inD 3 • These may represent the choices made in the 2

2

main text, and are resolved through marginal notes (preceded by T for 'fortasse'); in that of 1723, the later editors inserted d' Achery' s suggestions (sententia and abiurarunt) into the main text. See the present edition, at 11. 1864-1866. 42 T. M. J. GoussET, Les ,ictes de la province ecclesiastique de Reims, Reims, 1843, p. 748; PL 142: 1269-1312. 4 ' VAN MING ROOT, Les chartes, p. 3 26. 44 lD., 'Acta Synodi', p. 215-216. 41 La sinodo atrebatense celebrata nell'anno ro25 da Gerardo, vescovo cameracense e atrebatense - ed. and trans. A. Spicciani ( unpublished typescript), Pisa, 2002.

14

INTRODUCTION

autograph manuscript or by a scribe who copied it within the diocese of Arras-Cambrai, preserved in this much later copy, along with the eleventh-century spellings of the proper names Kamaracensis andAttrebatensis, which we have preserved in our edition. Alternatively, they may record the preferences of a Cistercian scribe working at Citeaux or in the scriptorium where this manuscript originated, who may also have added the more modern contractions such as the use of the siglum 9 for con or com, and the Tironian note 7 for et, although it must be said that such abbreviations are infrequent in D. In the edition that follows we have retained these variant spellings, but corrected obvious transcription mistakes and omissions. We have also transcribed the e-caudata of ae and oe where they occur. Additionally, readers should note that the manuscript was misfoliated by a later hand, and contains two folios marked '1 2', and no folio '11 '. We refer to the second f. 1 2 as 1 26 in the edition. The text of the acts itself, of course, is unlabeled. An eighteenth-century cataloguer inscribed on f. 1 v ofD a list of the manuscript's contents. He described its first text as Synodus Cameracensis sub Gerardo anno Io25, then provided a superlinear correction of the place name toAttrebatensis. The editors of the 1677 and 172 3 editions called the text Synodus Attrebatensis a Gerardo Cameracensi et Attrebatensi episcopo celebrata, yet J. P. Migne's designation of the text as Acta Synodi Atrebatensis in lvfanichaeos (PL, 142, col. 1269) has been employed, in its shortened and more accurate form of Acta Synodi Atrebatensis, almost universally by scholars since the nineteenth century. To avoid confusion we will continue to use this commonly recognized title.

ACT A SYNOD! ATREBATENSIS

CONSPECTVS SIGLORVM

D

DIJON, Bibliotheque municipale 582, f. 2v-57v (s. XIIex_xm)

sI

Synodus Attrebatensis a Gerardo Cameracensi et Attrebatensi episcopo celebrata anno MXXV - opera et studio L. Acherii, in Veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis maxime benedictinorum latuerant Spicilegium, t. XIII, Parisiis, 1677, p. 1-63.

s

Synodus Attrebatensis a Gerardo Cameracensi et Attrebatensi episcopo celebrata anno MXXV - olim ed. L. Acherius, noua editio per S. Baluze, E. Martene et L. F. J. De la Barre, in Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, t. I, Parisiis, 1723, p. 607-624.

2

IAnno dominicae incarnationis M mo X:X

yro, inditione v1nua, domno Gerardo aecclesiam Kamaracensis seu Attrebatensis urbis regence, quodam annue obseruationis more concigit ut, dominici natalis et apparitionis diebus in sede Camaraci sollemni cursu expletis, idem presul per aliquot dies stationem in sede Attrebatensi facere deberet. Vbi, cum de aecclesiasticis funlctionibus saris pro oportunitate temporis tractaret, relatum est ei quosdam ab Ytaliae finibus uiros eo loci aduenisse qui quandam noue hereseos sectam incroducences, euangelicae atque apostolicae sanctionis ro disciplinam peruertere temptabanc; et quandam iusticiam preferences, hac sola purificari homines asserebanc nullumque in sancta aecclesia aliud esse sacramentum per quad ad salutem peruenire potuissenc. His auditis, domnus episcopus perquiri homines iubet et inuencos sibi presencari. Qui audita inquisitionis 1 s causa, fugam occulte parabanc, sed preuenci a questoribus trahuntur ad presenciam episcopi. Qui in aliis causis definiendis tune plurimum occupatus, pauca ad tempus de fide illorum sciscitatus est senciensque eos quodam praui dogmatis errore teneri, recludi in custodia iubet usque in diem tertium et die sequenci clericis et 20 monachis indicit ieiunium, ut eos diuina gratia catholicae fidei perceptione resipisci donaret. Tercia uero die que dominica habebatur, segmencatus episcopus cum suis archidiaconis, paratis crucibus I et textis euangelicis, circumfusa tocius cleri ac populi multitudine, sinodum celebratu2.s rus in aecclesia Beare Marie progreditur, impositaque anciphona Exurgat Deus totum psalmi huius cursum expleuerunt. Denique residence episcopo in consistorio suo et utrimque abbatibus religiosis atque archidiaconis ceterisque secundum ordinationis suae gradum discumbencibus, homines e custodia educti in medium 30 incroducuntur. Et in primo quidem episcopus super his generaliter uerbum fecit ad populum. Deinde conuersus ad istos: "Quenam est", inquit, "doctrina uestra, lex atque cultura, quisue auctor

26 exurgat Deus] Ps. 67,

1110

1

nm

Tit. non praebet D, Synodus in marg. (f 2r) et in consp. mat. (f IU) po,f, Synodus Attrebatensis a Gerardo Cameracensi et Attrebatensi episcopo celebrata anno M. XXV. s' s 11 1 o peruertere] preuertere D 2

D 2v

3r

3v

ACT A SYNOD! ATREBA TEN SIS

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

est disciplinae uestrae ?" At illi referunt se esse auditores Gandulfi cuiusdam ab Y talie partibus uiri et ab eo euangelicis mandatis et apostolicis informatos, nullamque preter hanc scripturam se recipere, sed hanc uerbo et opere ten ere. V erum quia ad noticiam episcopi peruenerat illos sacri baptismatis mysterium penitus abhorrere; Dominici corporis et sanguinis sacramentum respuere, negare lapsis penitentiam post professionem proficere; aecclesiam adlnullare, legitima conubia execrari; nullum in sanctis confessoribus donum uirtutis spectare, preter apostolos et martyres neminem debere uenerari, illos episcopus super huiusmodi interrogans: "Quomodo", inquit, "consequens est uos euangelica et apostolica instituta ten ere et contraria istis predicare? N arrat namque textus euangelicus quia princeps Iudeorum, Nichodemus dum ex signis et miraculis Iesum a Deo uenisse confiteretur, continuo Dominus respondit neminem hoe solo confessionis munere regnum caelorum posse mereri, nisi renatus foret ex aqua et spiritu. Quod quidem regenerationis mysterium uos aut pleniter recipere aut euangelicis uerbis contraire necesse est, cum constet uere hec Iesum dixisse." Ad hec illi dederunt huiusmodi responsum: "Lex et disciplina nostra quam a magistro accepimus nee euangelicis decretis nee apostolicis sanctionibus contraire uidebitur, si quis earn diligentius uelit intueri. Haec namque huiusmodi est: mundum relinquere, carnem a concupiscentiis frenare, de laboribus manuum suarum uictum parare, nulli lesionem Iquerere, caritatem cunctis quos zelus huius nostri propositi teneat exhibere, seruata igitur hac iusticia, nullum opus esse baptismi preuaricata uero ista, baptismum ad nullam proficere salutem. Hee est nostrae iustificationis summa ad quam nichil est quod baptismi usus superaddere possit, cum omnis apostolica et euangelica institutio huiusmodi fine claudatur. Si quis autem in baptismate aliquod dicat latere sacramentum, hoe tribus ex causis euacuatur: una, quia uita reproba ministrorum baptizandis nullum potest prebere salutis remedium, altera, quia quicquid uiciorum in fonte renuntiatur, post-

36 uerbo et opere] cfr Col. 3, 17 33 Gandulfi] Gundulfi 5 2 40 adnullare] annullare5

ligenter 5' 5 2

2

II

II

48/ 49 nisi - spiritu] cfr Ioh. 3, 5

39 professionem] f. 'confessionem' not. in marg. 5' 11 45 Nichodemus] Nicodemus5'5 2 54 diligentius] di-

11

II

4r

4v

ACTA SYNOD! ATREBATEN SIS

modum in uita repetitur, tertia, quia ad paruulum non uolentem neque currentem, fidei nescium suaeque salutis atque utilitatis ignarum, in quern nulla regenerationis peticio, nulla fidei potest 70 inesse confessio, aliena uoluntas, aliena £ides, aliena confessio, nequaquam pertinere uidetur." Quibus e contra episcopus ait: "Si huic iusticie uestrae ab euangelica et apostolica institutione £idem attribuitis, hanc facile non aliunde sumptis uiribus euacuamus. Natum namque ex immacu75 lata uirgine Dei £ilium I nulla peccati corruptione infectum teneri, euangelica et apostolica testatur auctoritas; sed sicut Apostol us docet: Ipse iustus est et iustifi,cans omnia, non quod ipse extrinsecus donum iusticiae accepisset, cuius participatione dicatur iustus, sed principaliter et substantialiter iustus, ut necessario in eo idem So et unum dicamus esse iustum quod iusticiam; alioquin fallitur Apostolus in eo quod dicit iustifi,cans omnia. Nam, si aliunde accepit ut ipse sit iustus, infirmioris iusticiae et inferioris est quam is a quo accipit nee erit iustificans omnia, sed ille a quo accepit ut ipse et omnia iustificentur. Verum ipse a se ipso accipit ut sit iuss s tus et iustificet omnia sine quo null us sanctus, null us etiam iustus, per quern omne sanctum et iustum et a quo omnis gratia et omne don um iusticiae descendit, sicut ait beatus Iacobus: Omne datum optimum et omne don um perfectum desursum est) descendens a Patre luminum. Quod autem a Patre luminum descendisse donum 90 dicit, non te scandalizet, quia, cum descendit a Patre, descendit et a Filio, quia ipse ait: Ego et Pater unum sumus. lure igitur ait Apostol us quod ipse sit iustus et iustificans omnia, non comlparatiue quidem iustus ut possit augeri uel minui, sed immutabiliter et essentialiter iustus. Verumptamen talis et tantus Dei Filius, sicut 9 s narrat euangelista, uenit a Galilea in Iordanem ad Iohannem, ut baptizaretur ab eo. Cui, cum ex infirmitatis propriae conscientia ministerium recusaret, ait Dominus: Sine modo; sic enim decet nos omnem iusticiam implere. Quid enim? In quo erat tocius plenitudo iusticiae et (qui) immutabiliter et incomparabiliter iustus et

67/68 uolentem neque currentem] cfr Rom. 9, 19 II 77 ipse - omnia] cfr Rom. II 87/89 omne -luminum] lac. 1, 17 II 91 ego - sumus] Ioh. 10, 30

3, 26

67!70 ad- confessio] FVLG. Rvsr., Praedest.

s2

1,

22 (p. 472)

81 iustificans omnia] tr. D·''· II 83 accipit] accepits 1 s2 2 11 99 qui] suppleuimus, om. D s, s

II

95 Iohannem] Ioannem

Sr

Sv

ACT A SYNODI ATREBATENS IS

20

iustifieans omnia erat, numquid ei aliquid a perfecta iustieia deerat, ut ad implendam iusticiam materialis aquae fluentis et baptizantis ministerio indigeret? Porro si hoe baptismatis mysterio ad supplendam iustieiam indigebat, non perfecte iustus nee iustifieans omnia erat. Niehil enim impletur, nisi cui de summa 105 plenitudinis aliquid desit. Plenitudo enim erementum non potest accipere. Iustus igitur non perfecte erat, quod nefas est de Deo iudieare. Si autem iustus foerat, nichil a baptismo quo suam suppleret iustieiam aeeipere poterat. Sed immutabiliter et perfeete I et summe iustus erat. Igitur baptizari non indigebat. Cur ergo r r o dieebat: Sic decet nos omnem implere iusticiam, qui nee baptizari indigebat nee iustieia qua plenus redundabat, quo suppleretur, per baptism um habebat? Indigebat eerte non sibi sed nobis, iusticiam querebat implere non suam sed nostram. Nam semper in eterno eius consilio mansit humani generis reparatio et, diseretis r r s spiritualium saeramentorum obseruantiis quod profuturum et necessarium ad nostrae reparationis erat effeetum, hoe per man us dispensatorum uisibiliter uoluit administrari, sed inuisibiliter operante Spiritu Sancto impleri. Cuius rei gratia plurima in saneta aeeclesia prouidus Dominus instituit sacramenta quibus r 2.0 prim um ad regenerationis mysterium instituit baptismatis usum. Porro baptismum greee, latine tinetio interpretatur, quia ibi homo spiritu gratiae in melius immutatur et longe aliud quam foerat effieitur. Prius enim fedi eramus deformitate peeeatorum, in ipsa tinetione reddimur pulcri dealbatione uirtutum. Cuius mys12.5 cerium non aliter nisi sub Trinitatis designatione, id est Parris I et Filii et Spiritus Saneti cognominatione completur. Vnde Dominus ad diseipulos: Ite, in quit, docete omnes gentes baptizantes eos in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Quod quidem mysterium a seeretis uirtutibus uel a saeris saeramentum dieitur, quod ideo 130 penes eeclesiam fruetuose agitur, quia Sanetus in eo deseendens Spiritus eundem saeramenti latenter operatur effectum. Vnde seu

100

1 04/ 1 o 5 nichil - des it] cfr Matth. 3, r s 127 / 128 ice - sancci] Match. 28, r 9

11

1 1o sic - iusciciam] cfr Matth. 3, r s

11

113/I14 semper - reparatio] LEO M., Epist. 16, 2 (col. 697) II 121/126 baptismum - sancti] Ism., Orig. 6, 19, 43-45 II 129/136 asecretis - Deus] Ism., Orig. 6, 19, 40-42 2 114 humani generis] tr. si s intra uncos praem. s 2

11 11

5 spiritualium] spiritualius si s2

11 119

quibus] e

6r

6\

ACT A SYNOD! ATREBATENSIS

21

per bonos seu per malos ministros intra aecclesiam dispensetur, tamen quia Spiritus Sanctus mystice illud uiuificat nee bonorum meritis amplificatur nee malorum uiciis attenuatur, quia neque 1 3 5 qui plantat aliquid est neque qui rigat, sed qui incrementum dat Deus. Vnde et ipse minister super baptizatum: 'Non', didt, 'Ego sed Deus omnipotens Pater domini nostri Iesu Christi qui te generauit ex aqua et Spiritu Sancto, quique dedit tibi remissionem omnium peccatorum, ipse te liniuit crismate salutis in uitam eter140 nam.' Qua in re perspicuum est, quia uita ministri nichil derogat his qui de Spiritu Sancto concipiunt uirtutem sanctificationis; presertim cum inter ceteros discipulos Iudam, futurum Domini traditorem, baptizasse legamus et cum rebaptizatos omnes I a discipulis Domini fuisse quos Iohannes Baptista in aqua baptizaue145 rat sciamus, null um tamen quern Iudas baptizasset iterato fonte ablutum reperimus. Nam si improba uita traditoris nocuisset baptizandis, nequaquam ille qui omnes uenerat saluare pateretur in illo solo baptisma perire. Sed, quia malicia ho minis non po test imminuere diuine opus uirtutis, noluit repetere quod homo minis1 50 trauerat, Spiritus sanctificauerat. Porro testante diuina scriptura, audiuimus reges magnos fuisse in Ierusalem qui administrabant res quasdam pertinentes ad Babyloniam, quosdam uero ciues Babyloniae amministrasse res Ierusalem. Sic itaque nouimus dues bonae ciuitatis amministrasse res malae ciuitatis et e contra dues 1 5 s malae ciuitatis amministrasse res bonae ciuitatis. Si ergo res publica bonae ciuitatis per ciues Babyloniae sine sui corruptione amministrari potuit, quanto magis sacramentum quod uim sanctificationis per inuisibilem Sancti Spiritus operationem concipit, a prauis ministris non corrumpitur, cum aliud sit quod exterius 160 agitur, exhibente ministro, I aliud quod interius uiuificatur, animante Spiritu Sancto. Inde est quod, cum Iohannes in euangelio diceret quia audierunt Pharisei quod Jesus baptizabat, quamuis ipse non baptizaret sed discipuli eius, in hoe quamdam operantis Dei et administratorii officii discretionem uoluit intelligi, uider 6 5 licet ut in eo quod Iesum dicit baptizare inuisibilem diuinae uirtutis insinuet operationem, in eo uero quod subdidit 'quamuis Iesus non baptizaret sed discipuli eius' non de operante uirtute

134/136 neque-Deus]ICor.3,7 jj 162/I63 quia-eius]Ioh.4,r-2 137/I40 Deus - eternam] Pontif. Rom. Germ. 99,378 (p. 107)

7r

7v

22

170

175

1 So

1

s5

1 90

195

200

ACTA SYNOD! ATREBATEN SIS

sed de uisibili exequentium administratione dictum intelligatur. Igitur in baptizandis fidelibus aliud est quod inuisibiliter efficitur per Spiritum operantem, aliud quod uisibiliter exhibetur per ministrum obsequentem. Quod autem per materialem aquam baptism um datur, hec ratio est. Voluit enim Dominus ut res illa inuisibilis per congruentem sed profecto tractabilem rem et uisibile impenderetur elementum super quod Spiritus Sanctus ferebatur in principio. Nam sicut per aquam purgatur exterius corpus, ita latenter eius mysterio purificatur et animus. Inuocato enim Deo, descendit Spiritus Sanctus de caelis et medicaltis aquis sanctificat eas de semetipso et accipiunt uim purgationis, ut in eis earn et anima delictis inquinata mundetur. Et sic in morte Christi et in resurrectione eius potentia baptismatis nouam creaturam condit ex uetere, ut in renascentibus et mors Christi operetur et uita, dicente beato Apostolo: 'An ignoratis quia quicumque baptizati sum us in Christo Iesu, in morte ipsius baptizati sumus? Consepulti enim sumus cum illo per baptismum in morte, ut, quomodo surrexit Chrisms per gloriam Parris, ita et nos in nouitate uitae ambulemus.' V nde notandum quia in baptismatis regula et mors interuenit interfectione peccati et sepulturam triduanam imitatur trina demersio et ab aquis eleuatio resurgentis instar est de sepulchro. Deinde uero sacri crismatis unctione perfunditur infans ex cuius no mine Chrisms dicitur et homo post lauacrum sanctificatur. Nam sicut in baptismo peccatorum remissio datur, ita per unctionem Spiritus adhibetur. Que licet carnaliter administretur, spiritualiter tamen proficit sicut et ipsa baptismi gratia uisibilis actus est quod in aqua mergimur, sed I spiritualis efficitur quod delictis mundamur. Manus impositio ideo fit, ut per benedictionem aduocatus inuitetur Spiritus Sanctus. Tune enim Paradytus post mundata corpora libens a Patre descendit et quasi super baptismi aquam uelut super pristinam sedem recognoscens quiescit. Nam legitur quia in principio spiritus Dei ferebatur super aquas. Hoe est primum nostrae reparationis sacramentum. Ad quod confirmandum Dominus nullius indigens remissione peccati nee remedio renascendi, cum non haberet quod aquis po-

171/I79 quod autem - mundetur] Ism., Orig. 6, 19, 47-49 II 179/I86 in morte ambulemus] LEO M.,Epist. 16, 3 (col. 698) II 186/I89 in - sepulchro] LEO M.,Epist. 16, 3 (col. 698-699) II 190/I95 ex - mundamur] Ism., Orig. 6, 19, 50-52 II 195/ 200 manus - aquas] Ism., Orig. 6, 19, 54 II 201/202 nullius - renascendi] LEO M., Epist. 16, 6 (col. 701)

Sr

Sv

ACT A SYNOD! ATREBATENSIS

tuisset mundari, tamen ad Iohannem aquis Iordanicis baptizandus, sicut euangelista docet, festinauit. Cui recusanti ait: Sine 20s modo. Sic enim decet nos omnem implere iusticiam, ac si diceret exemplum prebere omnis iusticiae, ut uidelicet discant omnes fideles neminem posse absque baptismo iustificari, quamuis innocenter ac iuste uiuat. Iohannes uero ait: Et ego nesciebam eum, ac si diceret: 'Ignorabam eum primum, sed uidens eum sibi retinere 210 baptismum intellexi quia hie erat qui baptizaturus erat in Spiritu Sancto et remissione peccatorum', sicut ipse dixit: Super quem uilderis Spiritum descendentem et manentem super se, ille est qui baptizat in Spiritu Sancto. Quare notandum est quia impossibile est quemquam ad perfectum iusticiae sine regenerantis aquae 21 s mysterio aspirare; maxime cum opera iusticiae hanc gratiam Cornelio Cesariensi dare non potuerunt, donec eum cum omni familia sua salutari unda Petrus innouauit, super quos Spiritus Sanctus ante baptismum inaudito preeuntis gratiae exemplo cecidit, ut hac manifesta Dei uirtute animatus Petrus regnum Dei gentibus 220 apperiret, quern cum ceteris discipulis ne in uiam gentium abiret Dominus ante monuerat. Quad cum ita sit, profecto in hoe uobis repugnare conuincimini quad euangelica uos et apostolica precepta tenere dicitis et his contraria predicatis. Nam et euangelista refert quia Jesus uenit et discipuli eius in Iudeam; et ibi demoraba225 tur cum eis et baptizabat. Qui baptismi sacramentum et regenerationis potentiam sanxit, quando de latere eius profluerent sanguis redemptionis et aqua baptismatis. Vnde Iohannes apostolus: Tres sunt, inquit, qui testimonium dant in terra: Spiritus, aqua I et sanguis. Petrus uero, cui primatum aecclesiae Dominus contulerat, 2 30 dum credentium numerum promissus Sancti Spiritus repleuit aduentus, tria milia hominum sua predicatione conuersorum aqua baptismatis consecrauit, sicut Lucas testatur dicens: His au-

204/205 sine - iusciciam] Marth. 3, r s II 208 et - eum] Ioh. r, 3 r II 211/213 super - sancto] Ioh. r, 33 II 215/216 maxime - poruerunt] cfr Act. ro II 216/ 218 donec - cecidit] cfr Act. ro, 44 II 224/225 lesus - baptizabat] Ioh. 3, 22 II 225/ 227 qui - baptismatis] cfr Ioh. 19, 34 II 227/229 tres - sanguis] I Ioh. 5, 8 II 232/ 237 his - sanctum] Act. 2, 37-38 206/208 exemplum - uiuat] BEDA, Hom. euang. tium - consecrauit] LEO M., Epist. 1 6, 4 ( col. 700)

I,

r 2 (p. 8 2)

11

2 30/2 32 creden-

21 1 remissione] correximus, remissionem D s, s 2 , in intra uncos praem. s 2 11 21 6 potuerunt] potuerints 2 II 227 Iohannes] Ioanness 2 II 231 conuersorum] conuersumD

9r

9v

24

235

240

245

250

2

55

260

ACT A SYNODI ATREBATENS IS

ditis compuncti sunt corde et dixerunt ad Petrum et reliquos apostolos: 'Quidfaciemus uiriJratres ?' Petrus uero ad illos: 'Penitentiam: inquit, 'agite, et baptizetur unusquisque uestrum in nomine Iesu Christi in remissionem peccatorum uestrorum et accipietis Spiritum Sanctum. 'Aliis etiam pluribus uerbis exhortabatur eos dicens: 'Saluamini a generatione ista praua. ' Qui ergo receperunt sermonem eius, baptizati sunt. Et apposite sunt animae in illa die circiter tria milia. Paulus etiam, cuius uos doctrinam tenere profitemini, diuinae iniuriae penis affectus ab Anania baptizatus est, qui et ipse postmodum Crispum et Gaium et Stephane domum se baptizasse dicit. Philippus etiam eunuchum Candacis reginae ab Ierusalem redeuntem in aqua baptizauit, sicut liber apostolicus indicat, quam ab apostolis tradictionem catholica adhuc seruat aecclesia. I V nde colligitur quia quamlibet iuste et innocenter quis uideatur uiuere, saluari tamen absque diuini fontis lauacro non possit. Verum utcumque originalis culpae aut propriae actionis reatu teneatur astrictus, tamen fonte renatus mundus et tocius peccati sorde purgatus adeo innouatur, ut qui filius diaboli in fonte descenderat, filius Dei renatus ascendat; qui filius preuaricationis descenderat, filius reconciliationis ascendat. Et ut cuncta colligam: qualem prim um hominem ex uirginea terrae massa finxit sapientia creantis, talem etiam hunc ex purificato fontis utero producit dementia redemptoris. Quod contra infideles garrire solent dicentes primum hominem, si non peccasset, immortalitatis munere donatum, istum uero, quamlibet iuste et innocenter uiuat, nequaquam tamen posse morris uitare iacturam, et ideo multum repugnare a uero, ut, qualis ille fuerat factus a conditore, talis et hie regeneretur ex fonte. Quam eorum repugnantiam facile est inflecti ad consequentiam, si quis diuinae Ipietatis consilium considerare potuerit. Nam ex uno eodemque fonte diuinae rationis descendit et quod illum immortalem mirabiliter creauerat et quod istum morti obnoxium misericorditer reformauerat. Porro

II

237/240 aliis - milia] Act. 2, 40-41 240/241 Paulus - est] cfr Act. 9 243 qui- dicit] cfr Ioh. 19, 34 243/244 Philippus - indicat] cfr Act. 8, 38

II

II

241/

246/24 7 iuste - uiuere] BEDA, Hom. euang. 1, 1 2 (p. 68-69) 236 uestrorum] om. s,s II 242 domum] donumD II 244 eunuchum] enuchum D II 246 quamlibet] quemlibet D II 255 producit] produxit s II 257 quamlibet] quemlibet D s', f 'quantumlibet' not. in marg. s' 11 iuste] iusticiae D 2

2

l0r

10v

ACT A SYNODI ATREBATEN SIS 265

2 70

275

280

28 5

2 90

2 95

25

facile fuerat istum immortalitatis gloria donari tanquam et illum, si fuisset in consilio creantis. Sed quia, dum illum libera uoluntas et mortalitatis securitas decepit, per preuaricationis culpam traxit ad mortem istum, ne spe immortalitatis deceptus temporalibus deliciis ardentius insistat, per ineuitabilem mortis euentum inuitat ad ueram uitam. Quia uero ille mortis securus, auctore contempto, aurem aperuit suasori et superbie audaciam una petiit, hunc pietas redemptoris uoluit suspensum morte teneri, ut per humilitatis custodiam uitaret hostem, audiret conditorem sicque ad superna conscenderet. Nichil igitur repugnat a uero talem hunc regeneratum ex fonte quern mors inuitat ad uitam, qualem illum, si non peccasset, formatum quern mox de immortalitate presumptio coegit subilre mortis ruinam. Sed fortasse obicis michi quantum ei prestitit donata immortalitas ex qua ruinae causam uenturam conditor non ignorabat. Multum quidem ei contulerat, ut uidelicet si sine peccato manere uoluisset, et mortem non gustaret et tarn ipse quam eius progenies angelos semper haberet conciues. Sed dum preceptum neglexit conditoris ipsa sua libertate deceptus, a paradyso seclusus in ignotis partibus sui generis posteritatem transposuit atque penam quam ipse preuaricationis reus exceperat generando transmisit in posteros. De qua non potuisset erui, nisi eum Chrisms suo aduentu releuasset, qui per nouae regenerationis mysterium omne preteritum uitium sui baptismatis lauacro purgauit et statum pristine libertatis reformauit. Igitur ad uitanda improbi seductoris temptamina, cum primum paruuli siue iuuenes ad regenerationis ueniunt sacramenta, non prius fontem uitae adeunt quam exorcismis et suffiationibus sacerdotum ab eis spiritus immundus abigatur, ut uere appareat quomodo princeps mundi huius eiciatur foras et I prius alligetur fortis et uasa eius diripiantur translata in possessionem uictoris qui captiuam ducit captiuitatem et dat dona ho minibus. Quod si refugitis credere ut, qui paruulum fidei nescium sueque salutis ignarum nee regenerationis curam habentem de fonte sus-

292/293 ut - foras] cfr Ioh. r 2, 3 r II 293/295 et- uictoris] cfr Marc. 3, 27; Matth. II 295 qui - hominibus] cfr Eph. 4, 8

12, 29

286/288 nisi - purgauit] PROSP., Auct. de grat 271

s2

II

1 ( col.

206)

et superbie] locus corruptus: forte 'et superbie audacia periit' not. in marg. infer.

289 uitanda] D"1 '·"·

12r

12v

ACT A SYNODI ATREBATEN SIS

eipiunt, eorum fides auc confessio illi puero nequaquam profieiat, consequitur uc nee paralitico offerentium fidem profuisse 300 eredatis, de quo euangelista dieit quia uidens Jesus fidem illorum dixit paralitico : 'Confide, fili, remittuntur tibi peccata tua. 'Sed nee illud reeipiendum estimabitur quod in euangelio legimus de muliere Chananea, ut fides eius ad impetrandam salutem filiae profuerit. Porro alius euangelista dieit quia offerebant Iesu paruulos, 305 uc man us eis imponeret et complexans eos et imponens manus benedicebat eos. Qua in re datur intelligi quia non paruulorum fides que adhue nulla fuerat, sed offerentium fidelis eredulitas, ut paruuli benedieerentur, obtinuerat, sicut Dominus dixit Centurioni pro salute semi postulanti: Vade et sicut credidisti I.fiat tibi et sa3 r o natus est puer in illa hora. Denique uos qui niehil in saneta aecclesia corporaliter gerendum arbitramini, uc in hoe baptismatis mysterio aqua, oleum erismale, saeerdotis officium et cetera que usque hodie eatholica seruat aeeclesia, uos, inquam, rogo: quid sibi uult illa materialis aque alluuio quam lauandis pedibus 3 r s inuicem exhibere soletis? Nam si hoe ab euangelio uos accepisse dicitis, uc, quia Dominus discipulorum pedes lauans hoe illis exemplum reliquisse legitur, et uos quoque huius rei gratia faeere uos inuicem dieatis, stultum est, immo saerilegum eetera et multa maiora repudiare que ab ipso rerum auetore Domino sunt consti3 20 tuta, ab euangelio enuntiata, ab apostolis tradita. Sine quibus nostrae salucis plenitudo non potest eonsistere, que quidem ipse Dominus et ante resurreetionem et post resurrectionem diseipulis suis seruanda instituit.

12 1"'r

De corpore et sanguine Domini 325

"Fuerant certe satis que de his dici poterant, si hore suppeterent. Sed, quia dies ad oeeasum decliuior ad propria quemque commonet redire, iam nunc, I his omissis, transitum faciamus ad

300/301 uidens - tua] Matth. 9, 2 JI 302/304 quod - profuerit] cfr Matth. 15,22-28 IJ 304/305 porro-imponeret]cfrMatth.19,13 II 305/306 et-eos]Marc. ro, 16 II 309/310 uade - hora] Matth. 8, 13 II 315/317 nam - legitur] cfr Ioh. 13, 3-12

299 paralitico] quod add. D s, 318 multa] multosfs 2

II

304 quia] quod s s 1

2

JI

305 eis] D;" r"'

JI

121,,,v

ACTA SYNOD! ATREBATENSIS

illud sacrum et immutabile Dominici corporis et sanguinis sacramentum quod uos ad uestram confusionem, nisi resipueritis, 3 30 aduersum diuinam et apostolicam traditionem impugnantes, euertere temptatis. Quod quidem mysterium quale quantumque in se contineat pondus uirtutis, impossibile est humanae rationis intuitu perscrutari. Quod enim ultra hominem est, infra sensum hominis non potest cohiberi. Non igitur sufficit illud facundia 3 3 s human a corn prehendere; hoe enim est illud sanctum et admirabile commercium per quod terrenis caelestia iunguntur, inferna spoliantur, paradysus aperitur, homo exul antiquo horto relocatur, per quod etiam angeli recognoscunt hominem conciuem suum et supra se positum adorant hominem Deum. Verum nos, quia tem340 pus commoner, quantum nostrae fragilitatis sensus percipit illius de quo loquimur gratia confisi edicimus. Sacrificium dicitur quasi sacrum factum, quia prece mystica consecratur in memoriam pro no bis Dominicae passionis. V nde hoe, ipso iubente, corpus Christi et sanguinem credimus quod, dum sit ex fructibus terrae, 345 sanctificatur et fit sacramentum opelrante inuisibiliter spiritu Dei. Quod quidem ideo sacramentum esse dixerim, quia tanquam uiaticum nobis sit, introducens ad contemplationem aeternitatis. Cuius panis et calicis sacramemum Greci 'eucharistiam' dicunt, quod latine 'bona gratia' interpretatur. Quid enim melius cor3 so pore et sanguine Christi? Quod quidem sacrificium, dum de pane et uino cum aqua mixto ineffabili sanctificatione cruce et uerbis illius in altari consecratur dumque passionis et resurrectionis eius atque in caelum ascensionis ibidem salutifera memoria agitur, uerum ac proprium corpus ipsius Domini nostri Iesu Christi et san3 s s guis uerus ac proprius efficitur, quamuis aliud esse uideatur. Videtur namque panis materialis sed uerissime efficitur corpus Christi, sicut, ipsa eadem ueritate attestante, didicimus. Nam ipsa nocte qua sponte per passionis mysterium corpus suum pro no bis in mortem traditurus erat, sicut euangelista refert, accepit panem 360 et benedixit ac fregit deditque discipulis suis dicens: 'Sumite) hoe est 359/360 accepit-dicens] Matth. 26, 26

II

360/361 sumite - corpus meum] Marc.

14,22

341 / 346 sacrificium - Dei] Ism., Orig. 6, 19, 38

328 immutabile] immotabile D 5'5ed -bi- expunx. po5tea D, f. 'immortale' not. in marg. 5' 11 33 1 quantumque] quantumcumque 52 11 3 33 enim] anima 52 11 33 S est] om. 5' 52

13r

ACTA SYNODI ATREBATEN SIS

365

370

375

380

385

390

corpus meum. 'Similiter et calicem accipiens dedit discipulis suis dicens: 'Bibite ex hoe omnes. Hie est calix noui testamenti Iqui pro multis fundetur in remissionem peccatorum.' Quod uero subdit: Hoe Jacite in meam commemorationem, ad hoe retulit quod per ministerium saeerdotum eotidie a fidelibus fieri mandauit, dum passionis suae memoria agitur et sub saeramento eommunieande earnis et sanguinis panis sanetus et ealix conseeratur. Ad hane spiritualem alimoniam, ad hoe mystieum et diuinum epulum nos Dominus inuitat tantamque neeessitatem sumendi huius alimenti nobis indieat, ut aliter in nobis uitam habere non possimus, nisi earnem eius mandueauerimus et sanguinem biberimus. Sed fortasse aliquis nimis earnaliter hoe audiens obieiat neminem posse uitam habere in semetipso, cum Chrisms earnem quam proprio gestabat corpore, nemini edendam erogasse sed perfeeto et integro corpore eaelum penetrasse legatur; aut eerte, quod nefas dietu est, Dominum in hoe uerbo eulpam mendaeii subisse, cum multi uitam in se habere uidentur qui earnem aut sanguinem eius gustasse aliquando se non meminerant. Quod nos, Deo uolente, tali modo soluimus. Possunt quidem homines sine hoe eibo temporalem hane uitam Iin presenti seeulo habere; eternam uero uitam habere nequeunt, que solis fidelibus earnem et sanguinem Christi digne sumentibus promittitur. V nde et ipse dieit: Nisi manducaueritis carnem ftlii hominis et biberitis eius sanguinem, non habebitis uitam in uobis. Vitam uidelieet animae, ipsum Christum qui alibi dicit: Ego sum uia, ueritas et uita. Filium uero hominis se dieebat, euius corpus cotidie per saeerdotes immolatur in altari. De quo Apostol us ait: Panis quem Jrangimus nonne corpus Domini est et calix cui benedicimus nonne communicatio sanguinis Do mini est? Vnde cum Dominus dieeret: Ego sum panis uiuus qui de caelo descendi. Si quis manducauerit ex hoe pane, uiuet in eternum. Litigabant Iudei ad inuicem dicentes: 'Quomodo potest hie nobis dare carnem suam ad manducandum?'Non enim hune panem intelli361/362 similiter et ealieem ... dieens) Luc. 22, 20 II 362 bibite ex hoe omnes] Matth. 26, 27 11 362/ 363 hie est ealix - peeeatorum) Matth. 26, 28 sed ealix] sanguis 11 362 hie est ealix] Luc. 22, 20 II 363/364 hoe - eommemorationem] Luc. 22, 19; I Cor. 11, 24 II 367/371 ad - biberimus] efr Ioh. 6, 54-58 II 382/384 nisi - uobis] Ioh. 6, 54 II 385 ego - uita) Ioh. 14, 6 II 387/388 panis - est] I Cor. 10, 16 II 389/ 392 ego - mandueandum) Ioh.6,51-5 3 361 dedit) benedixit et praem. s, 5 meminerunt s 2

2

II

367 ealix]

Din marg.

II

378 meminerant)

13v

14r

ACTA SYNOD! ATREBATEN SIS

395

400

405

4ro

4r 5

420

425

29

gebant et audiences carnem exhorrescebant. Non enim erant membra Christi, idcirco scandalizabantur in came Christi. Sed et cum discipuli uerba eius carnaliter accipientes dicerent: Durus est hie sermo) quis potest eum audire? resjpondit Dominus: Hoe uos seandalizat? Si ergo uideritis filium hominis aseendentem) ubi erat prius? Suspensa et quasi defectiua oratio fuit. Putabant enim discipuli Christum carnem qua inducus erat, particulatim incisam credentibus distributurum et quasi hoe contra naturam esse hominum, uidelicet humanam carnem in cibum sumere, quasi de re difficillima et impossibili dixerunt: Durus est hie sermo) quis potest eum audire? V nde et Do minus: Si, in quit, uideritis filium ho minis aseendentem) ubi erat prius, subaudiendum: 'Tune uidebitis, quia non eo modo quo putatis meam carnem credentibus distribuo, sed spiritali gratia me illis dando, ipsos in meum corpus transfundo.' Et hec gratia non consumitur morsibus nee dentibus teritur, sed interioris hominis palato, hoe est ratione et intellectu mentis, percipitur. V nde et communio Dominici corporis, sicut supra diximus, greco quidem, sed lacinis usitato sermone 'eucharistia', id est 'bona gratia' appellatur. Videtur enim sanctus ille panis quo corpus Domini consecratur et uisibiliter ore percipitur, sed uirtus Dei uerbi, id est diuinitas I qua anima percipientis sanetificatur, uideri non potest. Ascendit ergo Chrisms perfecto corpore suo et reliquit nobis sacramentum corporis sui. Denique ne putarent sibi in isto cibo et potu sic promitti uitam eternam, ut iam nee corpore morerentur, cum dixisset: Qui mandueat meam earn em, continua subiunxit: Et ego resuseitabo eum in nouissimo die. Nam qui digne earn em Christi comedit et sanguinem eius bibit, licet mortuus corpore, habet interim secundum spiritum uitam eternam. Quod uero ad corpus attinet, nee ipsum uita eterna fraudabitur qui resuscitabitur in nouissima die, ultra iam non moriturum. Hoe igitur modo ueritatis sermo sine culpa mendacii fuit dicens neminem uitam in se habere, nisi qui communicande carnis eius et sanguinis spiritalibus alimentis pascere-

395/396 durus - audire] Ioh. 6, 61 II 396/398 Dominus -prius] loh. 6, 62-63 II 402/ 403 durus - audire] Ioh. 6, 61 11 403/ 404 si - prius] Ioh. 6, 63 11 404/ 407 runc-transfundo]cfrloh.6,57-58 II 417/418 qui-carnem]loh.6,5711418/ 419 et - die] Ioh. 6, SS 11 421/423 nee - moriturum] cfr Rom. 6, 9

393 et] om. s2 II 400 esse] esset s 2 s 11 422 qui] quia s 2

2

II

403 si]

Dm m,ug

II

410 usitaco] uisitato

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ACT A SYNOD! ATREBA TENS IS

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tur. Poterat uero illud infirmis auditoribus huic sententiae contrarium uideri quod subditur: Caro non prodest quicquam, cum superius nulli uitam habere in se dixisset sine perceptione carnis suae. Sedita intelligendum est: si carnaliter uerba mea in430 telligere uultis, ut sic carnem meam I sicut alium cibum manducetis, earn nichil uobis prodest. Qui enim potest ita sumi corpus per tot aecclesias in toto orbe diffusas distribui, per tarn innumerabiles populos et longa tempora, singulis diebus singulis hominibus sumendum distribui et numquam deficere? Quo contra uobis res43 s pondemus, dum £idem euangelicam et tradictionem apostolicam uos fateri audimus. Verbum quod in principio erat apud Deum, id earn factum in fine temporum, quomodo tornm cum Patre fuit semper et totum se clausit in utero Virginis? Si toms in Virgine, quomodo totus cum Patre? Sed audi tantae uirtutis mysterium. 440 Ascensurus in caelum Dei Filius discipulis pro discessu eius sollicitis promittit se mansurum cum eis omnibus diebus usque ad consummationem seculi, quibus paulo ante predixerat se ire ad Patrem. Quod quidem refugeret credere human us intellectus, nisi uirtus discretionis adhibeatur. Homo namque corpore circum445 scriptus in loco manere et a loco discedere, nisi per successum temporis, non potest. Eterna uero Dei essentia sicut nee tempore angustatur, I ita nee loco constringitur. Sicut enim semper est, ita semper ubique est. 'Manere' igitur eius est 'nulli omnino loco deesse'; 'redire' uero est 'corpus in terris sumptum ab eis subtra450 here.' Manere ergo cum illis et ire ad Patrem se dicebat, dum corpus quod corruptibile induerat iam incorruptionis gloria sublimatum ad celos euehit et per maiestatis presentiam, qua ubique se cum illis mansurum promittit. Qui ergo ad Patrem, cum quo semper est, iuit et cum discipulis mansit, non impossibile est corpus, 45 s quod eternum et incorruptibile est, in caelis seruare et in terris communicandum nobis corporis sui sacramentum prebere. Quod uero in tot partibus, temporibus, populis, hominibus cotidie sumptum et non imminutum obicitis, nullum incredulitatis

1,

427 caro - quicquam] Ioh. 6, 64 II 436/437 uerbum - temporum) cfr Ioh. r - r 4 11 440 ascensurus - fili us] cfr Match. 2 8

II 430 sic] sicut D''' II 431 potest] om. D II sumi] suum per]om.D II 450 manere]unms 11450/451 dumcorpusquodcorruptibile) Din rd5· II 452 maiestatis] maiestates (-em?) D"' II qua) om. 5 2 II 454/456 non impossibile - prebere] N ota not. in marg. D 428 nulli] nullum s

1

5 5

2

II

2

15v

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ACT A SYNODI ATREBATENS IS

3I

scandalum parit, si quis fidei oculis intueri uelit quod ait Dominus, dum porrigeret illis panem et calicem dicens: Hoe Jacite in meam commemorationem. Semel namque Chrisms passus, semel mortuus, cotidie in aecclesia nobis patitur, cotidie nobis moritur, dum ipso iubente sacrosancta passionis eius memoria agitur et per sacerdotum ministerium Isalutaria corporis eius et sanguinis mysteria renouantur. Que inuisibiliter eodem spiritu uiuificantur, quo operante in utero Virginis incarnatus est Dei Filius. Quod quidem ex uerbis beati Andree apostoli intelligi datur, cuius uos doctrinam inter ceteros apostolos imitari profitemini. Qui cum ad sacrificium ydolorum compelleretur, ait: 'Omnipotenti Deo, 470 qui unus et uerus est, ego omni die sacrifico non turis fumum nee taurorum mugientium carnes nee hyrcorum sanguinem, sed immaculacum sanguinem cotidie in altare crucis sacrifico. Cuius carnem posteaquam omnis populus credentium manducauerit et eius sanguinem biberit, agnus qui sacrificatus est integer perseue475 rat et uiuus. Et cum uere sacrificatus sit et uere carnes eius manducate sint a populo et uere sanguis eius sit bibitus, tamen, ut dixi, integer permanet et immaculatus et uiuus.' lnterrogante uero Egea quomodo fieri posset ut occisus uiueret, agnus sacrificatus uero et comestus quomodo integer et immaculatus permaneret, Apostolus respondit si discipuli formam imitatus crederet, facile ad discendum; sin autem, ad indaginem Iueritatis non posse attingere. Quod et uobis quoque impossibile erit intueri, nisi, deposito incredulitatis rigore, formam fidemque discipulorum receperitis. Verum quia hoe fidei oculis intuendum docuimus si quern magis uisibilia edificant quam inuisibilium uirtus accendat, pauca de multis edicimus, que Dominus ad corroborandas mentes carnalium, oculis carneis contuenda de hoe ipso corporis sui et sanguinis sacramento dignatus est ostendere. Tempore namque quo beatus Gregorius Romanae aecclesiae 490 pastorali cura deseruiebat, quedam materfamilias religionis studio oblationes facere et summo pontifici ad aecclesiam familiariter offerre consueuerat. Que, cum ex more quadam die ad

460/461 hoe - commemorationem] Luc.

22,

19; I Cor.11,

469/ 475 omnipotenti - uiuus] Pass. Andr. 6 (p. 13-14) deseruiebat] cfr PAVL. DIAC., Viti1 Greg. 2 3 (col. s2-5 3) 490 cura] curae s, s

2

24

II

489/ 490 tempore -

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ACT A SYNOD! ATREBATENSIS

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495

soo

sos

sI o

s Is

s 20

s2 s

communicandum de manu episcopi ordine suo accederet et illi pontifex Dominici portionem corporis porrigeret dicens: 'Corpus Domini nostri Iesu Christi prosit tibi in remissionem peccatorum et uitam aeternam', subrisit. Quod uir Dei intuens, communionem retraxit et separatim super altare repositam diacono seruandum, dum caeteri communicarent, tradidit. Expletis uero sacris mysteriis, episcopus risus causam requirit. At illa respondit recognosse se partiunculamllam illam ex oblatione quam propriis manibus factam episcopo obtulerat et, quia 'Corpus Domini' earn dixerat, in risum se excitatam. V nde facto uerbo ad populum, episcopus omnes in commune orationem ad Dominum fundere hortatur, ut ad corroborandam fidem multorum manifesto suae uirtutis indicio mulieris incredulitatem compesceret. Quod et factum est. Surgentibus autem cunctis ab oratione et ad decernendum caeleste spectaculum comprimentibus, dominus episcopus corporalem palam reuelat et, uniuerso populo et muliere contuente, partem digiti auricularis sanguine cruentatam inuenit et conuersus ad mulierem dixit: 'Vel nunc experta diuinae uirtutis miraculum, ne differas audire dicentem ueritatem: Panis quern ego do earn mea est et sanguis meus uere est potus. Sed prescius Conditor infirmitatis nostrae potestate qua cuncta fecit ex nichilo et corpus sibi ex came Virginis, operante Spiritu Sancto, fabricauit panem et uinum aqua mixtum, propria manente specie, in carnem et sanguinem suum ad catholicam precem ob reparationem nostram Spiritus sui sanctificatione conuertit.' Denique omnes rursum in orationem prostrati, diuinam potentiam I exorant ut sanctum mysterium in pristinam formam conuertat, quaten us ad sumendum mulieri fiat possibile. Quod et factum est. Consecuta igitur mulier Dominici corporis participationem postea in sancta religione et fide, et omnes qui aderant in amore Christi et credulitate feruentes proficiebant. Alio quoque tempore quidam uir nobilissimus atque iuxta seculum potentissimus a beato Gregorio reliquias beatorum apostolorum et martyrum petiit sibi transmitti. Erat enim episcopo familiaris et erga Dei cultum per ammonitionem eius sufficienter imbutus. Honorifice igitur legatos suscipiens, aliquamdiu secum

S 24/ SS 7 alio - remisit] cfr P AVL. DrAC., Vita Greg. 24 ( col. 498 seruandum] seruandam

marg.

5

1

11 511

1

5 5

2

II

dicentem ueritatem] tr.

s3- ss)

507 comprimentibus] f. 'contuentibus' not. in 1

5 5

2

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morari fecit. Memorias igitur apostolorum et martyrum pro huiusmodi negocio agens, dum reliquias consecrando missarum solemnia explesset, particulatim pannos super quibus sancta celebrauerat, diuidit et singulis singulatim buxtis imposuit, quas sigillo munitas legatis tradit; et sic proficiscuntur. Qui dum iter carperent et quid secum ferrent, ignorarent, ceperunt curiosius se 5 3 5 ipsos reprehendere quod quid domino suo portabant, penitus ignorarent. Quid longius moramur? Fractis sigillis I et apertis buxtulis, nichil aliud nisi pannos contemplantur. Indignati igitur Romam redeunt, accusantes episcopum quod sui Domini petitionem et sui itineris laborem tarn praui estimasset, ut pro reliquiis 540 pannos ei misisset, tamquam huiusmodi genus apud se non inueniri posset. Quorum stulticiam episcopus pacienter ferens, eos celebrandis mysteriis iubet interesse. Vt autem ad locum sermonis uentum est, suadet populo Dei gratiam et sanctorum exorare, ut suae uirtutis potentiam in hac re dignetur ostendere, quatenus 545 quid fides mereretur, ignorantes agnoscerent. Data igitur oratione et ab eo qui signa fregerat accepto cultello, super altare sancti Petri unum ex pannis per medium pungens secauit, ex quo, uisu mirabile, sanguis defluens omnem eandem panni particulam cruentauit. Stupentibus legatis et ceteris qui aderant super archanum 5 50 sacrae fidei miraculum, dixit ad eos beams episcopus qui sacras reliquias parui duxerant: 'Scitote, fratres, quia in consecratione Dominici corporis et sanguinis, cum ob sanctificationem reliquiarum in honore apostolorum et martyrum Christi quibus specialiter assignabantur supra sanctum altare I libamina offerebantur, 5 5 s semper illorum sanguis hos pannos intrauit, qui effusus est pro nomine Domini nostri Iesu Christi.' Sic itaque edificatos in fide legatos sanctus Gregorius ad Dominum suum gaudentes remisit. Pensate igitur, si sanguis martyrum Christi in eorum memoria pannos intrauit, quanta magis sanguis Christi et corpus in se 560 transformat panem sanctum et uinum, quotiens Dominicae passionis memoria agitur. Superest aliud dicendum quod quidem mirificum et ad incredulitatem malorum confutandam est proficuum. Quidam uir uirtute uenerabilis Plexis nomine monachorum gregem cura peruigili seruabat, cuius de uirtutibus et mi5 30

563/573 quidam - indicio] cfr RADBERT, Corp. Dom. 14 (p. 89-90) 539 praui] paruis 1 s 2

II

560 quotiens] quotiess

2

ISv

19r

34 565

57 0

575

580

585

590

595

600

ACT A SYNOD! ATREBATENS IS

raculis esset satis ad loquendum. Sed quod ad presens negocium attinens utiliter occurrit, unum audite. Hie, dum quadam die ex more sacrosancto altari humili deuotione adstaret et missarum sollemnia celebrans Dominici corporis et sanguinis ueneranda mysteria consecraret, ut uentum est ad horam fractionis, uidit subito quod et fideliter credendum et creduliter sit admirandum, id est sanctificati panis portionem in infantem I transformari et angelum Domini particulatim ipsum diuidere manifesto ueritatis indicio, quia uerum Christi corpus et sanguis est quod sub sacramento communicande carnis et sanguinis de altari sumimus. Sepe etiam, dum hec sacra mysteria celebrantur, uisum est a pluribus angelorum coros mensam altaris in quo sancta consecrantur ambire tanquam milites in obsequio sui regis adstantes." T alibus dictis domni episcopi, omnes qui circumstabant fideles, lacrimis obortis, Dei uirtutem et Dei misericordiam laudabant. Et conuersus ad eos qui adstabant heretica prauitate seducti: "Dicite", inquit, "si quid habetis quo hec refellenda arbitremini." At illi grauitate uerborum et celestium uirtute magnalium stupefacti uultibusque demissis, quamdam penitudinis similitudinem preferentes et ex alto suspirantes, gemitum una dederunt, dicentes nichil hie se nisi diuinum audire et quod se mutos et pene elingues faceret, corruentesque in terra, tunsis pectoribus, culpam fatentur. Eleuantes autem Dei se pacientiam dicunt admirari, qui tamdiu eos ad ignominiam christiani nominis I tolerauerat; nullam sui erroris ueniam posse sperare qui tanto incredulitatis profundo non se solos immerserant, sed et alios quamplures eiusdem ruinae precipitio necauerant. Quibus episcopus ait: "Qui !apsis hucusque ueniae semitam interdixistis nee ullum in penitentia reconciliationis fructum sperandum iudicastis, durum est id uobis ab eo spectare qui peccantes uocat in penitentia et gaudet potius super uno penitente quam supra nonaginta nouem iustos; nisi melioris fidei precio id ab eo studueritis querere, qui certe penitentibus semper suae misericordiae sinum paratus est aperire. Si autem perfidiae uestrae duriciam catholicae fidei perceptione reicitis et, deposito incredulitatis rigore, fidei christianae documenta suscipitis, confidenter uobis a Deo ueniam promitto.

5 8 2/ S8 3 at - stupefacti] cfr Luc. S, 3 2.

11

S94/ 5 96 et - iustos] cfr Luc. r s, 7

S87 Dei] uocem intra uncos praem. Dei s 11 5 9 2 interdixistis] interduxistis D S94 ab eo spectare] spectare ab eo s' s2 11 5 96 iustos] iustis s' s2 2

11

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De sancta aecclesia que est domus Dei

605

61o

61 5

620

625

6 3o

"Sed latere in uos adhuc quasdam infidelitatis tenebras sentio, quas, dum in cordibus uestris manere permiseritis, nullam supernae lucis uisitationem sperare potestis. Hee sunt enim tenebrae quae uos infidelitatis cecitate damplnatos contra sanctam Dei aecclesiam erigere et domum Dei uiui ignominiosis uerborum ictibus impugnare faciunt dicentes in templo Dei nichil esse quod sit aliquo cultu religionis