Vitae, Miracula, Translatio sancti Arnulphi episcopi Suessionensis 9782503053011 [PDF]

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CORPVS

CHRISTIANORVM

Continuatio Mediaeualis

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CORPVS

CHRISTIANORVM

Continuatio Mediaeualis

285

Vitae, Miracula, Translatio

sancti Arnulphi episcopi Suessionensis

TURNHOUT BREPOLS & PUBLISHERS 2015

VITAE, MIRACVLA, TRANSLATIO ET ALIA

HAGIOGRAPHICA

SANG leARINV LP EI EPISGORLoVESSIONENSIS

edidit

Renée

NIP

TURNHOUT BREPOLS ® PUBLISHERS 2015

CORPVS

CHRISTIANORVM

Continuatio Mediaeualis

in ABBATIA

SANCTI PETRI STEENBRVGENSI

a reuerendissimo

Domino Eligio DEKKERS fundata nunc sub auspiciis Vniuersitatum UNIVERSITEIT ANTWERPEN

VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT

BRUSSEL

KATHOLIEKE UNIVERSITE

UNIVERSITEIT

UNIVERSITEIT

CATHOLIQUE

GENT

LEUVEN

DE LOUVAIN

edita

Rita BEYERS

editionibus curandis praesunt Alexander ANDREE Emanuela COLOMBI

Georges DECLERCQ

Jeroen DEPLOIGE

Paul-Augustin DEPROOST Anthony DUPONT Jacques ELFASSI Guy GULDENTOPS Mathijs LAMBERIGTS Johan LEEMANS Paul MATTE Dominique POIREL

Gert PARTOENS Marco PETOLETTI Paul TOMBEUR Marc VAN UYTFANGHE Wim VERBAAL

uoluminibus parandis operam dant Luc JOCQUE

Paolo SARTORI

Bart JANSSENS

Christine VANDE VEIRE

D/2015/0095/47 ISBN 978-2-503-05301-1

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O 2015, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In the execution and completion of what could be called the ‘Project St Arnulf of Oudenburg’, I owe Em. Prof. Loek Engels and Roel Vander Plaetse, former member

of the

Editorial Board of Corpus Christianorum, a great debt of gratitude. Both generously shared their expertise. Loek Engels taught me the subtle tricks of the trade, and got through a great deal of work, providing me with practical tools. He conveyed to me the love of texts. Roel

Vander Plaetse supported me in many a practical way. He provided me with all I needed and took care that I got access to the necessary institutions and persons. Thanks to him I came to love both Flanders and its history, and the Flemish way of enjoying good living. I am also grateful to

Em. Prof. Onno Kneepkens, who was always ready to help with ideas and with advice. At the basis of this volume lies a meeting of the Department of Medieval Studies, nowadays the Centre of Medieval and Renaissance Studies (CMRS) of the University of Groningen (The Netherlands), and the Editorial Board of Corpus Christianorum. The intention of the meeting was to give the members of the Board the opportunity to inform staff and students about their activities and, particularly, their wishes. Were there any medieval texts that, in a

new edition, they were anxious to include in the series Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Medievaelis? There were! The then head of the Department, Em. Prof. L. J. Engels, gave me the chance to pick one. As a historian, I was most interested in a hagiographic text, which was considered to be, and is often used as a major source for our knowledge of the past: the Life of St Arnulf of Oudenburg, Bisshop of Soissons (T 1087). With all the limitations of a saint’s Life, the text provides important information on religious, cultural and political developments in the late-eleventh and twelfth century in Flanders and Northern France. Besides, as the patron of the Flemish brewers St Arnulf was a very popu-

VI

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

lar saint. Soon after the saint’s death the composition of the Life was started. The best known text was only available

in obsolete editions from the eighteenth and nineteenth century. Since then, more manuscripts have been discov-

ered. Also, Roel Vander Plaetse had recovered a forgotten, short version of St Arnulf’s Zife, and made a first transcript. However, it took some time before the making of a new edition could be set in motion. Preceding that, a study of the hagiographic dossier of St Arnulf was needed, especially to establish the relation between the two versions of the Life, its character and value. The results, together with a diplomatic edition of the short version, found concrete shape in a PhD thesis, published in 2004: R. Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, bisschop van Soissons (T 1087) (Encyclopédie Bénédictine), Turnhout, 2004. After that, the coming

into being of this volume still required a lot of discussion and experimenting to find the right format for editing the hagiographic dossier in a way that does justice to each of the texts. The discussions also reflected the differences which often exist between philologists and historians in the estimation of hagiographic texts. I am very grateful to Prof. Rita Beyers, Director of the Academic and Editorial Board - Latin Editions of Corpus Christianorum, and Bart Janssens, Publishing Manager, for functioning as sparring partners. Their careful and critical way of acting compels admiration. Their comments and suggestions were very in-

structive and helpful. Certainly, my gratitude is as infinite as their patience. I am of course thankful for all the assistance and hospi-

tality which I experienced at the libraries of Bruges, Brussels and St Omer, where the textual witnesses are kept. With regard to this, I want to mention especially the archivist of the Grootseminarie in Bruges, Prof. Kurt Priem. Also, I must express my gratitude to NWO Humanities for the financial support as an important contribution to the realization of the project. Renée Nip, Haren, 31 December 2014.

INTRODUCTION The Life of the Flemish saint Arnulf of Oudenburg, bishop of Soissons (1047/49 — T 1087), is an important source for

our knowledge of religious and cultural life in the eleventh and twelfth century in Flanders and Northern France. As a hagiographic work, the Life of St Arnulf contributes considerably to our understanding of the making and the function of this genre. However, until now there has been no modern edition available. The Life is transmitted in two versions, traditionally known as the prior editio and the editio altera, which were edited in 1573 and 1701 respectively.’ Lisiard, bishop of Soissons ([ 1126), who claims to have known his predecessor personally, started

writing shortly after the saint’s death and finished the oldest version before 1114. That year, Hariulf, third abbot of the abbey of Oudenburg, completed a revision of the prior

editio. In 1120 the two hagiographers successfully joined hands in composing a book of posthumous miracles of the saint to help bring about his canonization, which took place in 1121. The genesis of the two versions of the Life as well as the relation between them is complicated, and will be discussed below. Other texts that took part in the saint’s cult will also be dealt with, and are included in the edition.

Until into the late twentieth century St Arnulf of Oudenburg was venerated as the patron of Belgian brewers. However, the medieval sources do not reveal any connection between the saint and beer, but present him as a peacemaker.

' ‘Vita S. Arnulphi

Suessionensis

episcopi,

authore

Lisiardo eius successore

episcopo: cuius sermo', in De probatis sanctorum vitis — ed. L. Surius, vol. 4, Coloniae, 1573, p. 689-713 (reprinted in vol. 4, 1579, p. 714-737, and in vol. 8, 1618, p. 143-156); ‘Vita S. Arnulfi episcopi Suessionensis’ — ed. J. MABILLON (AASS OSB, 6. 2), Paris, 1701, p. 507-555 (reprinted in PL, 174, Paris, 1854, col. 1367-1440).

VII

INTRODUCTION

I. ST ARNULF OF OUDENBURG,

BISHOP OF SOISSONS

The hagiographic dossier of St Arnulf is the only source of information on the saint. The early beginnings of the work and the relation between the author and his protagonist suggest that, indeed, the Life might have been based on a historical person.” According to the Life St Arnulf was born in Flanders. His father belonged to the clan of the Lords of Oudenaarde,

while

his mother

was

related to the most

prominent noble families of Hinault. After his father's death, he exchanged a successful military career for an ecclesiastical life. He entered the monastery of St Medard near Soissons in France, where he lived as a monk, almoner and recluse. When the abbot died, the monks elected Arnulf as his successor. However, after a while, he fell vic-

tim to the struggle for power between the French king and the pope, the so-called Investiture Controversy, and was forced to resign. Also, after the apostolic delegate in France consecrated him as bishop of Soissons, the royal candidate prevented him from taking the see. Nevertheless, the Investiture Controversy is not the main theme of the Zife, which, instead, is about peace. St Arnulf

stood up against the princely adversaries of the church. In Northern France and Flanders, he pacified brutal noblemen and violent adolescents, and told them how to be good Christians.? He protected women, and, in their interest, children, especially their sons. He participated in the

reform movement of Pope Gregory VII, and communicated not only with the pope and his legate, Bishop Hugh of Die, but also with famous reformers like Abbot Hugh of Cluny and St Gerald, founder and first abbot of the abbey of La Sauve-Majeure near Bordeaux. In the end, according to the wishes of the Flemish, he made the arrangements needed

> See for instance the following, an effort to put the saint in a historical framework: R. Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, bisschop van Soissons (7 1087) (Publications de l'Encyclopédie Bénédictine), Turnhout, 2004 (with a summary in French). 3 See for the obligations of a nobleman

XXXI.

the prior editio XxIx ; editio altera 1,

INTRODUCTION

IX

to turn St Peter’s church in Oudenburg in Flanders into a monastery, where he died on August 15, 1087.

2. THE

CULT OF ST ARNULF

IN THE ABBEY

OF OUDENBURG

IN

FLANDERS

The hagiographical dossier contains several texts that bear witness to the existence of a cult of St Arnulf in Oudenburg. In the manuscripts of the editio altera (B Du F), which were written in Oudenburg, some of the chapters dealing with the saint’s death and miracles were subdivided into eight lessons.* This suggests that these chapters had a liturgical function. The same can be said of a twelfthcentury summary of the Life of St Arnulf, the so-called Sermo, which was divided into nine lessons.?

A fourteenth-century missal (M), also originating from Oudenburg, gives evidence of the use of the Life in the liturgy. On the first of May Arnulf's elevation was celebrated, while his death was commemorated on August 15 and again a week later, when the octave was held. The offices each contained eight lessons based on the two versions of St Arnulf's Life and the Sermo. The antiphons, responses and verses also include references to the Life, in particular to the miraculous events around his birth and death, and the miracles that St Arnulf performed himself. During the offices a hymn, Pange lingua, had to be sung in two parts. Another hymn, together with some prayers, can be found

in à manuscript of the fifteenth century (N).* Five posthumous miracles of St Arnulf were added on a blank page in the oldest Oudenburg manuscript (B) of the Life. Their contents suggest a vivid popular cult. Only the first was dated and took place in 1296 in Oudenburg.’ All of these texts present St Arnulf as a peacemaker and miracle worker. Remarkably, already in the fourteenth century St Arnulf was also venerated as the patron of the brewSTS EEN DON 5 See p. XXVIII-XXIX.

© See p. XXXVI-XXXVII. 7 See p. XXXV-XXXVI.

X

INTRODUCTION

ers in what would be present-day Belgium. Soon, in popu-

lar devotion, this aspect of the cult became predominant. However, the hagiographical dossier here under discussion, does not provide any starting point for that. Although new legends developed, it did not lead to a revision of the saint's life story nor was it integrated or added into the present dossier.?

3. THE HAGIOGRAPHIC DOSSIER

The two versions of St Arnulf's Life composed in the first quarter of the twelfth century are the main constituents of the edition. The relation between them is very complicated. The oldest version, the prior editio, presents the life story in one book, and can be attributed to one author,

Lisiard, bishop of Soissons. The best known version, the editio altera, is presented in all manuscripts as an entity,

but in fact consists of two parts. The first part, a revision of Lisiard's work in two books composed by Hariulf, abbot of Oudenburg, was completed in 1114. This was amplified with a third book that contains posthumous miracles and a report of the events in regard to the elevation and translation in 1120-1121. This miraclebook came into existence through close cooperation between Lisiard and Hariulf. Some shorter texts complete the edition. 1. Prior editio (BHL 703) : Vita sancti Arnulphi Suessionensis episcopi auctore Lisiardo 2. Editio altera (BHL 704): Vita, Miracula et Translatio Sancti Arnulphi episcopi 2.1. Vita auctore Hariulfo Aldenborgensi abbate (Liber I-ID

2.2. Miracula et Translatio auctoribus Lisiardo successore eius et Hariulfo Aldenborgensi abbate (Liber III)

* R. Nip, ‘Life and Afterlife. Arnulf of Oudenburg, Bishop of Soissons, and Godelieve of Gistel: Their Function as Intercessors in Medieval Flanders’, in The Invention of Saintliness (Routledge Studies in Medieval Religion and Culture, 2) — ed. A. B. MULDER-BAKKER,

London — New York, 2002, p. 59-66.

INTRODUCTION

XI

3. Sermo de uita sancti Arnulphi episcopi Suessionensis (BHL 705)

4. Epistolae commendaticiae Hariulfi Aldenborgensis abbatis 5. Genealogia sancti Arnulphi episcopi Suessionensis et confessoris (BHL 705a) 6. Miracula post transitum beati Arnulphi facta (BHL

705b) 7. Hymnus Pange Lingua 8. Carmen et orationes

9. Five summaries of the Life (42-15th century), which are not included in the present edition.

3.1. Prior

editio:

Vita

sancti

Arnulphi

Suessionensis

episcopi auctore Lisiardo Author and Date

In the prologue, Bishop Lisiard of Soissons (1108-1126) makes himself known as the author. Later, in his prologue to the miracle or third book, which was added to the edi-

tio altera, he tells us that he had lived with the holy man, who had ordained him a subdeacon (IIL.Prol.). The Life is not dated, but the contents reveal that it was composed

between c. 1090 and the end of the twelfth century, when the oldest witness of the editio altera (C) came into existence

Lisiard came from a prominent noble family in Northern France. He was a son of Adam the Rich, Lord of Nanthueil-

le-Haudouin (Dep. Oise), who held the castle of Crépy-enValois (Dep. Oise) from Hugh of Vermandois, brother of King Philip I of France (1060-1108). He was a relative of Simon of Crépy (T 1080), who soon after his death was venerated as a saint and figures in the editio altera of

St Arnulf's Life (I.xxv).'? He must have been a younger son, meant to follow a clerical career. About 108; he became provost of the cathedral of Soissons and in 1108 he was

PESO MXN TE 0 J. FERRANT, Un saint de la Flandre au Xieme siecle.

Vie de saint Arnold ou

Arnulphe, Evéque de Soissons ll, Bruges, 1887, p. 167-168 n. 2.

XII

INTRODUCTION

elevated to the see of Soissons. As a bishop Lisiard enjoyed a good reputation." The influential canonist Ivo, Bishop of Chartres Cf 1116), spoke highly of him, and Guibert, abbot of Nogent (1 c. 1125), dedicated to him his work on the crusades, Dei gesta per Francos." His support of Norbert of Xanten (T 1134), founder of the Premonstratensian Order, confirms his sympathy with the ecclesiastical reform movement of that time. However,

in view of the more conser-

vative attitude of Ivo of Chartres, his praise suggests that Lisiard acted in this as a prudent and moderate man. He must have been a well-educated man, but writings by his hand other than the Zife of St Arnulf are not known.” Composition

Lisiard started writing the Zife shortly after the death of St Arnulf (T 1087) and worked on it again after he became bishop of Soissons at the end of the year 1108. The prior editio consists of one book divided into about 57 chapters. In his conclusion Lisiard renders an account of his method. He tells us that he visited the abbey of Oudenburg to collect additional information for St Arnulf's life story. First he recorded on wax tablets all his informants told him and then, with the help of Arnulf, first abbot of Oudenburg and nephew of St Arnulf, he structured the information and wrote it down in ink on parchment (1vi1). This must have taken place between c. 1090 and c. 1095, the dates, respectively, of the foundation of the abbey of Oudenburg, and Abbot Arnulf's death.'* Lisiard added the prologue after his consecration. In this he called himself bishop of Soissons and dedicated his work to Ralph, Archbishop of Reims, who could not have occupied the see before 1108. The Life itself also contains

" G. BOURGIN, Za commune de Soissons et le groupe communal Soissonnais (Bibliothéque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes 167), Paris 1908, p. 18, p. 82-87. * Ivo CARN., Epist. (PL 162), nr 203, col. 208; GvIB. Nov., Dei gesta (ed. R. B. C. HUYGENS), p. 20 and p. 91-92. 5 Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 257-265.

^ ibid., p. 44-45. 5 ibid., p. 259-260.

INTRODUCTION

XIII

traces of revision during this period, for instance references to the Duke of Louvain (1, 10), who acquired the title in 1106, to Louis VI as future King (xxvill, 9/10, 32/34), and Ralph as the later archbishop of Reims (xxxvii, 18/19). The chapter about St Arnulf's sister Oda (xiv) seems misplaced, and also might have been a later addition. Clearly, the story interrupts the chronology as well as the structure. Obviously, it anticipates the saint's last stay in Oudenburg, where he had returned only to die (1-11). However, in Lisiard's Life it preceeds the story of an earlier visit of St Arnulf to Oudenburg (xrvri-xivirrm). Besides, the following chapter Hinc factum est... (XLVI) does not refer to the preceding story, but to the earlier stories about Arnulf's peacemaking activities in Flanders. Lisiard's Life tells a relatively simple and straightforward story in prose, but also contains some verses (III, 41/42 ; XXXV, 40 ; XLIV, 29/31). According to the author, the first are

taken from Horace." There are also two larger poems, the epitaph that was attributed to Regemar, monk of St Bertin, near St Omer (Iv, 19/36), and a poem in 54 verses (xxv, 23/

77), which is a recapitulation of the preceding story. This latter amplifies the prose with more details on the saint's devout behaviour and his prophesying gifts. It is an anomaly in the prior editio, and it seems unlikely that Lisiard put it in. This poem is also included in the first book of the editio altera, and therefore must have been added to the prior editio sometime between 1108 and 120o, the date of the oldest known witness of the editio altera. Why did Lisiard write the Life? In his justification at the end of the Life Lisiard suggests that he did so at the request of the people he met in Oudenburg, ... quibus interpellantibus bec scribere presumpsi (1vri, 2/3). In his prologue, he

gave a traditional and more formal explanation: ... ut per mee pusillitatis obsequium qualitercumque palam fierent magna

opera Dei que sapientes et docti bactenus neglex-

erunt sustollere de profundo silentii (PROL. 14/17). After Lisiard became bishop of Soissons, he may have been in-

'6 Hor., Epist. 1, 19, 48/49.

XIV

INTRODUCTION

spired, not only to rehabilitate his beloved predecessor St Arnulf, but also to insert him in the line of holy bishops of Soissons." The consecration (1106) and royal recognition (1108) of the papal candidate, Ralph the Green, as archbishop of Reims, opened new perspectives. To Lisiard, who witnessed the violent events in Soissons under his predecessor Bishop Manasses, and, during his own episcopacy, in Laon and Amiens, St Arnulf as a peacemaker must have been a perfect role model.” Transmission

Only two, rather late, witnesses

St Arnulf's Life are known:

of the oldest version of

a manuscript

and an early

edition.'? The manuscript (A) is the third volume of a collection of Saints’ Lives, the Legendarium of Rouge-Cloitre (Augustine canons) near Brussels, composed in the sixteenth century. The Carthusian Laurentius Surius (1523-1578) published in 1573 in Cologne an edition of the prior editio (Su). He offers a text that is very close to A. However, as

he declared himself, he adapted the text, mainly by rephrasing. Also, he left out the large poem in ch. xxv because, as he said, it was only a recapitulation.*° Unfortunately, Surius did not inform us about the model(s) that he used. The problems in the numbering of the chapters in A suggest that during the transmission process a certain obscurity about the structure had crept in. At the beginning of each chapter the copyist left space for a rubric in red - the capitulum followed by mostly Roman numerals — to be filled in later, suggesting that there should have been a division into 56 chapters. However, not all blanks were filled in, and the numbering does not add up: r-xxiv, 7 blanks (XXV-XXXD, XXVII-XLV (instead of xxxir-L), 5 blanks (Lr-Lv), ultimum capitulum (v1). Probably the first number after the 7 blanks was the result of a misreading (v for an x) by

7 Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 210-213. " ibid., p. 263-265. '? See p. XXXIX-XLII and p. LVIII-LXII. PR SIN pb

INTRODUCTION

XV

the copyist or by one of his predecessors. Surius had another division into chapters, which he might have found in his model, or made himself. In his edition the Life is divided into 52 chapters. Four times Surius joined two chapters from A COVviInS a. = XEXVITESXXVIIT As XXXVII- $4 m1 XXXVIIEXXXIX A; XLIV Su = XLVI-XLVII A; LI Su = LIVI-LV A). In these

cases chapter numbers were lacking, or incorrect in A, while the contents of the two combined chapters in Su formed an entity. Editions

After the Surius edition of 1573, which was reprinted several times, in 2004 Nip published a diplomatic edition of A.” 3.2. Editio altera: Vita, Arnulphi episcopi

Miracula

et

Translatio

Sancti

Lib. I-II, Vita auctore Hariulfo Aldenborgensi abbate

Author and Date The edition altera was composed during the abbacy of Hariulf of Oudenburg (1105-1143). However, this revision of Lisiard's Life does not reveal the identity of the author, while Lisiard's prologue to the prior edition was preserved. The attribution to Hariulf is based on one of three letters of recommendation,

attached to a version of

St Arnulf's Life in a manuscript, now lost, which the abbot sent around, seeking support for the saint's canoniza-

tion." Thanks to Mabillon's edition, the text of the letters has been preserved.” In the first letter, Hariulf offers his work to Lambert, bishop of Noyon and Tournai: tibi ceu fido pastori ingenioli mei fructigenum committo uelluscu-

lum (Ep. 1, 14/15). The other letters are addressed to Bishop Lisiard of Soissons and Archbishop Ralph of Reims. In the miracle book that was added later to the Life, Lisiard refers to the involvement of the abbot in the version of the

E SGeX EXE 2 See p. XXXI-XXXII ;MABILLON CAASS OSB, 6.2), p. 502. ^ Edited in this volume, p. 211-217.

XVI

INTRODUCTION

St Arnulf's Life that was presented at the Council of Beauvais (1120). In his report of the meeting, he states that the abbot was present and carried a libellum de uita et moribus miraculorumque gestis ipsius sancti Arnulfi, which was composed me conscio meque auctore (III.xv, 18/19). Hariulf's epitaph, which is transmitted in a fifteenth-century manuscript, confirms that he wrote St Arnulf's Life: Arnulphi uitam conscripsit presulis almi (I. 9).*4 According to the letter to Lambert, it was only after the consecration of the bishop in 1113/14, and the restoration

of peace within the double diocese Oudenburg belonged to, that Hariulf found the opportunity to take action. A date clause at the end of the second book sets out its completion in 114 (ILxxxv). However, the editio altera already contains references to the elevation and translation of St Arnulf in 1121. The editio altera got its definite form somewhere between 1114 and the end of the twelfth century, when the oldest manuscript (C) was written.^ Before Hariulf came to Oudenburg, he was a monk of the abbey of Saint-Riquier in Ponthieu in Northern France. He was born about 1060 and entered the abbey as an oblate. There he received his education. He wrote a chronicle of the abbey, the Life of St Madelgisil (BHL 5130-5131), and

a miracle book of St Riquier, the founder of the abbey (BHL 7235).*° In 1105 he moved to Oudenburg, where, on

22 October, Bishop Baldric of Noyon and Tournai consecrated him as the third abbot of the monastery of Oudenburg. Here he continued to write and composed several works. Besides a Life of St Arnulf he wrote a report of his sojourn in Rome in c. r14o, where he had to defend the rights of the abbey of Oudenburg against the claims of the abbot of St Medard.*” He also allegedly wrote a Life of his predecessor,

Abbot

Gerwin,

as well as De miraculis

^^ Chron. Aldenb., p. 79. ^5 See p. XLVIII-L.

© Har. Chron. (ed. F. LOT), p. V-XVI. ^" HAR. Gesta ;R.I.A. Nip, ‘The Dispute of Hariulf of Oudenburg and the Abbey of Saint Médard: a Convenient Confusion of Names’ in: Media Latinitas. A Collection of Essays to Mark the Occasion of the Retirement of L.J. Engels (Instrumenta Patristica 28) — ed. R. I. A. Nip, Steenbrugge — Turnhout, 1996, p. 275-281.

INTRODUCTION S. Petri

apostoli

apud Aldenborck,

XVII both

now

lost. The

Flemish historian Galbert of Bruges characterised Hariulf as a religious and wise man.*8 Composition

Hariulf's revision of St Arnulf's Life was adapted again after 1114, but how often and to what extent cannot be established. Undoubtedly, St Arnulf as a peacemaker appealed also to Hariulf, who like Lisiard lived in turbulent times. Apparently, in nr9 the hagiographers bypassed Bishop Lambert, and submitted their request for canonization to the Council of Reims (IILPROL.) on purpose. By

then, violence had torn Flanders apart as the result of the death of Count Baldwin VII, who left no children behind. The climax was

the murder

of his cousin and successor,

Count Charles the Good in 1127. Abbot Hariulf was involved actively in the ensuing struggle.*? Not only peace, but also the independence of the abbey of Oudenburg was at stake. During Hariulf's abbacy the abbot of Saint-Medard demanded the subordination of Oudenburg as a priory, because the founder had been a monk of his abbey. According to the information the Life offers, this was due to a confusion of two persons, both called Arnulf and both once monks of St-Medard : St Arnulf and his nephew Arnulf. Therefore the Life had to make it very clear that it

was not the monk of St-Medard but St Arnulf, the bishop of Soissons, who founded the abbey. As a further complication, the nephew and namesake of the holy man, Arnulf, monk of St-Medard, was the first abbot of Oudenburg, but according to the Life, he surely was not the founder of the abbey. In 1140, Abbot Hariulf, eighty years old, had to explain this to the pope to ensure the independence of the abbey. The outcome of the case is unknown, but the further course of time suggests that Hariulf won.??

^

GALB.

BnvG.,

De multro

(ed. J. RIDER),

p. 159, cap.

Oldenburg ab abate illius loci, religioso et prudenti uiro. ^ ibid., p. 159-161.

^ Nip, ‘The Dispute’, p. 275-281.

114, 1128, June

21-22:

in

XVIII

INTRODUCTION

Was the version that, according to Mabillon, accompanied Hariulf's three letters of recommendation, the revision that was finished in 114? Mabillon mentions that this con-

sisted of one book divided into only 4o chapters, that apparently offered a much shorter Zife than the present editio allera. He did not use it for his edition.? Possibly this version was in the little book, mentioned before, which Hariulf brought with him at the Council of Beauvais (III.xv). The fact that Hariulf retained Lisiard's prologue in his revision of St Arnulf's Life, suggests that he saw himself as an editor. Some major changes were made, but, overall, the similarity between the prior editio and the editio altera remained great, in regard to the contents as well as to the text itself. The most marked difference between the two versions of the Life of St Arnulfis the arrangement and extent of the contents. In its present form the editio altera is considerably longer than the prior editio. It is divided into two books of respectively 31 and 35 chapters, with the election of St Arnulf as bishop of Soissons as breaking point. The text was restructured to present the events in a more logical chronically order, while six new chapters were added, and three left out. The restructuring concerned especially the last part of the first book. It started with a new chapter (I.xxiv) on St Arnulf's clairvoyance regarding the death of St Simon of Crépy. The events that followed, which according to the prior editio took place during the abbacy of St Arnulf (xivXV), were in the editio altera situated after his resignation (I.xxv-xxim. Others were set not during his episcopacy (.XXXIX-XXXxIx), but before (1.xxx-xxx1). They were connected by a new chapter (I.xxix) about St Arnulf's prophecy of the pregnancy of the French queen. The story about the saint's sister Oda was also moved. She was on her way back from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and hurried to visit him before his death. The prior editio (xiv) suggested that this took place during St Arnulf's visit to Oudenburg, be-

* Vita S. Arnulfi episcopi Suessionensis' — ed. MABILLON (AASS OSB, 6.2), p. 502$05. 2 See App, Ul

INTRODUCTION

XIX

fore the church of St Peter was donated to him. However,

in the editio altera Oda’s journey took place after the church was transferred to the holy man (I.xxm). This was still some time before his death: after the donation St Arnulf went back to Soissons (ILXxvr), but not for long. Soon afterwards, he returned to Oudenburg to respond to the supplications of the inhabitants and to die (II.xxvirXXXI. To make it plausible that Oda arrived only after her brother's death, the fact that she had already crossed the Alps, ...repedantem iam Alpes transisse (X1V, 9/10), was left out. Besides the two new stories in the last part of the first book, four new chapters were included in the second book. In the first St Arnulf predicted that he would be buried in Flanders and that this would cause trouble (II.1x). The trouble, an effort to steal the body of the saint, was

elucidated in the miracle book that was composed after i119 (III im). Another chapter consists of 23 verses, and tells how, after his death, an angel descended from heaven to

indicate the place of St Arnulf's grave CII.xxxml, 2/9). It also describes the burial, forming a link with the report of the elevation and translation of the saint (1121) included in the miracle book (II.xxximt, 15/20, cfr HI.xLv, 78/93). A new chapter (II.xxiv) tells of the grants that some local noblemen gave to the church of Oudenburg, which earlier in the story had been transferred to St Arnulf to establish a monastery (ILXx). It was based on a charter of the abbey of Oudenburg, a procedure that Hariulf used also in his chronicle of the abbey of St Riquier.? The grants not only proved the love of the Flemish for the saint, but also strengthened the story about the foundation of the abbey. The following chapter (II.xxv) had the same function. The first part followed the first paragraph of the prior editio (xix, 1/4) and was amplified with a new miracle, while the

remaining text on the return of St Arnulf to France was presented in a separate chapter (II.xxvi, cfr xux, 5/30).

? Brugge,

Rijksarchief,

F. LOT), p. XXXVI.

charters

blauwe

nummers

6638;

Har.

Chron.

(ed.

XX

INTRODUCTION

The last new chapter (IL.Xxxv) concludes the second book, and offers an elaborate dating clause that gives 1114 as the date of completion of the editio altera. It replaces the last chapter (Lv) of the prior editio, which contained Lisiard’s explanation of his method and the names of his helpers. This information is not available in the editio altera. The names of two other contributors are left out. Archdeacon Peter of Soissons, who provided Lisiard with a chapter that contained four miracle stories, is mentioned no longer. (..xxv-xxvul, cfr xiv). Neither is Regemar, monk of St-Bertin, as the composer of the epitaph of St Arnulf (IL.XxxIv, cfr Lv). On the other hand the name of the saint's brother-in-law, Trudbert, has been added (I.xvrimD, while an estate in the possession of the abbey of St-Medard near

Soissons is identified as Hanzinne (Lx). The two other stories (r-Iv), which are missing in the editio altera, were enacted before the saint's conversion, and focus on his outstanding military capacities. The content of a chapter (A Lvl) on posthumous miracles was removed to the third book (III.1-1D. The most radical textual revisions concern the second

book.

When

they were

made,

cannot

be established.

The chapters on Flanders (ILxim-xix), and the church of Oudenburg, which was donated to St Arnulf to found a monastery, were greatly revised and extended (II.xrx-xxii, XXIV-XXV). The focus was moved from Northern France to the Flemish coastal area, where almost two-thirds of the second book, including the seven chapters on his death, took place. However, after his conversion, the holy man

spent most of his life in France, where the events occurred that defined the course of his career. In the second book eleven poems were added, five of them in the chapters on the events around St Arnulf’s death CI.m, vi, vir, Ix, XXVIII, xxx-xxxin.?* Dactylic hexam-

eters embellish and amplify the prose that closely follows the prior editio (IL.vt, 13/14, ILXXX, 29/31, 35/39), or, as part of the revision, replace it (II.ur, 51/56, II.vit, 9/25, II.xxvil,

?* See App. II, Concordance 2.

INTRODUCTION

XXI

I/31). Twice the saint's actions are extended with, in verses, the words he had spoken (IL.11, 18/38, I.xxx1, 8/16).

Some poems recapitulate the preceding story as well (1I. vit, 9/25, IL.XXXII, 33/44) ;one is announced as such and

is outstanding for its length (ILXXx, 45/135). A poem containing a whole chapter and providing information that is not available in the prior editio, has already been mentioned (ILxxxim. This new information is presented also in the description of the elevation (Mai 1, 1121), included in the miracle book (III.xiv, 78/93). In the new chapter II.Ix a

dactylic heptameter, was inserted in place of a hexameter. A lack of cohesion between some of the poems and the prose, would at least suggest that not all were written as part of the revision, but that some were inserted later in the editio altera. For instance, the third poem in the chapter on the three miraculous concussions that preceded the saint's death is disproportionately long. The other two, following the story in prose of, respectively, the first and the second concussion, merely serve to embellish the prose (II.Xxx, 29/31, 35/39). The third, following the last concussion, provides an extended, but incomplete recapitulation of the preceding prose, excluding the two earlier concussions (ILXxx, 45/116), and also anticipates the next chapter (IL.XXx, 117/135). The verses that follow the prose account of the events just after the saint's passing away, offer a short recapitulation with the exclusion of the miracle that was the main subject of the chapter (IL.xxxiI, 33/44). Twice, the verses present information not found in the prose in the’editio altera, but available in the prior editio (II.11, 51/ S63 Chr mexyl 29/470 WEOCXWITID 1/33» Cif 9/23): Irregularities in the tables of contents (ILvir-vri-Ix, II.xxxir-xxxim, and in the defining of some chapters in the text witnesses (ILxxvil-XXXIV) seem to confirm this hypothesis? Who the author of the verses was, and when they were written, remain unknown. A late medieval witness CE) suggests the possibility that the editio altera reached its final form, however without the 9r verses

35 See below, XXV-XXVI.

XXII

INTRODUCTION

(IIL.XXX, 45/135), before the Sermo was composed in connection with the canonization of St Arnulf in 1121.3° In that case, Hariulf might have been the author, or might have taken the verses from a vita metrica, now lost. All we know is that a seventeenth-century inventory of the library of the abbey of Oudenburg mentions a metrical Life of St Arnulf by an anonymous monk of the abbey.” Lib.

III,

Miracula

et

Translatio

auctoribus

Lisiardo

successore eius et Hariulfo Aldenborgensi abbate Authors and Date

Lisiard wrote the prologue, addressed to Archbishop Ralph of Reims (IIL.PROL.) and, at least in part, the report of the Council of Beauvais (IILxv). Possibly Hariulf added the story about the elevation and translation to Lisiard's report. Lisiard was not mentioned among the prelates present at the event. It seems credible that Hariulf collected the posthumous miracles and wrote these down. However, Lisiard

or other writers might have been involved. The third book got its present form between 1119/20 and the late twelfth century, when the oldest manuscript (C) was written. Composition

In his prologue Lisiard explains what had happened (III.PROL.). At the Council of Reims in i119 Archbishop Ralph had demanded the evidence of posthumous miracles as a necessary condition for canonization. We must assume that a year later, at the Council of Beauvais, the required proof was presented in the little book, already mentioned.* However, the third book in its present form contains, besides the reports of the council (1120) and the elevation and translation (1121), miracle stories that took place after these events. Therefore, it must have been added later. For instance, chapter III.v seems a later interpolation, interrupt-

36 See XLIV-XLV. 37 ANTONIVS SANDERVS, Bibliotheca Belgica Manuscripta, 2 vol., Lille, 1641-1643, p. 224-226; Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 75 n. 88.

EN SES 9), SOUL

INTRODUCTION

XXIII

ing the report on the events that occurred at the elevation and translation. It offers a fourth miracle, while the preceding chapter, referring to the Holy Trinity, mentions explicitly the three miracles that took place. Most miracles were not precisely dated. Those described in chapter III. vi were said to have taken place in 114 and urs. In some other stories the day of the event is given, but not the year. However, the dates mentioned in the chapters III Ix, x and Xii — chapter III.x1 is not dated — suggest a chronological order: the events described took place on the evening before Ascension day (IX), on the birthday of John the Baptist, 24 June CO, and on the Thursday after Whit Sunday (XII. If this is so, chapter x seems to break the order.

The tables of contents confirm that the book came into existence in more than one stage.?? As we shall see, some manuscripts (BDuF) contain two different tables of contents of the third book. The first counts the 16 titles of the first 16 chapters, while the second mentions r9. Indeed, the

text is structured in r9 chapters, but the titles in the table do not cover the contents of the third book in its present form. Two of them (xvii and xvi refer to two chapters of

the book CII.xvi and III xix). Title xix in the second table, De episcopo Helgoto qui nolente eo successit, et cito periit,

is without contents in the text, and is missing in F (s. XVII). On the other hand, the title referring to chapter xvii, on St Arnulf's elevation and translation, and the prosperity in Flanders as the result of this, only figures in the second table in F. Thus, after the composition of the second table, changes were still being made to the book. It is not clear why the last chapter announced in the second table of contents is missing. Was it lost, or was it never

written? injustice Helgaud although

The title suggests that the chapter dealt with the done to St Arnulf regarding the see of Soissons. was mentioned in 1085 as bishop of Soissons, at the time St Arnulf was still alive. Until then

Helgaud had been a deacon of the church of St Genevieve

in Paris. Like his predecessor

3? See p. XXV-XXVI.

he was

a reformist

and

XXIV

INTRODUCTION

worked closely together with the count of Champagne. Soon he also came into conflict with King Philip I of France and was forced to resign from the episcopal see. According to Ivo of Chartres, who defended him, he was falsely accused of several crimes. In 1088 Helgaud became a monk in Tours and, in the end, abbot of the abbey of Marmou-

tiers (1102-1106).^? It is conceivable that the chapter was left out deliberately due to the problems between the abbeys of Oudenburg and Saint-Medard. In 1140, Abbot Hariulf had to defend before the pope the independence of the abbey of Oudenburg against the claims of the abbot of St Medard. Therefore he had to prove that St Arnulf founded the abbey of Oudenburg in the role of bishop of Soissons,

and not as

a monk

of St Medard.

To this end

Hariulf presented the Life of St Arnulf and some charters to the pope. One of these charters, the so-called testament of St Arnulf, was a forgery.*" Perhaps, the Life was adapted for the occasion and stripped of a story that might have led to the wrong conclusions. The inference must be that two of the last three chapters announced in the second table of contents were added later, while afterwards the last one might have been eliminated again. The third book was not kept updated. Later miracles, although some can be found in two manuscripts of Hariulf’s version of the Life of St Arnulf (BF), were not included. Transmission

The two books of Hariulf’s revision together with the third book have been preserved in six manuscripts (B Du EF C D), dating from the late twelfth century (C) until the seventeenth century ().* We also know of four missing manuscripts. One of these, the version in the legendary of

Longpont, is still known, thanks to the edition of Mabillon (Ma).*

4° Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 211-212. * Nip, ‘The dispute’, p. 275-281. Te OCerAnI **^ MABILLON (AASS OSB, 6.2), p. 503.

INTRODUCTION

XXV

The editio altera was spread along two lines, namely via the Legendarium Flandrense (CD Ma) and the so-called Oudenburg group (BDuEF) that remained closest to the prior editio as presented in A. The Oudenburg manuscripts were related to the abbey of Oudenburg. The Legendarium Flandrense

was

a collection of Saints’ Lives, ordered per

circulum anni and consisting of several volumes, which originated from Cistercian circles in the twelfth-century coastal area of medieval Flanders.**^ The four lost manuscripts were all parts of legendaries, composed in the thirteenth century and originating from the Cistercian abbeys of Cambron, Longpont, Ourscamp and Vaucelles. The tables of contents, some structuring characteristics, and variant readings set the two groups apart. Already mentioned briefly is a difference concerning the table of contents of the third book. The manuscripts belonging to

the Oudenburg prologue contents, endaries cede the

group

(BDuEF)

presented between

the

and chapter 1 of the first book three tables of concerning each of the three books. In the leg(CD Ma) the three tables of contents, each prebook concerned. In the Oudenburg group, except

for E, a second version of the third table was inserted be-

tween the prologue and the first chapter of the third book. This second table differs from the first one, and contains

three more titles. In the first table the prologue was included in the numbering. This was not the case in the second one that, apart from some variant readings, is in agreement with the table in the legendaries (CD Ma). Probably due to the transmission process, the tables of contents show some irregularities. The table of the first book comes

to 31 titles, 32 in Ma, in agreement with the

division of the first chapter in two (Ma L1-1) in Mabillon's edition. The table of the second book comes

to 34 titles,

although in C the title of chapter II.vil was wrongly numbered virt, so each title following was numbered one too high, and differed from the chapter numbers within the

^^ F, DOLBEAU, ‘Nouvelles recherches sur le ‘Legendarium Flandrense", Recberches augustiniennes 16 (1981) p. 399-455; Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 47-51.

XXVI

INTRODUCTION

text. Apparently in the Oudenburg tradition, there was a problem with the sequence of the titles of the chapters IL.vu, IL. vri, I.ix. In BDu the titles of the chapters II. vm and ILix changed places, while in E the title of chapter IL1x preceded that of ILvir and II.vi. In B marginal marks restored the order conform to the textual structure. The table in F, like that in the legendaries (CD Ma), presents the right order. However, the wrong sequence of the titles of the chapters II.xxxii and II.xxxim in all manuscripts remained unnoticed. An ordering problem appears also in the tables of contents of the third book. Only the table in D offers the correct sequence of the titles of the chapters x, xi and xit. All other tables have the title of chapter x after those of xi and xii. As mentioned before, F is the sole witness that of-

fers a table that is in agreement with the text of the third book. Furthermore, a difference in structure of the last chapters of the second book sets these two groups apart. In BDuF of the Oudenburg group chapters II.XxIX-XXXxit, concerning the death and burial of St Arnulf, were divided in eight lessons, to be read in commemoration of the saint's death. The division was lacking in E and the legendaries (CD Ma). A fourteenth-century liturgical collection (M) from Oudenburg shows that these lessons were at the base of the liturgy on the day of the saint's death, August, rs. Chapter II.xxix covers the first lesson, while chapter Xxx contains lessons r-1v, IIL.xxxi lessons v-vi, II.xxxil lessons

VII-VIII. Besides, especially within the Oudenburg group, there was no agreement about the dividing-line between these chapters. In BDuF chapter II.xxvil begins with the first verse of a large poem (Dumque meant glebas regionis,

uenit Atrebas) on the final journey of St Arnulf to Oudenburg and the prediction of the saint's death. However in the legendaries (CD Ma) the poem was split up: the first fifteen verses were included in chapter II.xxvi on the appeal of the inhabitants of Oudenburg to return, while chapter II.xxvii starts only at the sixteenth verse (Vir Domini surgens sociosque uie satis urgens). It is remarkable

that in B, like all first lines of the chapters, this verse opens

INTRODUCTION

XXVII

with a coloured and ornamented initial, and in DuEF the

verse is marked comparably. With regard to the next chapters (IL.XxiX-Xxxiv) B conforms to the legendaries in layout and numbering. The other Oudenburg manuscripts offer the same layout, but the numbering is missing or divergent: Du lacks the numbering of ILxxix-xxxim, and numbers II.xxxiv as xxxiu; E lacks the numbering of II.xxvirrXXIX, and numbers two chapters each xxx (ILxxx-xxxi), another two (ILxxxi-xxxi) each xxxii, and corrects the

next from XXxIX to ILxxxiv ; F lacks the chapter number of II.xxxir. It is not clear if the copyists followed their models or had their own interpretations. It seems, though, that the

structure of this part of the Life was not clearly fixed. Probably, the confusion was the result of the later insertion of verses in the Zife. For the rest, the concluding chapter, in this new edition of the editio altera II.xxxv, has no number

in any of the witnesses. Also some so-called Bindefebler set the two

groups apart, and show that the Oudenburg group was closest to the older version of the Life (A): 1i

In uilla que uocatur Thidengem | om. CDMa A BDuEF

L1

lapidem A BDuEF

laterem CDMa

mi

defungitur

A BDuEF

fungitur CDMa

LIV

ualedicens

A BDuF

ualefaciens

Lv

sedens et legens ABDuEF A BDuEF

E CDMa

legens et lugens (legens Ma)

Lxiv

| triginta

Lxvi

| expulsus A BDuEF

repulsus CDMa

ILxv

| nisus

uisus CDMa

A BDuEF

CD

uiginta CDMa

However, compared to the prior editio and the legendaries, the Oudenburg group has two major omissions in common. The first is IIL.xi Manducantium — superauit ASu CDMa (also missing in the Oudenburg manuscripts of the Sermo,

lectio vil). This is remarkable,

because

this infor-

mation was included in the liturgy to commemorate

the

XXVIII

INTRODUCTION

saint’s elevation: M, f. 288rb, septies centum plus plebium, quinque panibus

et quinque

uini metretis satiauit.

The

other is II.xxx1 Largiente— triplicentur ASu CDMa. Despite the differences, all witnesses of the editio altera present a very homogeneous text, which, notwithstanding all interventions, keeps close to the prior editio. Editions

The Maurist Jean Mabillon published in 1701 the first edition of the editio altera, based on the lost manuscript of Longpont (Ma), collated with other manuscripts that were not specified: Ex ms. codice Abbatiae Longipontis, cum aliis collato (p. 502). The Bollandist Cuperus published in 1737 à second edition (C). In 1854 Mabillon's edition was re-published by J.-P. Migne. O. Holder-Egger presented in 1888 the first critical edition of some fragments (CD E).*

3.3. Sermo de uita sancti Arnulphi episcopi Suessionensis Author and Date

The composer of the Sermo is unknown. The Sermo is not dated, but was finished after the elevation and translation of St Arnulf on May 1, 1121, and certainly before the late

twelfth century, when the oldest manuscript (C) came into existence.

Composition

The text is usually called the Epitome, although it does not provide a full summary of St Arnulf's Life. It consists of eight chapters or lessons. According to the heading in three of the Oudenburg manuscripts (BDuFP), it served as a liturgical text and had to be read on the first of May, when the canonization of St Arnulf was commemorated. Mention of the translation concluded the Sermo (vim, 17/19). Like the last chapters of the second book of the editio altera (II.xxix-xXxxiD, the Sermo was divided into eight lessons.

PASE

Pr LXV

INTRODUCTION

XXIX

Furthermore, titles are lacking in the legendaries (CD), where only an initial in red and green marks the beginning

of a new section, conforming to the division into lessons in the Oudenburg group. Mabillon speaks of a compendium. He based his edition (Ma) on the same manuscripts as that of the editio altera, but he presents a divergent di-

vision into five chapters.*° It is not clear if he found this in one of his models, or made an independent editorial intervention.

It is likely that the Sermo was composed for use in the liturgical celebration of the saint’s canonization. The lessons for the commemoration of his death could easily be taken from the last chapters of the editio altera. However, for the feast on the first of May, it was necessary to make a selection of the events of St Arnulf’s life to be recalled. Most of these were summarized in only a few sentences, but the stories about the miraculous events before his birth C-m, cfr A 1, B I-11), and of St Arnulf's miracle of the multiplication of wine and bread (vu, cfr A xxxiv, B II.xD, con-

sist of almost verbatim citations from the Life. The Sermo seems to have been mainly based on the editio altera, but lessons and vil also contain striking similarities with the prior editio. For instance, the passage Oui si diutius uiueret, reuera lubricus et predo et prauorum bominum conuena foret (i, 3/5), does not figure in the editio altera (1.1). However, as regards content, it corresponds with the prior editio: Qui si uite spacium habuis-

set, pro certo predo lubricus fuisset (1, 22/23). Besides, the legendaries offer both, in the Sermo (vil, 19/

21), and the editio altera (II.xt, 26/28), a passage from the editio prior (XxxIv, 16/18) that is lacking in the Sermo and editio altera of the Oudenburg group. In this case, the Sermo follows closely the editio prior, while a revision is included in the editio altera : Nam excepto presule cum suo (proprio A) comitatu manducantium turba (turma A) septingentorum numerum

cfr editio

altera:

46 See p. LXIV-LXV.

continuit (superauit A) CD Ma A,

Manducantium

uero

et gaudentium

XXX caterua

INTRODUCTION preter presulis

comitatum

septingentorum

nu-

merum superauit CD Ma. Possibly, the Sermo was based on an earlier redaction of the editio altera that was still closer to the prior editio.* Also, the first lesson contains two new elements. Firstly,

the lesson opens with a reference to the extreme violence in the region where the holy man was born, with a citation of two verses: Francia quot uites/tot habet Brabantia lites (1, 3/4). Secondly, St Arnulf is connected to another eleventh-century Flemish saint, St Godelieve of Gistel (t 1070): Huius genitor Fulbertus, Godelf martiris consobrinus (1, 9/10). The Sermo is the only source for this information. Transmission

In five out of the six manuscripts of the editio altera the Sermo follows the Life (BDuF CD).* The missing manuscript of Longpont also contained the Sermo, and this is included in Mabillon’s edition (Ma) as well. Again, the transmission is remarkably consistent in regard to both content and linguistic usage. The division of the manuscripts of the editio altera into two groups seems to apply

to the Sermo as well. As we found in the manuscripts of St Arnulf's Life, the laterem in CD Ma eaters (/ectio vil) is as was the case in

Sermo (11, 12) has (cfr L1, 33). The missing in BDuF, the editio altera

/apidem in BDuF, phrase about the but present in CD (cfr II.x1, 26/28).

and 700 Ma, The

conclusion must be that the editio altera and the Sermo already formed an entity before the late twelfth century, when the oldest manuscript (C) was composed. A sixth manuscript containing the Sermo is a collection of Saints’ Lives (J) from the fifteenth century, which was kept in the convent of Rouge-Cloitre near Brussels. In this manuscript the text was amplified with fragments taken from the editio altera. In a fourteenth century missal (M) originating from the abbey of Oudenburg, the first three /ectiones of

STS SEC) Pe XV 48 See 4.1.

INTRODUCTION

XXXI

the Sermo were divided into eight, to be used in the office to commemorate the elevation of St Arnulf’s body ( May). Editions

A first edition of the Sermo, following his edition of the editio altera, was published in 1701 by Mabillon, also based on the legendary of Longpont. In 1854 it was re-published by Migne. J .B. Malou included an edition of the Sermo (B) in his chronicle of the abbey of Oudenburg, published in 1840.?

3.4. Epistolae commendaticiae Author and Date

Hariulf, abbot of Oudenburg (1105-1143), presents himself as the sender of three letters of recommendation to Lambert, bishop

of Noyon

and

Tournai

(1114-1124),

Lisiard,

bishop of Soissons (1108-1126), and Ralph, archbishop of Reims (1106/8-1124). The letters are not dated, but they were probably written in 1114, shortly after the consecration of Lambert, bishop of Noyon and Tournai, to whom the first letter was addressed. That year, Hariulf completed a version of the Life (II.xxxv).°° He sent the three letters together with a Life of St Arnulf, also in his hand. He must have done this to lend force to the efforts to achieve the canonization of St Arnulf, which, indeed, was realized in BOAT

Composition

The contents of the letters suggest a three-stage process. First Hariulf sent the three letters together with a version of St Arnulf’s Life to Bishop Lambert, who after reading had to send these, together with a letter of recommendation of his hand, on to Bishop Lisiard, who in his turn had to forward them to Archbishop Ralph. Hariulf's purpose was to

SF SAS) 0), DX

°° See p. xvi; Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 67-68.

XXXII

INTRODUCTION

attain the support of the three prelates to achieve the canonization of St Arnulf. As is already mentioned, the third letter, addressed to Archbishop Ralph, is very similar to Lisiard’s prologue, which precedes both the prior editio and the editio altera. The letter contains some extra phrases, mere compliments,

but the only difference of importance is that the name of the writer was changed. In the letter, Hariulf, omnium abbatum peripsema Hariulfus (nu, 2/3) applies to the Archbishop, while in the two prologues it is Lisiard, omnium episcoporum infimus Lisiardus (PREF. 2/3, PROL. 2/3), who

does this. One may well wonder which came first, the prologues or the letter. Analysis of the alternative readings is not decisive. However, it is unlikely that, when the editio altera was finished, making the prior editio superfluous, the letter was reworked into prologues to both versions of St Arnulf's Life. Therefore we must assume that the prologue served as the base for the letter." The letter is used for the collation of the prologue to the two versions of St Arnulf’s Life. The importance of the letters is that they reveal Hariulf's authorship of a version of St Arnulf's Life. They also offer a view on the course of events around St Arnulf's canonization. Transmission

and Edition

The letters are only available in the edition of Mabillon (Ma”), included in the introduction to his edition of the editio altera (1701). According to the editor, the three letters were written down, together with a version of the Life,

in a manuscript of the abbey of Ourscamp, now lost.* He based his edition on a transcript that Nicolaus Perempertus, monk of the abbey of Ourscamp, had sent him in 1687.? Mabillon's edition was re-published in 1731 by

* Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 68-73 and p. 353-354, Bijlage 4, a comparison

of the prologue CASu Ma) and Hariulf's letter of dedication (Ma"). ?^ MABILLON

(AASS OSB, 6.2), p. 502.

5 jbid., P. 505.

INTRODUCTION

XXXIII

Cuperus, in 1854 by Migne, and again in 1888 by HolderBeger4

Simon

of Vermandois,

bishop of Noyon

and Tournai

founded the abbey in 1129, but during his episcopate, in 1146, the double diocese was split up.? This explains

how these texts came to Ourscamp. Perhaps, the addressee of the first letter, Bishop Lambert, did not respond to Hariulf's request, and did not send them on at all. With regard to the canonization of St Arnulf, according to Lisiard, the prelates, present at the Council of Beauvais, saw Lambert’s way of acting as dawdling and irresolute (III.xv, 30/64).°° 3.5. Genealogia Author and Date The composer of the Genealogia is unknown. The transmission suggests that this short text was composed after 1260/70, when the oldest Oudenburg manuscript (B) was finished, and certainly before it was incorporated into two fifteenth-century manuscripts (J Z). Value

The Genealogia presents the maternal line of St Arnulf’s family. The information provided covers roughly the period 1030-1140. The Genealogia encloses three generations ; the first of them being that of Count Albert II of Namur (1031-1063/64) and his three sisters, Ludgard, Goda and Ermengard. Their children, among them St Arnulf's mother Meynsinde, form the second generation. However, the son

of Count Albert II of Namur was in fact not Godfrey, but Albert III. According to the Genealogia Meynsinde was a daughter of Albert's sister Goda. Her father's name is not revealed. Goda as well as Meynsinde and her son Arnulf are only mentioned in the texts of St Arnulf's hagiographic

SEC

TAS

5 Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 50. 5 ibid., p. 252-256.

XXXIV

INTRODUCTION

dossier. The third generation includes St Arnulf and four second cousins. One of them was the Duchess Sophie of Hungary, daughter of Emmo of Loon. In her case the author included a fourth generation, though without giving their names: Sophie was mentioned as the mother of the king of Hungary and the duchess of Huy (between Namur and Liege), who do not figure in other sources. Probably, Hungary referred to a jurisdiction between the rivers Scheldt and Dender that in the fourteenth century was known as ‘waerhede van der Hongarije’ (truth of Hungary).? The other information in the Genealogia on the men who supposedly were relatives of St Arnulf, finds corroboration in other sources. In the case of the women this cannot be said. However it is a fact that a sister of Count Albert II of Namur, called Lutgard or Emma, was married to the Count

of Loon and was the (grand)mother of the Counts of Loon and Duras.?* The Genealogia confirms part of the information on Meynsinde's origin as it is given in St Arnulf's Life (il; Lim : she was related to the Counts of Namur, Loon and

Duras. The Genealogia does not say so, but as a descendant of the Count of Namur, Meynsinde certainly was related to the Counts of Louvain and Hainault. Transmission

and Editions

The Genealogia is preserved in seven manuscripts (BDu CD J L Mb), four of them containing the editio altera, as well as the Sermo (BDu CD).? In the three oldest (B CD)

the Genealogia was a later addition. It can also be found in two fifteenth-century manuscripts: in a collection of Saints’ Lives kept in Rouge-Cloitre near Brussels (J) together with the Sermo amplified with fragments of the edi-

7 M. HOEBEKE,

‘Het Toponiem Hongerie

in: Wortes Anst — Verbi Gratia. Do-

num Natalicum Gilbert A.R. De Smet — ed. H.L. Cox, Louvain — Amersfoort, 1986, p. 217-227; According to D. SCHWENNICKE, Europdische Stammtafeln, n.s. 6, Mar-

burg, 1978, table 6o, Sophia, daughter of Count Emmo of Loon, was married to Henry, count of Schwalenberg ;NiP, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 98-107. 5* Th. STASSER, ‘La descendance féminine du comte de Namur Albert I’, Annales de la Société Archéologique de Namur 67 (1991) p. 5-25. 2 NSCCHA

INTRODUCTION

XXXV

tio altera, and the so-called Codex Aldenburgensis (L) which contains texts concerning the history of the abbey of Oudenburg. A seventeenth-century manuscript (Mb) is a transcript of a witness closely related to Z. The witnesses present a homogeneous text. The variants concern mostly the spelling of names. Remarkably, all share the false identification of the son of Count Albert II of Namur. Mabillon published in 1701 an edition of the Genealogia following manuscript D in the introduction to his edition of the editio altera. Mabillon's edition was re-published in 1737 by Cuperus, again in 1854 by Migne, and in 1888 by Holder-Egger, also in their introductions to the edition of the editio altera. Vander Putte included an edition based on manuscript Z in his chronicle of the abbey of Oudenburg (1843).99 3.6. Miracula metrica

The name

of the author of the Miracula

metrica is un-

known. Meersseman, who edited the miracle stories, suggested that the writer was Jan of Biervliet, monk of Ou-

denburg, the copyist of the manuscript CB) that contains them.^' However, another contemporary monk of the abbey could have done this as well. Probably, they were written down not long after the first miracle, the only one that was dated, took place, namely in 1269. The first miracle is a long and detailed story about a little girl who was drowned in Oudenburg and brought back to life in the monastery thanks to St Arnulf. Clearly, an eyewitness told it, and gave the names of all persons involved. The other four miracles are neither very spectacular nor can they be related specifically to St Arnulf. They reflect, though, the function of the saint within the popular culture in the late thirteenth century.

V9 frere Tox. tovt 9 G.G. MEERSSEMAN, 'Kritische bemerkingen over enige bronnen der biographie en cultusgeschiedenis van Sint Arnulf (11087), in Studies over de kerkelijke en kunstgeschiedenis van West-Vlaanderen, opgedragen aan M. English, Bruges, 1952, p. 289-293.

XXXVI

INTRODUCTION

The five Miracula metrica are preserved only in the oldest Oudenburg manuscript B, while four of these were also included in the seventeenth century manuscript F.°* Both manuscripts contain the editio altera and the Sermo. In manuscript B two works, written in book script by the same writer, Jan of Biervliet, were brought together. Firstly, the first and last leaves of both works were left unwritten. After the works were combined, the blank leaves were also written on in a smaller, cursive script. In F the miracles follow the Sermo, written in the same hand. The first and the last have changed places, while the fourth is missing. Meersseman published in 1952 an edition of the Miracula

metrica following manuscript B.9 3.7. The Hymn Pange lingua The author of the hymn is unknown. Probably he was a monk of the abbey of Oudenburg. The text is not dated, but must have been composed some time between 1121 and the fourteenth century, when the oldest manuscript (M) came into existence. The hymn is an adaptation of Venantius Fortunatus' hymn Pange lin-

gua, which was incorporated in the Roman breviary. It contains reminiscences to St Arnulf's Life and was composed for liturgical use. The hymn has been preserved in two manuscripts, a fourteenth century missal (M), and a collection of liturgical texts from the fifteenth or sixteenth century (O), both from the abbey of Oudenburg.^* In the missal, the hymn can be found in full text as included in the office of the first of May, when the elevation and translation were celebrated. The office also contains eight /ectiones taken from the Sermo.In the other two offices, the commemoration of St Arnulf's death on the 14th of August and the octave, only the first words Pange lingua are mentioned, together with

a reference to the full text. The hymn can also be found,

6 See p. xuv and p. XLVI. FSS fo), ual, 5* See p. LIII-LIV.

INTRODUCTION

XXXVII

together with the musical annotation, in a diurnal used in

the abbey of Oudenburg, which dates from the fifteenth or sixteenth century (O). In the calendar at the beginning of the diurnal the commemorations are included in red. According to this, by then the celebration included nine /ectiones on the first of May, and twelve on 14 August. The hymn was edited in Wion's Lignum uitae, and was repub-

lished by Cuperus in 1737.9 3.8. Carmen

iambicum et orationes

The author of the Carmen iambicum et orationes is unknown. Probably he was a monk of the abbey of Oudenburg. The texts are not dated, but came into existence some time between the canonization in 1121 and the fifteenth century, when the manuscript (NV) was written. The Carmen is a song of praise to the holy bishop. It contains twelve verses, which refer to St Arnulf's activities

as a peacemaker and to his death. Strictly speaking, the song is not iambic, but the copyist nevertheless entitled it : Carmen iambicum beato Arnulpbo episcopo dicendum. The prayers show the special function that St Arnulf fulfilled. Clerics had to say them for the benefit of pregnant women who were about to deliver. According to the Life, St Arnulf acted several times as the intercessor for women who were pregnant or were longing to have a child (I.xxvi, LxxIx, Lxxxi and ILrm. He was still worshipped in this capacity in the twentieth century. Devout prayers to St Arnulf without a specific content, as are present in the

manuscripts F M O, are excluded.$* The Carmen

iambicum et orationes can only be found

in a fifteenth century collection of ascetic and moralizing treatises, coming from the abbey of Oudenburg (N).9 Probably it was later added on a blank folio between two treatises. Until now, an edition was not available.

Seep aLXVvile $6 See p. LIII-LIV. $7 See p. LIV-LV.

XXXVIII

INTRODUCTION

3.9. Summaries

We know of five summaries of the Life of St Arnulf. Two offer a shortened version of the editio altera. The oldest is included in a legendary, now preserved in Newcastle. It is dated c. 1250, and probably originates from the diocese of

Therouanne or Cambrai.5* Almost the whole content of the Life is presented, but in a very compact style. The second one is the summary, which the Carthusian Herman Greven in Cologne (1 1477/80) included in his legendary. He used a different method, and did not try to include the whole story. He remained closer to the letter of the text, but skipped several chapters, especially miracle stories. The other three summaries also date from the second half of the fifteenth century. Jan Gielemans

(1 1487), canon

of Rouge-Cloitre (Augus-

tin Friars) at Oudergem near Brussels, composed two: a short one for his Sanctilogium, a collection that was meant to comprise Lives of all saints. A more extended one he included in his Hagiologium brabantinorum on Brabantine saints./? Gielemans’ summaries are intriguing, because they show conformities with the prior editio, as well as the editio altera and the Sermo. Did he use witnesses of all three, the prior editio, the editio altera

and the Sermo,

which in most manuscripts followed Hariulf's revision ? Or, did he have a now lost version of the Life, an intermediate form between the prior editio and the two other texts? The

last one (J) is part of a collection of Saints’ Lives that was kept in the library of this monastery. As mentioned before,

55 Newcastle upon Tyne, University Library, Ms 1, f. 1r4vb-117rb, s. XIII; B. C. Raw, Lives of tbe saints. A description of Ms. 1 in tbe University Library Newcastle upon Tyne, Newcastle upon Tyne, 1961, p. 27; DOLBEAU, ‘Nouvelles recherches’,

D- 443-444. ^9 Staatsbibliothek

zu Berlin — Preufsischer

Kulturbesitz,

Theol.

Lat. Fol. 706,

f. 257-259V, s. XV? (BHL 7040); B. DE GAIFFIER, ‘Le martyrologue et le légendier d'Hermann Greven', Analecta Bollandiana $4 (1936) p. 316-358. 7° Wien, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Fid. Com., s.n. 12706-7 (9363), f. 121a-127vb, s. XV’; Ibid., Fid. Com., s.n. 12813, f. 614-615v, s. XV*; A. PONCELET,

‘De codicibus hagiographicis Iohannis Gielemans canonici regularis in Rubea valle prope

Bruxellas’,

Analecta

Bollandiana

Oudenburg, p. 36, p. 64-65, p. 349.

14 (1895)

p. 5-88;

Nip, Arnulfus

van

INTRODUCTION

XXXIX

the summary contains the Sermo amplified with fragments taken from the editio altera." Clearly, it is not possible to identify the models that the composers of the summaries used. Therefore, these texts do not contribute to our understanding of the transmission of the Life of St Arnulf, and are left aside. OnlyJ figures as a witness of the Sermo.

4. TRANSMISSION

4.1. Manuscripts

4.1.1. Prior editio BRUSSEL, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 982, f. 253v-266r, s. XVI, Monastery of Rouge-Cloitre (former dioc. of Tournai) Descriptions :

J. VAN DEN GHEYN, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliotheque royale de Belgique s, Brussels, 1905, p. 229-241, nossog4.

:

R. Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, bisschop van Soissons (T 1087) (Encyclopédie Bénédictine), Turnhout, 2004, D3317:318:

Third volume out of four of a legendary, ordered per circulum anni, consisting of 299 paper folios, and attributed to Anthony Gheens or Anthonius Ghentius, canon of Rouge-Cloitre (c. 1479-1543), who copied and bought many books to enrich the library of the monastery." However,

the attribution is based solely on a seventeenth-century note on a flyleaf in the third volume: Tomus 3us complectens sanctos

mensium

Maij, Junij, Julij et Augusti R.P.

Jobannis Ghentij, under the assumption that the name was

PE RISE), LOOK, 7 Tye Antonio Gentio', Analecta Bollandiana

6 (1887) p. 31-34; M. COENS, ‘Un manuscrit perdu de Rouge-Cloitre décrit d'apres les notes d'Héribert Rosweyde et d'Aubert le Mire’, Analecta Bollandiana 78 (1960) p. 53-83; Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 42, .

XL

INTRODUCTION

wrongly spelled. Johannes Ghentius might have been a later owner of the volume. The first and fourth volumes are also kept in Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek (11986-11987). The second volume is missing, but the contents are known, thanks to the table of contents in the first volume. Among 87 Lives of saints who were to be commemorated in the months of May, June, July and August, the third volume presents Lisiard's Life of St Arnulf: f. 253v — f. 266r Incipit prologus uenerabilis Lisiardi Suessionensis episcopi in uita sancti Arnulphi confessoris predecessoris ipsius. The

manuscript is the only direct witness of the oldest version of St Arnulf's Life, though a late one. However, it is not likely that there have been many copies around. For, soon after it was completed, Hariulf finished a revision that, after the canonization in 1121, became the base of the cult of the $aáint Since, as we? have’ seen; Hariuilf used Disiard's prologue, which also preceded his revision, for a letter of dedication, which Mabillon transmitted in his edition,

there is an extra witness for that part (Ma").7? The Life is written in a cursive script (cursiva) in one hand using an extensive, not always consistent system of

abbreviations.7^ The copyist was a fast reader and writer. During the writing process he made about 35 corrections. He deleted (parts of) words : tribuit before contulit (PROL., 36), tam potens quam superbus before quam potens tam superbus (x1, 4). Others he deleted afterwards, and wrote the correct word above: occurreret for concurreret (II, 13) or in the margin: pontem for montem (IX, 44). His strikethroughs often deal with common errors such as substitutions, slips of the pen, and omissions: uerborum deleted before sermonum (vir, 19), prius deleted before pius (xxx, 16), mon deleted before armatorum, et monuit GOOD.

Also he or a corrector marked in several cases a wrong word sequence in order to rectify it: Deus omnipotens for

omnipotens Deus (xxv, 36). It is not always clear if the

7 See p. XXX-XXXI.

74 Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 319.

INTRODUCTION

XLI

copyist himself or a corrector made corrections, for instance negociu into negocium by adding a tilde (xvi, 14),

silua ex salua by inserting the '? above the ‘a’ without deleting it (xxIv, 28). Another, later hand added an omitted

word in the margin: uiuorum (Lt, 23). Afterwards, marks (punctuation and hyphens) were also inserted, to improve the legibility of the text.^ Still, many mistakes were overlooked. Of course, it is not always clear if the copyist made these, or found them already in his model(s). It is remarkable that A is the only witness of St Arnulf's Life that locates his place of birth in Flanders, while all other versions of the saint's Life mention Brabant. This suggests that at least parts of A go back to an early version of the Life. The explanation of the geographical change must be that, not long after the saint's death, his ancestors,

the Lords of Oudenaarde, eastwards,

shifted their centre of power

and, as time went

on, became

considered

as

Brabantine noblemen.7? Collation of the prologue of the prior editio CASu), the editio altera (a), and the letter (Ma") reveals a copyist mistake inA (PROL., 5 uiuendi for uidéndi Su Ma" a). Other failures might have been made earlier in the transmission

(PROL., 26 subiaceant A a for subiaceat Ma", cfr afficiatur Su; PROL.,

32 committo

Ma"

a, om.

A, cfr curae

sit Su;

PROL., 33 sit elimatum for fiat elimatum Ma" a, cfr elimetur

Su ; PROL., 37 paracletum A, spiritum paracletum Su, spiritum sanctum Ma" a). Some variants in ASu against Ma^ a

suggest that sometimes the witnesses of the prior editio present a secondary reading (PROL., 17 pro posse A, pro uiribus Su, om. Ma" a).

A contains

three major corruptions.

In the first case,

probably, an eye skip (ante... ait) caused the copyist of A or its model to leave out several words. Compared to a, this resulted in a loss of content, which is also missing in

Surius' revision. In the other two the alternative readings presented in Surius' edition and the editio altera suggest that the failure existed already in a common archetype: 2.1 D161 py 320: 76 ibid., p. 93-96.

XLII

INTRODUCTION

A XV

cfr a I.XXVII

Chie Sey,

ne illum ad se notum et nobis ob

Ne ad quodlibet inconueniens — puellam cogatis. Est

ut enim

uestre religionis meritum ostensum

autem

Deo

ob uestrae

religionis

meritum

nobis ostensum

est

notum

et nobis ob uestre religionis meritum ostensum

A XVII

cfr a LXV

Abbatiam magnarum possessionum facultatibus refertam, subsidiis militibus sua beneficia tenentium undique circumfulta quorum antiquus foret usus ut abbate preuio regali expeditioni inseruiret

A XXXVIII

cfr Su xvi

| fuisse morem anti| quum ut milites ab| batie abbate preuio | regali expeditioni | inseruirent

| Abbatiam | magnis | opibus et posses| sionibus instructam

| militibus qui regis essent beneficiarii circumfultam ^ qui antiquitus consueuissent cum abbate regiae expeditioni adesse

a I.XXX

cfr Su XXXVII

Sequenti die deduc-

Sequenti die deduc-

tusmartererteew

tus ante fenestram audiuit ab eodem uiro Dei amicabi-

Iubetque illum ad se perduci, aitque

tu

miles

ad eum, amicissime

ilum

lem increpationem :

Rian

“Frater,

miles

© aite ez

^ obiurgans: Genio

MNT.

rice, tu miles

Despite the differences, the text of the prior editio is still remarkably identifiable in the editio altera. Even corruptions in A did not always lead to an intervention in o (XLIV/ ILxix properabat ubique, cfr Su xui rephrased). The conclusion must be that the sixteenth century manuscript A can be considered as a reliable copy of the prior editio. 4.1.2. Editio altera BRUGGE,

Grootseminarie,

506/131bis, f. rra-47vb, ca. 1260/

70, Abbey of Oudenburg (former dioc. of Tournai), autograph of Jan of Biervliet

INTRODUCTION

XLIII

Descriptions : J. B. MALou, Chronicon monasterii Aldenburgensis, Bruges 1840, p. 11-16. G. G. MEERSSEMAN, Kritische bemerkingen over enige bronnen der biographie en cultusgeschiedenis van Sint Arnulf (1 1087)’, in Studies over de kerkelijke en kunstgeschiedenis van West-Vlaanderen, opgedragen aan M. English, Bruges, 1952, p. 289-293. R. VANDER PLAETSE, in Sint-Arnoldus en de Sint-Pietersabdij te Oudenburg 1084-1984, Oudenburg, 1984, p. 282-283, nr 167. R. VANDER PLAETSE, ‘Index van de handschriften van het Grootseminarie van Brugge’, in: A. DENAUX and E. VANDEN BERGHE, De Duinenabdij en het Grootseminarie te

Brugge, Tielt/Weesp, 1984, p. 128. This manuscript of 177 parchment folios consists of two parts, both autographs ofJan of Biervliet, monk and abbot of Oudenburg (1279-1308).77 He composed them before he became an abbot and made himself known: Qui me scripsit ita monachus fuit atque leuita de Biervliet natus sit pro mercede beatus (f. 174vb). After the two parts were brought together, the same or a contemporary hand added a text on the blank leaves at the beginning and the end of each

part. The first part was devoted to St Arnulf of Oudenburg, and contains the editio altera and the Sermo: In nomine sancta

Trinitatis. Incipit prefatio Lisiardi episcopi in uita

sancti Arnulphi... (f. 2ra-4sva) ; Sollempnitas sancti Arnulphi episcopi... (f. 45va-47vb). The Miracula metrica and the Genealogia were added on the preceding folio: Istam de multis miris rebus... (f. tra-1va); Albertus comes

Namurcensis babuit tres germanas sorores... (f. 1vb). The Life of St Arnulf and the Sermo were written in two columns in book script. Rubrics, as well as the two names of the protagonist, Arnulfus and Christoforus, are in red, while each chapter starts with a large initial decorated with

77 MEERSSEMAN, Kritische bemerkingen', p. 291.

XLIV

INTRODUCTION

red and blue pen-drawings. The copyist used an extensive, though not always consistent, system of abbreviations. The manuscript is the oldest of the Oudenburg group, but not the oldest witness of the editio altera and the Sermo, which is C. However, B offers the best text, having

only a few unique readings (ILiv.7 concilii for consilii; ILxxxr.18 reseruatis for reseruetis ;22 add. ita), and by far

the fewest errors. The text contains seven marginal or superscript corrections by the same or a similar hand. The miracle stories were noted down in a small cursive hand on the flyleaf in the front of the manuscript. Afterwards corrections and explanations were inserted in superscript in the text, especially in the first story. There are no rubrics ; red horizontal lines mark the division between the

stories. The manuscript offers a more complete and much better text than F. The Genealogia was written in book script on a blank sheet preceding the Life. It starts with a red initial, while the name of the saint, Arnulfi, is in black and red. A rubric is lacking. The writing is larger than that of the Life, but is in the same or a contemporary hand.

BRUSSEL, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 1780-81, f. 1r-7ov, s. XV’,

Oudenburg or Bruges (former dioc. of Tournai) Descriptions :

J. VAN DEN GHEYN, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliotheque royale de Belgique 5, Brussels, 1905, p. 105, n? 3147. F. Masal and M. WITTEK, Manuscrits datés conservés en Belgique, III 1441-1460, Brussels/Ghent, 1978, p. 128 nr A 245.

The manuscript, consisting of 80 paper folios, was written in two columns in one hand. Rubrics are in red and initials in red or blue, some decorated with red penwork or co-

loured yellow. The main text in the manuscript is St Arnulf's Life (f. 11-70v) Incipit prefatio Liziardi episcopi Suessionensis in uita sancti Arnulphi episcopi eiusdem. The manuscript contains also a Life (f. 71ra-77vb) and some

short texts on St Walter of Bierbeek (f. 78ra-8ovb). Among these is a hymn of praise that Nicolas Weyts composed in

INTRODUCTION

XLV

1454: f. 78ra Sequitur laus quaedam metrica ad laudem sancti Walteri per me Nycolaum Weyts edita anno LIIII octaua kalendas augustI.Nicolas Weyts was chaplan of the church of Our Lady at Bruges, and had contacts with John van den Veren, scholasticus and cantor of the parish

church in Oudenburg. Both men also maintained relations with the abbey of Oudenburg.7* One of them might have been responsable for the composition of the manuscript. Of all witnesses E contains the most divergent text of the editio altera as the result of dozens of individual alternative readings. Most are errors in writing, and misreadings, small and large omissions. Some of these he corrected during the writing process, or afterwards. Words were crossed out in red and underlined in dots, while the correction was

written above. It is striking that the copyist did not include the repeticio in 91 verses of the story in prose of St Arnulf's prescience of his death (II.xxx).7? Of course, it is not clear if all this is due to the copyist or to the model he used. The two small poems in that chapter and all other verses are present. When £ does not stand alone, it sides with BDuF. However, about thirty times E is in agreement with the legendaries against BDuF, offering a better reading (e.g., I.xx1 imploraret

E CDMa]

impetraret BDuF ; II.xxvil

sanaberis E CDMa] saluaberis BDuF). Often this occurs in agreement with the prior editio. The conclusion must be that of all text witnesses, E is closest to A. Remarkably, E is

the only witness of the editio altera that does not offer the Sermo. Again, did the copyist not find it in his model, or did he leave it out on purpose? Possibly, the copyist used an earlier redaction of the editio altera than the others, which is still closer to the prior editio. This must have come into existence before the transmission divided along two lines, and, perhaps, before the composition of the Sermo

after the canonization of St Arnulf in 121. Though the manuscript is of little value for a new edition of the editio altera, it is of interest for the transmission of the Life. 75 G. G. MEERSSEMAN,

‘L’épistolaire

l'humanisme en Flandre’, Humanistica p. 124-126. 7 SCE Pp. XX.

de Jean van Lovaniensia

den Veren

et le début

19 (1970), p. 119-200,

de

spec.

XLVI

INTRODUCTION

BRUSSEL, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, II 562, f. 1r-64r, 1615, Ab-

bey of Oudenburg (former dioc. of Tournai), autograph of Jacques of Hannoie Descriptions :

J. VAN DEN GHEYN, Catalogue des manuscrits de la biblioibéque

royale

de Belgique

5, Brussels,

1905,

p. 267,

n? 3279. R.VANDER PLAETSE, in Sint-Arnoldus en de Sint-Pietersabdij te Oudenburg 1084-1984, Oudenburg, 1984, p. 286, nr 174. The manuscript consisting of 64 paper leaves, was finished in 1615 by Jacques of Hannoie, monk of Oudenburg (15621624): lacobus Hannoie Religiosus Oudenburgensis die XIIII martii 1615 (f. 48v). He wrote it to honour God and his patron St Arnulf: Hec exarata sunt celeri calamo ad bonorem Dei et beati Arnulphi cuius patrocinium scriptor expostulat (f. 63r). It opens with the editio altera: In nomine sancte Trinitatis. Incipit prefatio Lisiardi episcopi de uita sancti Arnulphi (f. 11-57v). As in the other witnesses, the Sermo followed the Life: Sollempnitas sancti Arnulphi episcopi que

celebratur kalendas Maij. Sermo de vita eiusdem (f. s8r6ov). After that the manuscript presents four out of the five Miracula metrica, which were added in B: Quedam miracula post transitum beati Arnulphi facta (f. 61r-63r), and

a prayer: Oratio de sancto Arnulpbo (f. 63v-64r). Compared to B, in F the first and the last of the miracles have changed places, while the fourth in B is missing in F. The text is written in a cursive script. The rubrics, the address, the prologue, the tables of contents and the first sentence of the first chapter are in a neat book script. The rubrics are in red, and the saint's name is underlined in red. Some initials are also in red, while others are deco-

rated with red strokes. The because of the bad condition a result of damage by water. During the writing process, rections, crossing out (parts the correction in superscript.

text is often difficult to read of the manuscript, mainly as the copyist made many corof) words and often adding Besides many small and large

INTRODUCTION

XLVI

omissions, there is an interesting addition too, providing

the names

of the disciples,

which

St Arnulf called to

his death-bed: ILxxxi tunc uocatis discipulis monachis Euerolpbo et Godeberto necnon Arnulpbo suae sororis filio. The manuscript offers several unique readings (for instance, I.PREF. quoque for etiam; narratione for relatione;

corda for ora). F mainly confirms to the version of the editio altera as presented in B, which, apparently, still functioned in the seventeenth century in the abbey of Oudenburg. A few times F sides with E and/or the legendaries, offering a better reading. This and the fact that F shares the failures, but not the corrections in B suggest that F was not based on B itself, but its model or a very similar text. The Miracula metrica in F contain many alternative readings. The last miracle does not have the additions of B, where it is the

first story. Clearly, F had a different model for these.

PARIS, Bibliotheque nationale de France, Duchesne 39, f. 8r-

48r, s. XVII: Description :

R. PouPARDIN,

Catalogue des manuscrits

des collections

Duchesne et Bréquigny, Paris, 1905, p. 45, nr 39.

Manuscript consisting of 95 paper leaves, written by the French scholar André Duchesne

(1584-1640), and contain-

ing some miscellaneous texts on religious history. Among these, transcripts of the editio altera, the genealogy and the Sermo: In nomine sancte Trinitatis. Incipit prefatio Lisiardi episcopi in uita sancti Arnulphi... (f. 81-431) ; Incipit Generatio sancti Arnulphi... (f. ov, between the table of contents and the prologue) ; Sollempnitas sancti Arnulphi episcopi que celebratur kalendas Mal.Sermo de vita eiusdem... (f. 43v-48r). Du is very close to B, but, like F, without the corrections,

which the copyist of B made. Although the comparison only can

be very limited, some

striking similarities be-

tween Du and another notebook of Duchesne (Ba), which

INTRODUCTION

XLVIII

contains, beside the genealogy, a few excerpts of the edilio altera, suggests that both were based on the same manuscript that in the seventeenth century was kept in the priory of St-Martin-des-Champs in Paris: Editio altera

| BaDu

BEF CDMa

LI

plurimum maxime

plurimum et maxime

I.xvi

sororis

sororis eius

I.XXIV

intendebant

contendebant

anima placita erat Deo | placita erat Deo illius

in oracula sua

in cella sua

falsitatem uerborum in | adhuc in me me uerborum III. PREF.

sequatur

sequamur

om.

ego

fuit

sint (sunt F)

nobis

uobis

cernuntur

decernuntur

om.

aperitur

iriguntur

eliguntur

Episcopo largiente

Ipso largiente

| ipse imposuit

subiecibat Genealogia

| BaDu

rubric

C

Generatio

anima

falsitatem

episcopus imposuit

abiecerat BCDJL Mb Genealogia

BRUGGE, Openbare Bibliotheek, 404, f. rora-28rb, ca. 1200, Abbey of Ter Doest (Belgium) Descriptions :

'Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum bibliothecae civitatis Brugensis', Analecta Bollandiana to (1891), p. 461-465, gir DAIL.

INTRODUCTION

XLIX

W. LEVISON, Conspectus codicum hagiographicorum, MGH SS rer. Merou.

7, Hanover, 1920, p. 542-544.

A. DE PoorTER, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliotheque publique de la ville de Bruges, Gembloux/Paris,

1934, D. 455, DT 404. F. DOLBEAU,

‘Nouvelles

recherches

sur le ‘Legendarium

Flandrense", Recherches augustiniennes 16 (1981), p. 400-

455. M.-TH. Isaac, Les livres manuscrits de d'apres le catalogue du xvii* siécle, Dt POO MIST), R. VANDER PLAETSE, in Sint-Arnoldus en te Oudenburg 1084-1984, Oudenburg, A. HosrE, De bandscbriften van Ter 1993, D. 210-211.

l'abbaye des Dunes Aubel, 1984, p. 297,

de Sint-Pietersabdij 1984, p. 298, nr 180. Doest, Steenbrugge,

The manuscript is one of two surviving volumes of a legendary, ordered per circulum anni, of the Cistercian abbey of Ter Doest. The legendary might have included eight or nine volumes, this volume being the fifth. The other surviving manuscript is also kept in’ BRUGGE, Openbare Bibliotheek, n° 403. Both manuscripts are the oldest sur-

viving volumes of the so-called Legendarium flandrense in its shorter form.*° The manuscript consists of 158 parchment folios, and contains 41 Saints’ Lives July 30-August

23), followed by a supplement in several hands, and preceded by an index in a fifteenth-century hand. Among the texts is the editio altera: Incipit prefatio Lisiardi episcopi in uita sancti Arnulfi episcopi et confessoris C (f. tora27va), and the Sermo: Quamuis Brabantia litium... (f. 27va-28rb). The Genealogia was a later addition and filled up the blank after the Sermo: Albertus comes Namurcensis babuit... (f£. 28rb). The Life of St Arnulf and the Sermo were written in two columns in a neat book script, by one hand. Rubrics are in red and initials of different sizes are in red or green, some decorated with red and green pen-drawings. The Genea-

8° DOLBEAU, ‘Nouvelles recherches’, p. 430-435.

L

INTRODUCTION

logia was added in a fifteenth-century hand. There are dozens of unique readings, mostly errors. Several corrections were made during the writing process and afterwards. Letters were erased and replaced, (parts of) words were struck out in red and underlined with dots. Also afterwards corrections were made in superscript. Nevertheless, many

mistakes remained unnoticed. The table of contents preceding the second book is wrongly numbered. The seventh chapter was numbered the eighth, skipping the number seven, and so all later chapters were numbered one too high. C derives its importance from being the oldest witness of these texts, even though it does not offer the best version.

SAINT-OMER, Bibliotheque de l'Agglomération, 716, tom. V (male sign. VD, f. 88rb-108rb, ca. 1200, Abbey of Clairmarais (France)

Descriptions : W. LEVISON, Conspectus codicum hagiographicorum, MGH SS rer. Merou.

7, Hanover, 1920, p. 542-544.

'Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum latinorum bibliothecae publicae Audomaropolitanae', Analecta Bollandiana 47 (1929), p. 273-275. F. DOLBEAU, ‘Le légendier de l'abbaye cistercienne de Clairmarais', Analecta Bollandiana 91 (1973), p. 273-286. F. DorBEAU, ‘Nouvelles recherches sur le ‘Legendarium Flandrense", Recherches augustiniennes 16 (1981), p. 400455.

Fifth volume out of nine of a legendary, ordered per circulum anni, of the Cistercian abbey of Clairmarais, a specimen of the so-called Legendarium flandrense in its shorter form. The first, third and seventh volumes

were

lost. The other surviving manuscripts are kept in SAINTOmer, Bibliotheque de l'Agglomération, also under the number 716. The manuscript consists of 140 parchment folios, and contains 42 Saints’ Lives (July 31-August 23), written in book script in several hands. These include the edi-

INTRODUCTION

LI

tio altera: Incipit prefatio Lisiardi episcopi in uita sancti Arnulfi episcopi (f. 88rb-107rb), and the Sermo: Quamuis Brabantia litium... (f. xozrb-108rb). As in C, the Genealogia was a later addition and filled up the blank after the Sermo: Albertus comes Namurcensis babuit... (f. 1o8rb). The Lives included in the supplement of C were now inserted according to the ecclesiastical calendar. Thus D represents a later stage of the Legendarium flandrense than C. The Life of St Arnulf and the Sermo were written in two columns in one hand. Rubrics are in red and initials are decorated with red, green and blue pen-drawings. The Genealogia was added in a fifteenth-century hand, different from C. Since D does not share with C some major omissions, C was not at the base of it, but both copyists must have used the same or a very similar model. D is the best witness of the version that was transmitted in legendaries, outside Oudenburg.

WIEN, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Fid. Com., s.n. 12807 (olim 9394), f. 168rb and f. 171va-174ra, s. XV*, RougeCloitre (former dioc. of Tournai) Description :

‘Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum qui Vindobonae asservantur in bibliotheca privata serenissimi caesaris Austriaci', Analecta Bollandiana 14 (1895), p. 259.

Composite manuscript consisting of 264 folios, paper and parchment,

containing

Vitae patrum Praedicatorum

cum

aliis diuersis. Among these the genealogy of St Arnulf, followed by the Sermo amplified with fragments of the editio altera, and concluded with a prayer (f. 168va-171ra). Witness of the genealogy: Genealogia sancti Arnulphi (f. 168rb), and the Sermo: f. 168va Quamuis brabancia licium ac rapinarum....

LII

INTRODUCTION

BRUGGE, Grootseminarie, 127/5, f. 197va, s. XV, Abbey of Oudenburg (former dioc. of Tournai) Description :

R. VANDER PLAETSE, in Sint-Arnoldus en de Sint-Pietersabdij te Oudenburg nr 162.

1084-1984,

Oudenburg,

1984, p. 273-277,

Composite manuscript, known as the Codex Aldenburgensis, consisting of 237 parchment folios and containing several texts originating from and concerning the abbey of Oudenburg. Among these, excerpts of the editio altera (f. 64ra-71va). Witness of the genealogy of St Arnulf: Genealogia sancti Arnulphi (f. 197va). The volume also contains a picture of St Arnulf of Oudenburg and St Godelieve of Gistel (f. 28r), while a catalogue of abbots starts with a short curriculum uitae of St Arnulf with a drawing of his coat of arms (f. 199r).

Ba

PARIS, Bibliotheque nationale de France, Collection Baluze 47, f. 3251-328v, s. XVII: Description : L. AURRAY and R. POUPARDIN, Catalogue des manuscrits de la collection Baluze, Paris, 1921, p. 62-63, nr 47.

The manuscript consisting of 333 paper folios partly written by the French scholar André Duchesne (1584-1640), contains excerpts from archives and cartulaires. Among these, excerpts of the editio altera (f. 3251-328v) : Ex codice Ms. Prioratus S. Martini de Campisa. Vita S. Arnulphi Episcopi Suessionensis, auctore Lisiardo Episcopo. Incipit Praefatio Lisiardi Episcopi in vita Beati Arnulpbi.Venerabili et carissimo. However, the copyist refers to the edition of Surius : apud Surius fo. 4. mense Augusto. sed mutato stylo. Witness of the genealogy of St Arnulf: Generatio sancti

Arnulphi (f. 3251), which

precedes these fragments. Ba

shares the rubric with Du. Already mentioned are the simi-

INTRODUCTION

LIH

larities between the two manuscripts, as far as the comparison goes.

Mb

PARIS,

Bibliothéque

nationale

de

France,

Latin

12688,

[.-467v5 S. XVII Description : L.V. DELISLE, (Inventaire des manuscrits latins de SaintGermain-des-Prés', Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes 28 (1867) p. 529-530. Volume 31 of a collection of texts on Benedictine monasteries, the so-called Monasticon Benedictinum (47 volumes,

s. XVII-XVIII).

Witness of the genealogy of St Arnulf: Genealogia s. patris nostri Arnulphi episcopi Suessionensis (f. 467v), followed by texts on the abbey of Oudenburg (f. 467v-476r). Concerning these, the manuscript is close to L. ua M

thier Texts

BRUGGE, Openbare Bibliotheek, 338, f. 284vb, s. XIV, Abbey

of Oudenburg (former dioc. of Tournai) Descriptions :

A. DE POORTER, ‘Les manuscrits de l'abbaye bénédictine d'Oudenbourg à la bibliotheque de Bruges’, Revue des Bibliothéques 33 (1923), p. 381-382, n? 338.

A. DE PoonTER, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliothéeque publique de la ville de Bruges, Gembloux — Paris,

1934, p. 377-378, nr 338. R. VANDER PLAETSE, in Sint-Arnoldus en de Sint-Pietersabdij te Oudenburg

1084-1984,

Oudenburg,

1984, p. 283-284,

{1° 169.

Missal of the abbey of Oudenburg, consisting of 631 parchment folios, containing three offices: In eleuatione sancti Arnulfi (f. 286ra-291ra), In depositione sancti Arnulfi (f. 414va-419ra), and In octauo sancti Arnulfi (f. 427ra-

LIV

INTRODUCTION

428rb). There is also a prayer De sancto Arnulfo (f. 609vb61rorb). Witness of the hymn Pange lingua gloriosa (f. 284vb).

BRUGGE, Openbare Bibliotheek, 341, f. 87r-88r, s. XV/XVI, Abbey of Oudenburg (former dioc. of Tournai) Descriptions : A. DE PoorTER,

‘Les manuscrits

de l'abbaye bénédictine

d'Oudenbourg à la bibliothéque de Bruges', Revue des Bibliothéques 33 (1923), p. 382-383, nr 341. A. DE PoorTER, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliotheque publique de la ville de Bruges, Gembloux — Paris,

1934, p. 379-380, nr 341. Diurnal of the abbey of Oudenburg, consisting of 108 paper folios. In the calendar (f. 7r-12v), the celebrations of St Arnulf on the first of May (eleuatio) and August 16 (death) are mentioned in red. There are some prayers De sancto Arnulf(f. 53v-54r). Witness of the hymn Pange lingua gloriosa, with musical notes (f. 87r-88r).

BRUGGE, Openbare Bibliotheek, 561, f. 151v, s. XV, Abbey of

Oudenburg (former dioc. of Tournai) Descriptions :

A. DE POORTER, ‘Les manuscrits de l'abbaye bénédictine d'Oudenbourg à la bibliothéque de Bruges', Revue des Bibliothéques 33 (1923), p. 388-394, nr 561. A. DE PoorTER, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliotheque publique de la ville de Bruges, Gembloux — Paris, 1934, p. 675-683, nr 56r.

R. VANDER PLAETSE, in Sint-Arnoldus en de Sint-Pietersabdij te Oudenburg

1084-1984,

Oudenburg,

1984, p. 285-286,

Doy Composite manuscript, consisting of 174 paper leaves, con-

taining a collection of ascetic and moralizing works. It in-

INTRODUCTION

LV

cludes the Carmen iambicum beato Arnulpho episcopo dicendum,

of which

it is the

only witness,

and

this

is

followed by three prayers on the saint (f. rsrv). 4.1.4.

Lost Manuscripts

Cambron

X Cistercian abbey of Our Lady, s. XIII, dioc. of Cambrai

Descriptions : J. VAN DEN GHEYN, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliotheque royale de Belgique s, Brussel, 1905, p. 294-298, 13592071

F. DoLBEAU,

‘Nouvelles

recherches

sur le ‘Legendarium

Flandrense", Recherches augustiniennes 16 (1981), p. 401-

419, D. 434-437, D- 444-455. Legendary in nine volumes, related to the so-called Legendarium Flandrense in its longer form. It is very similar

to the exemplars of Vaucelles. Two surviving volumes (January-February, December) are kept in Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek (11.2309, vol. I-ID. The sixth volume (September) contained the Vita, miracula et translatio sancti Arnulphi episcopi Suessionensis et confessoris in a supplement. Thus, even though the legendary was not based on

the oldest known exemplars of the Legendarium Flandrense (CD), the editio altera might have been taken from these. According to Cuperus it was close to the text in the legendary of Vaucelles, also lost.

Longpont

Cistercian Abbey of Longpont,

s. XIII, after

1240, dioc. of Soissons Descriptions : F. DOLBEAU, ‘Notes sur la genése et sur la diffusion du ‘Liber

de natalitiis", Revue d'histoire des textes 6 (1976), p. 168169, p. 181-188.

Edition : MABILLON, AASS OSB, 6.2, Paris, 1701, p. 503 and p. 507-557.

LVI

INTRODUCTION

Legendary in ten volumes with a supplementary volume, related to the so-called Liber de natalitiis, a legendary of the same type as the Legendarium Flandrense, which had its origin in Burgundy and the Franch-Comté. The supplement, consisting of 223 folios, contained the Lives of local and recent saints, and of the holy bishops of Soissons, including (n° 287) the Vita, miracula et translatio sancti Arnulphi episcopi Suessionensis et confessoris.

Judging from Mabillon’s edition, the text was very similar to CD.

Ourscamp

Cistercian abbey of Ourscamp, mer dioc. of Noyon

s. XIII, for-

Descriptions :

F. DOLBEAU, ‘Notes sur la genése et sur la diffusion du ‘Liber de natalitiis", Revue d'histoire des textes 6 (1976), p. 172. F. DOLBEAU, ‘Nouvelles recherches sur le ‘Legendarium Flandrense", Recherches augustiniennes 16 (1981), p. 440. Literature: CUPERUS, AASS, Augusti 3, Antwerp, 1737’, p. 229.

Legendary in eight volumes related to the Liber de Natalitiis as well as the Legendarium Flandrense. The fourth volume (July-August) might have contained the Vita, miracula et translatio sancti Arnulphi episcopi Suessionensis et confessoris. Cuperus based his edition on a transcript of the Life that was made by Ildephonsus Vragel, or Vrayet, monk of Corbie (t 1675).*" According to Cuperus, the texts were very similar to that in C.

Ourscamp

Cistercian abbey of Ourscamp (former dioc. of Noyon)

8" A. PEIGNE-DELACOURT, Histoire de l'abbaye royale Notre Dame d'Ourscamp, Amiens, 1876, p. 98-99; Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 50, n. 48.

INTRODUCTION

LVII

Description : MABILLON, AASS OSB, 6.2, Paris, 1701, p. 502-503.

Manuscript containing a Life of St Arnulf in one book divided in forty chapters, preceded by three letters of dedication by Hariulf, abbot of Oudenburg. Nicolaus Perempertus, monk of Ourscamp, sent a transcript of the letters, and perhaps also of the Life, to Mabillon.

St-Martin

monastery canons

of St-Martin

in Louvain,

regular

Literature : CUPERUS, AASS, Augusti 3, Antwerp, 1737’, p. 230.

A manuscript containing an abbreviated form of the Life of St Arnulf.

St-Martin-des-Cbamps

priory of St-Martin-des-Champs in Paris

The copyist of Ba mentions the presence of the editio altera, preceded by the genealogy of St Arnulf, in a manuscript that in the seventeenth century was kept in the priory of St-Martin-des-Champs in Paris. Further information on this manuscript or its whereabouts is not available. We know that, probably in the first half of the seventeenth century, several volumes from the library of the Cistercian abbey of Chaalis (Dep. Oise) were transferred to St-Martin-des-Champs.* If indeed Ba and Du are based on this, now unknown manuscript, clearly it belonged to the Oudenburg group.

Vaucelles

^ Cistercian abbey of Vaucelles, s. XIII, dioc. of Cambrai

82 DOLBEAU, ‘Notes sur la genése', p. 158, n. 2.

LVIII

INTRODUCTION

Descriptions :

Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum bibliotbecae regiae Bruxellensis (Subsidia hagiographica 1.2), Brussels, 1889, p. 1-20, n? 7460-7461.

J. VAN DEN GHEYN, Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliothéeque royale de Belgique 10253176:

5, Brussels,

1905, p. 135-141,

F. DorBEAU, ‘Nouvelles recherches sur le ‘Legendarium Flandrense", Recherches augustiniennes 16 (1981), p. 400,

422-427, 434-437, 444-455. Legendary, probably in seven volumes, related to the socalled Legendarium Flandrense in its longer form. It is very similar to the older one of Ter Doest, and the later legendary of Cambron. Two surviving volumes (October, November-December) are kept in Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek (7460-7461). A supplement to the fifth volume (September) contained the editio altera. According to Cuperus the end is missing: ubi in fine libri tertii unum alterumue folium deest. Since the Life was a later addition, the legendary was not based on the oldest known exemplars of the Legendarium Flandrense (CD), where the Life was positioned according the ecclesiastical calendar. Nevertheless, the editio altera might have been taken from these. 4.2. Editions 4.2.1. Prior editio Su

Laurentius Surius, 'Vita S. Arnulphi Suessionensis episcopi, authore Lisiardo eius successore episcopo’, in De probatis sanctorum vitis IV, Cologne, 1573', p. 689-713; D-74737 7VITE T6f8 "D 143-156.

IV, 15797,

Edition of the prior editio (BHL 703), according to Surius slightly adapted: cuius sermo, ne eruditos Lectores offenderet, per F. Laur. Surium passim nonnibil expolitus est : modeste tamen propter autboris reuerentiam.

3

CUPERUS (AASS, Augusti 3), Antwerp,

1737', p. 229.

INTRODUCTION

LIX

Laurentius Surius (1523-1578) was a monk of the Carthusian monastery at Cologne, where he composed his collection

of Saints’ Lives in view of the Counter-Reformation. His writings were meant to instruct and edify his public. Thus he adjusted the texts to the demands of his time, rewriting and shortening them. Surius used for his collection of Saints Lives manuscripts and transcripts coming from sev-

eral monasteries. Apparently, he used about seven manuscripts of Saints’ Lives from the monastery of RougeCloitre near Brussels. Among these were the collections of John Gielemans, which contain, as mentioned before, two

summaries of St Arnulf's Life, and the legendary attributed to Anthony Gheens, which is the only known manuscript of the prior editio (A). There are indications that Surius also knew the legendaries of Ter Doest and Clairmarais, exemplars of the Legendarium Flandrense, which both (CD) present the editio altera and the Sermo.** He might have known

as well the abbreviation of the editio altera,

which Herman Greven (1 1477/80), also a Carthusian monk

at Cologne, included in his legendary. However, Surius did not provide any information on the model(s) which he used for his edition of the prior editio. Some notes in the margin suggest that he saw more than one witness, although the observations recorded in them may have been purely personal in origin (1 *Mansuuende; IX *montem ; XXIX *eum). Other notes in the margin refer to the Bible or

point to important parts of the text.** It is without doubt that Surius remained very close to the text as included in A, even though his stylistic adaptations are numerous. For instance, in the prologue, which can be considered as the most personal part of Lisiard's writing, the whole

textual content is present, but, apart from the

address, revised in one way or the other. The changes concern word order (l. 8 disciplinae tenorem) tr. A), gram-

84 P. Horr,

‘Die

Sammlung

von

Heiligenleben

des

Laurentius

Archiv 44 (1922) p. 352-364. Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg,

Surius',

Neues

p. 40-44.

85 See p. XXXVIII. 86 The fourth edition (1618) has more Ma), xxvi, * for. subdolos.

marginal notes:

xvii, * al. Bertam (cfr

LX

INTRODUCTION

mar (l. 7 et studium prouebendae] prouectusA; |. 25/26 De ueritate borum, quae dicturi sumus, nulla cuiusquam mens ambigat] Porro de istorum ueritate nullius mens uertatur in ambiguum A), and synonyms (l. 17 ad baec pro uiribus exaranda animum intenderem| ad bec pro posse exaranda aciem mentis dirigerem A; |. 36 ea efficeret] talia ageret A). In amplifications Surius showed his reverence to the author (l. 6/7 et in omnibus moderationem et discretionem] ad omnia discretum A).*7 Further on, other interventions were more drastic, for instance, V, s/7 ita e diuerso pro causarum ratione et merito pro loco et tempore mitis erat et profusus ad clementiam] ita e diuerso seruato legum merito pro tempore et loco mitis

erat et profusus ad gratiam A). Surius thought his reworking modest, probably because he told the whole story without any serious shortening. There are only two major omissions. He left out fifty-five verses, but not without a justification: Hoc loco in MS exemplari sequuntur quinquagintaquinque uersus beroici rytbmici, quibus eadem de falso aduenientium Danorum rumore historia repetitur: quos breuitatis studio omisimus (xxv, cfr A, 23/77). The other passed without comment (XLV, 9, cfr A, XLVI, 11/13 ). In fact this concluding paragraph was already given in an earlier chapter (xit, 10/15). Therefore, Surius might have thought it redundant, or perhaps it was not present in his layer. Compared to A, there are some small omissions (xvi, 18 militia A] om. Su; xxi, 3 undique A] om. Su), but also additions (vi, 20 fratrum] om. A; xxxvit, 1 militiae] om. A,

xxxvi, 1). However, they may also be due to Surius as the copyist of A, or they might have been present in their model(s). For instance, rephrasing the beginning of the chapter that follows the story about St Arnulf's sister Oda, he removed the meaningless reference to the preceding chapter OuIV. D. cir, A XCVDLI/2

*/ For a comparison of the prologue (ASu Ma) and Hariulf's letter of dedication (Ma^), see Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 353-354, Bijlage 4.

* See below, the edition of the prior editio and the critical apparatus.

INTRODUCTION

LXI

Some readings suggest that Surius did not use A, nor a

for a model (v, 5/6 pro causarum ratione et merito] seruato regum merito A, om. a ; X, 12 in cliuo ei propinquo] supra cliuum ibi A, supra cliuum urbi a, Lx ;XLIV, 1 omnes eius loci incolae] omnes isti patriote A, XVI, 1/2, omnis homo

tam potens quam impotens a (II.xIx)). Already mentioned is a serious loss of content, which Su shares with A (xv, 18/19) contrary to a (I.xxvim) that indicates Surius did not use

a witness

of the editio

altera.*?

Sometimes,

Surius

seems to side with the editio altera, but again he might have found his material elsewhere or written it himself (vt, 13 insectati Su a, I.v, and Greven’s summary] insecuti A).

Furthermore the possibility of errors by Surius or the printer cannot be excluded (ir, 15 exoccupatus] exoccupatis A; VIII, 1 proficiscens for proficiens, cfr succedens A; XXXIV, 15 plane] plene A xxxv, 20). The main difference between A and Su is the origin of St Arnulf (1, 4). According to A, he was born in Flanders,

while all other versions of the saint's Life (Su a, the Sermo and all summaries) present him as a Brabantine. Of course, Surius might have followed his model, but also he could have felt the need to correct Flanders to Brabant, because since the late Middle Ages, Arnulf's ancestors, the Lords of

Oudenaarde, had become part of the Brabantine nobility.?? As mentioned

before, the division into chapters is differ-

ent. In addition, he provided the chapters with a heading. If Surius did not base his edition on A, than he must have

used an example that was very close to A or its model. The edition of Surius is a welcome supplement to manuscript A as a witness of the prior editio. Despite the adaptations Surius made, his edition is very useful for locating and emending corruptions in the text that A offers. R. Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, bisschop van Soissons (7 1087) (Encyclopédie Bénédictine), Turnhout, 2004, p. 321-

346, Bijlage r.

EP SAS on out ?9 Nip, Arnulfus van Oudenburg, p. 93-96

LXII

INTRODUCTION

Diplomatic edition of the prior editio (BHL 703) after manuscript A. 4.2.2. Editio altera, Sermo, Epistolae and Genealogia

Ma

J. MABILLON, ‘Vita S. Arnulfi episcopi Suessionensis’ (AASS

Ma^

OSB 6.2), Paris, 1701, p. 502-505-555. Edition of the editio altera (BHL 704), followed by the Sermo (BHL 705) and preceded by Hariulf's three letters of dedication (Ma^). In his introduction (p. 503) Mabillon in-

cluded also the Genealogia (BHL 7052). The Maurist scholar and monk Jean Mabillon (1632-1707)

based his edition of the Life and Sermo on a manuscript of the abbey of Longpont near Soissons, which he collated with others, not specified (p. 502: Ex ms. codice Abbatiae Longipontis, cum aliis collato). Mabillon knew D, from which he took the Genealogia (p. 503), but, apparently, he did not use it for his edition of St Arnulf's Life. He edited Hariulf's letters after a transcript of a manuscript of the abbey of Ourscamp (diocese of Noyon), which the monk Nicolaus Perempertus sent to Mabillon in 1687 (p. 505-507). According to Mabillon, the

letters went together with a version of St Arnulf's Life in one book, divided in forty chapters (p. 503), but it is not

clear if he had a (transcript) of it. Thanks to his edition, Hariulf’s letters are still known. Mabillon uses Surius' edition several times. Between his chapters Iv and v of the first book, he includes two chapters from the prior editio (ASu r-1v), which he took from Surius (p. 510 Quae hic ansulis inclusa babentur, ex Surio descripsimus). In these, he has minor divergent readings (I. uanitatem] uanitates ASu ; ut] ui Su, cfr A; sine] sine ullo Su, sine omni A; Liv angustum faciebant] angustum

efficiebant Su, angustiauerant A). In a note he includes Surius' laudation on king Louis the Fat (p. 531), and in another note (p. 547) he mentions the name of the author of St Arnulf's epitaph and Lisiard's apologia, which he found in Surius' edition. The use of Su explains why a few times Mabillon's edition is more in agreement with the prior edi-

INTRODUCTION

LXIH

lio as opposed to the other witnesses of the editio altera (iv eum]

illum Su, ipsum A, om.

BDuEF

CD; Losnensis

Duzacensis Ma Su, comitis Losnensis Duzacensis A, comi-

lis Lonniensis

et Durazcensis

CD; Lxi Deus] Dominus

(Duraxcensis

BDuEF

CD;

Du) BDuEF

L.xim poenus

(penus

A)] peius BDuEF CD). In comparison with the other witnesses of the editio allera, Mabillon's unique readings, niam for quam; bis for bis; Il.vu

edition has a considerable number of many of them (printer's) errors (1.1 quoIIx pergrauatum for pregrauatum; IL.ui sit for sic; Sermo 1 Godelef matris for

Godelef martyris). Others show a difference of perspective (III.PREF. coepiscopus uester Lambertus for coepiscopus noster Lambertus, III. nostrae Francie for nostrae Flandrie). Also, there are some substantial omissions (I.v in

eius comitatu ; II.PREF. neque de luto fecis usque adbuc eleuatus esset ;sermo u proinde morte subtractus iam tibi

non sit dolori). However, his edition is the only witness of St Arnulf's Life that offers the correct name for the French queen, namely Berta (I.xviD), and an explanation: Alii codd. Bertradam,

sed nostra lectio melior est, uti ex nota

subsequenti apparet (p. 518 n. c). A few times Mabillon mentions variants that he found in other witnesses, not specified : Ma

*al. Ma‘

marg.

Life p. 508 :

uestrorumque (PREF. 30/31 codd. ; PROL. 31 ASu)

nostrorumque

p. 510

gente (I.ir, 10 codd.)

genere (II, 10 ASu)

p. 513

ecclesia

| cellam

(I. vil, 30 codd. ;

VIII, $ ASu)

p. 514

sanioris (I. vill, 12 codd. ; | senioris VIII, 5 ASU)

p.518/530 | Bertham

Bertradam (1.xvI, 25, III, 9 codd. ; XVIII, 10, XXVIII, 8 ASu)

LXIV

INTRODUCTION

Ma

p. 524

*al. Ma"

quis sibi mandauerit

quid

sibi

marg.

manducauerit

(Oen

0 077Ge 287717-

ASu) p. 536

Herradus/Herradi

(ILxv, | Eraldus/Eraldi

5/6 codd. ; vill, 5 ASu) p- 539

LUZe cage (Dx0 SELLAM secca codd. ; om. ASu)

p. 539

MLXXXI (II.xxr, 8 codd.; VIII, $ ASu)

2353

Ariulfus

|(IIL.Xv,

ZZeeoa

| mendose MXCI

94/95 | Arnulfus

Hariulfus ASu)

|codd.;

om.

Sermo

Renuente

(v, ro

p. 556

ente codd. ; om. ASu)

Rennu-

| Annuente

Now and then, Mabillon showed doubts about a reading,

and suggested in the margin alternatives without referring to other codices: Ma

*"f«ortasse» Ma!" "era.

[pasoouEsecuram ql xq XXV, 64 ASu)

NON GOXd

p. 523 | diuerso

[5355298

aU cto ne(TIS V2835 Codd. IG EIN XXX, 24 ASu)

Nee Deo (II.xxiv, 17 codd. ; om. ASu)

INGUTUOT:

p. 532 | audire (ILvr, 13 codd. ; om. | adire ASu) p. 552 | Turonensi CII.xv, 55 codd. ; | Senonensi om. ASu)

As mentioned before, Mabillon's edition of the Sermo does

not present a structure in eight lessons, but in five chapters :

INTRODUCTION B

LXV

Ma

LEGON.

1

I Inc. Quamuis

Brabantia...

Ex. ...militaribus fuit. Lectio Il, IV

II Inc. Patre autem defuncto... Ex. ...aptus regno Dei.

Lectio V, VI

lil Inc. Itaque qui in pauca... Ex. ...animarum

saluatio exercebatur.

Lectio vrl

Iv Inc. Quodam tempore... Ex. ...numerum continuit.

Lectio VIII

v Inc. In eodem castro... Ex. ...secula seculorum. Amen.

Of course it is difficult to tell who was responsible for the variants, Mabillon or the manuscript transmission, not to mention the printer. Clearly, Mabillon's edition does not offer the best text, probably because his model was of poor quality. Apparently, Mabillon intervened rarely, following witnesses, other than Surius. Therefore, as representing the text in the Longpont manuscript, his edition is used as a witness of the editio altera and the sermo for the new edition. Mabillon's edition of the third of Hariulf’s letters is of great importance, because of the striking resemblance with the prologue that precedes the Zife. CUPERUS,

‘De S. Arnulfo

confessore,

episcopo

Suession-

ensi', AASS, Augusti 3, Antwerp, 1737', p. 221-230-259.

Edition of the editio altera (BHL 704). The

Bollandist

scholar

and

monk

Cuperus

(1632-1707)

based his edition on a transcript of the legendary of ter Doest, our manuscript C, which he collated with Mabillon's edition. He had also at his disposal the legendary of

Vaucelles, according to him incomplete, and a transcript of a manuscript of the abbey of Ourscamp (diocese of Noyon) made by Ildephonsus Vragel (p. 229). Cuperus also mentions that, at the time, the Carthusians in Bruges possessed a manuscript of St Arnulf's Life. We do not know which manuscript he meant. In his introduction Cuperus reproduces Mabillon's edition of the Genealogia (p. 226),

LXVI

INTRODUCTION

the first sentence of the Sermo (p. 226), and Hariulf’s three letters of dedication (p. 227-228). He also includes the hymn Pange lingua gloriosa (p. 222) after the edition of Arnold Wion, scholar and monk of the abbey of Oudenburg.?' Cuperus' edition is of poor quality, and has been omitted out of consideration for the present edition. J. B. Marou,

celebratur

‘Solempnitas

kalendas

sancti Arnulphi episcopi, que

Mai I. Sermo

de vita ejusdem',

Chronicon monasteri Aldenburgensis,

in

Bruges, 1840, p. 40-

48.

Edition of the Sermo (BHL 705) after B.

F. VAN DE PUTTE, ‘Genealogia sancti Arnulphi episcopi et confessoris, in Chronicon monasterii Aldenburgensis maius, Ghent, 1845, p. 79.

Edition of the Genealogia (BHL 705a) after our manuSemi.

J.-P. MIGNE, ‘Vita Sancti Arnulfi episcopi Suessionensis' CPL 174), Paris, 1854, col. 1367-1440. Reprint of Mabillon's edition of the editio altera (BHL 704), and as such of no importance for the present edition. O. HOLDER-EGGER, ‘Ex vita Arnulfi episcopi Suessionensis' (MGH SS rer. Merou. 15.2, Hanover, 1888, reprint 1963), p. 872-876-904.

Edition of fragments of the editio altera (BHL 704). Holder-Egger (1851-1911) based his critical edition on our manuscripts CDE. He also used the editions of Surius, Mabillon and Cuperus. Preceding the Life, he reprinted Mabillon's edition of Hariulf's three letters of dedication (p. 875-876). His selection comprises mainly all that concerns the history of Flanders. In his introduction he includes also the Genealogia (p. 879 n. *) following D, and a reprint of Surius' edition of the two chapters that are lacking in Hariulf's version of St Arnulf's Life (p. 879-888 n. **).

?! See p. XXXVI-XXXVII.

INTRODUCTION

LXVII

4.2.3. Miracula G. G. MEERSSEMAN,

Johannes de Biervliet, Miracula S. Ar-

nulphi', in Studies over de kerkelijke en kunstgeschiedenis van West-Vlaanderen, opgedragen aan M. English, Bruges,

1952, p. 314-319. Edition of the Miracula

metrica

(BHL 705b) after our

manuscript B and a transcript by J. B. Malou. The editor did not know F. He made only three emendations (p. 314: I sistam for sista, cfr sistam B^*, cistam B^* (1, 41) ;n qui

for quia, cfr qui F, quis B (It, 16); Iv semitis for semine B (iv, 2). Comparison

with B reveals

some

more

variants,

which are included in the critical apparatus of the present edition. 4.2.4. The Hymn Pange lingua Cup

CUPERUS,

‘De S. Arnulfo

ensi LASS. Augusti Wion

confessore,

episcopo

Suession-

sAntwerp; 1732: p. 222.

ARNOLDUS WION, Lignum vitae 2, Venice, 1595, p. 269a-2704.

4.3. Relationships Between the Manuscripts

A survey of the relationships between the witnesses of the two versions of St Arnulf's Life leads to the conclusion that a possible stemma cannot be given.The origin and development of both is complicated, but the consistency within the surviving texts is striking. The links of the chain that connect the present versions of the Life of St Arnulf with the archetype cannot be recovered. A stemma would be highly hypothetical: the proposed reconstruction supposes at least four or five hyparchetypes within, if the assumptions about manuscript £ are correct, a few decades. In the following, long period of worship, the editio altera remained unchanged. The earliest witness of St Arnulf's Life is C, dated late

twelfth century. This manuscript contains the editio altera together with the Sermo, and belongs to the group of legendaries, which contain this version of the Life. We have two other witnesses of this tradition, D and Ma, both close

LXVIII

INTRODUCTION

to C, but not based on it. The copyist of D (c. 1200) might have used the same model. Ma presents an edition of the legendary of Longpont (after 1240), now lost that is close to both CD texts. According to Cuperus the versions in two thirteenth-century legendaries (Cambron and Vaucelles), also lost, were close to C too. It is plausible that, indeed, CD were at the bottom of the transmission of St Arnulf’s Life in the legendaries. The oldest manuscript of the Oudenburg group CB) is more than half a century younger than CD. It presents also the editio altera and the Sermo. The much younger witnesses Du (XVII) and F (1615) are close to B, but they were not directly copied from this manuscript. The differences between the witnesses of both traditions justify the division into two groups, but these are far outnumbered by the similarities. Therefore both groups must have had a common model, which contained the edi-

tio altera and the Sermo. Probably, this came into existence after the canonization of the saint in 1121. One of the manuscripts of the Oudenburg group does not quite fit into this picture: E (XV?) is close to B, but is, more often than the other witnesses of the Oudenburg group, in agreement with the legendaries, and in that way, with the prior editio CA). The conclusion must be that E goes back on an earlier redaction of the editio altera, which was composed before the transmission started to diverge along two lines. The lack of a large poem and of the Sermo seems to corroborate this, and also suggests that Es model came into existence before the Sermo was added. Although at some points greatly revised, the prior editio is almost completely integrated into the editio altera, and still recognizable, as much with regard to the contents, as on a textual level. This Life was transmitted only in two late, sixteenth-century

edition

by Surius

Lisiard's

version,

witnesses,

(Su).

Even

sometimes

manuscript

though

A and

Surius

considerably,

the

reworked

his redaction

still is very close to A. However, we cannot be certain if he

had A for a model or used the same, or a very similar text. Because all witnesses, the prior editio as well as the editio altera, have some major corruptions in common,

the con-

INTRODUCTION

LXIX

clusion must be that both versions of the Life go back to one and the same (hyp-)archetype. Did Lisiard himself make the mistakes, or are these the work of a later copyist, or were, in the course of the years, parts of the text badly damaged? After Hariulf finished his first revision in 1114, Lisiard’s Life had become superfluous, and, probably,

was not much used anymore.

5. THE PRESENT EDITION

This volume contains eight texts, all but one based on the manuscripts in which they are preserved. The letters of dedication of Hariulf are now lost, and were therefore tran-

scribed from Mabillon’s edition. The third letter was collated with the prologues to both the prior editio and the editio altera. When a text is available in several manuscripts, the edition offers the text according to the best witness, while transmission lapses are emendated by means of the other witnesses and related texts. If relevant,

older editions are also involved. A, as the only manuscript, was the basis of the edition of the prior editio, while the other text witness, the first edi-

tion of Surius (Su), was used for support. Because of the many smaller and larger adaptations that Surius made, it was impossible to integrate these in the critical apparatus. However, his interpretation and editing methods are too interesting to ignore, and therefore his edition is reprinted

together with the edition of A. B, the best witness, and the oldest of the Oudenburg group, was the basis for the edition of the editio altera, the Sermo, the Miracula metrica, and the Genealogia. The last

one was transmitted in eight manuscripts, which offer a very homogeneous text. The edition of the hymn was based on M, while only one manuscript represents the Carmen (O). Corrections intended by the copyist are carried out without comment. Emendations are indicated in the critical apparatus. Only when the other witnesses or texts do not provide any support are symbols used in the edition to mark an editorial intervention according to the pub-

LXX

INTRODUCTION

lisher’s instructions: ( ) for words added, [ ] for words suppressed, and, though only once, f 1 for corrupt passages. The spelling follows the base manuscript, brought into agreement with the publisher's instructions: u for u and v, V for U and V, i for i and j, I for I and J. In the case of alternative readings, the spelling in the critical apparatus follows the witness first mentioned. Word separation also conforms to the base manuscript. Abbreviations are resolved ; if possible to conform to the words in a non-abbreviated form within the manuscript. Punctuation has been modernized to make the texts more accessible to a reader of the present day. The editions are accompanied by a critical, and if relevant, also a biblical and a source apparatus. Additional notes, textual and contextual, are listed in Appendix I. The textual notes are ordered according to chapter and line numbers. The contextual notes concern more than one text, and are therefore ordered alphabetically by names of persons and places. References to the additional notes are included in the margins of the editions. An index of names of persons and places, provided with identifications, concludes the volume. Appendix II contains two concordances, which present a comparison of the prior editio and the editio altera. The first starts from the prior editio, and shows to what degree this text was integrated into the editio altera. The second, starting from the editio altera, provides insight into the work of revision that has been done. The critical apparatus is negative and selective. In general the texts have been transmitted homogeneously, but individual readings are numerous. They are of no interest for our understanding of the text or its genesis. Most differences are of an orthographical nature (hiis/his, adm-/ amm-, con-/com-, car-/char-, etiam/et iam, etsi/et si, extemplo/extimplo, mibi/michi, sum-/sump-) ;these variants are only mentioned in the case of names of persons and places. Others concern synonyms (ac/et/atque, ergo/igitur, ipsum/illum/eum,

nempe/nam/enim,

enarrauit/narrauit,

INTRODUCTION

LXXI

inbabitando/babitando, reseruando/seruando) ; these variants are not mentioned.

In the description of the manuscripts examples are to characterize the style of writing of the individual ists. Alternative readings are included in the critical ratus only when they contribute to our knowledge genesis and interrelation of the texts. The division text witnesses of the revised and extended version

given copyappaof the of the of the

Life into two groups, the Oudenburg group and the Legendaria, has already been mentioned. Readings corroborating the division are given, but individual differences within the groups are left out unless they provide useful information. Remarkable readings clarifying the relationship with the oldest Life are included. Interventions which provide an interesting view on the method and mentality of the writer are also mentioned. See for the sigla for the description of the manuscripts and editions. The sigla are clustered according to their affinity, in alphabetical order within the group they belong to. A reference to each witness of the editio altera and the Sermo is made with the Greek character a. A reference to all manuscripts is marked as codd. References to the lack of a counterpart of a reading are marked ‘-’, while readings which are only comparable are preceded by ‘cfr’.

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY?”

Primary Sources Chron. Aldenb. = Chronicon Monasterii Aldenburgensis Maius — ed. F. VAN DE PUTTE, Ghent, 1840. GALB. Bnvo., De multro (ed. J. RIDER) = GALBERTVS NOTARIVS BRVGENsis, De multro, traditione, et occisione gloriosi Karole comitis Flandriarum — ed. J. RIDER (CC CM 131), Turnhout, 1994.

GREG. M., Dial. = GREGORIVS MAGNVS, Dialogi — ed. U. MORRICA, Gregorii Magni dialogi libri 4 (Fonti per la Storia d'Italia pubblicate dall Istituto storico italiano 57, Scrittori Secolo VI), Rome, 1924.

?* Editions and catalogues mentioned not included.

in the survey of the text witnesses are

LXXII

INTRODUCTION

GvIB. Nov., Dei gesta (ed. R. B. C. HUYGENS) = GVIBERTVS ABBAS NOVIGENTI, Dei gesta per Francos — ed. R. B. C. HUYGENS (CC CM127A), Turnhout, 1996. Har. Chron. (ed. F. Lor) = Harivir, Chronicon Centulense — ed. F. Lor, Hariulf, Chronique de l'abbaye de S. Riquier, Paris, 1894. Har. Gesta = Gesta Hariulphi — ed. E. MULLER, tr. L. DE LEEUW-GEIRNAERT, intr. R. VANDER PLAETSE, Hariulf, Pleidooi voor Oudenburg, Turnhout, 2003. HIER., Epist. = HIERONYMVS, Epistolae — ed. I. HILBERG, Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi epistolae (CSEL 54), Vienna, 1996. HiER., Vita Pauli = HIERONYMVS, Vita Pauli (ed. V. HUNINK), «www.thelatinlibrary.com/jerome/vitapauli.html» (31-12-2013). HoR., Carm. = HoRAtTivs FLACCVS, Carmina — ed.