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english, latin Pages 673 Year 1730
WORKS OF
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L ord B AC O N, In F o u r Volumes.
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'ha a ca s c is 7>a c o . r
/ / ce -(o/n cf
a n i /.%a ro 7 ?/'// / chefter College Anthony Allen, Efq-, One of the M a Miles Branthwayte, Efq-, kers of the High Court of Chancery George Bagnall, Efq-, Edward Atkins, Efq-, The Rev. M r. Arnold, Fellow of Ema John Bamber, M . D. The Rev. M r. Bateman of Chrift Church, nuel College in Cambridge Oxon B Edward Barry, M . D. * His Grace the Duke of Bedford Sir Robert Baylis, Kt. Alderman of the R t. Hon. the Lord Vifcount Bolingbroke City of London R t. Hon. Allan Lord Bathurft Brazen-Nofe College Library, Oxon Sir Edmund Bacon of Garboldilham in M r. Rob. Buxton of Charions, Norfolk the County of Norfolk, Bart. M r. William Bonnor, Bookfeller in Sir Edmund Bacon o/Gillingham, Bar. Cambridge The Hon. James Bertie, Efq-, M r. Arthur Bettefworth, Bookfeller The IVorfhipful Dr. Butler, Preftdent of M r. Daniel Browne, Bookfeller St. Mary Magdalen’j College, and M r. Brindley, Bookbinder to Her M a Vice-Chancellor of Oxford y fly , and His Royal Highnefs the Hon. Martin Bladen, Efq; Prince of Wales Waller Bacon, Efq\ Jonathan Blenman, Efq-, His Mayfly's Attorney-General for the IJland of His Grace the Duke of Chandos Barbadoes * H it Excellency John Lord Carteret, The Rev. Samuel Baker, D. D. Canon Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Refldentiary of St. Paul’j The Rt. Rev. Peter Lord Bifhop of Cork Peter Burrell, Efq-, Hon. Lord Charles Cavendiih The Rev. M r. John Baron Hon. Sir Laurence Carter, Kt. One of Richard Banner of Perry-Hall in the the Barons of the Court of Exchequer County of Stafford, Efq-, Sir John Hind Cotton, Bart. Thomas Bacon of Catley in the County Sir Robert Saiufbury Cotton of Llewenof Cambridge, Efq\ ny in Denbighfhire, Bart. Henry Beefton of the Inner Temple, Efq-, Hon. Edward Carteret, Efq-, Richard Benyon, Efq-, Thomas Clutterbuck, Efq-, The Rev. M r. Thomas Baker, B. D. of * Thomas Coder, Efq\ St. John’i College, Cambridge John Campbell of Stackpole Court in Richard Bingham of the Middle Temple, the County of Pembroke, Efq-, Efq; * Hon. John Chetwynd, Efq-,
F
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Anthony Collins o/Baddow-Hall in the County, of EfTex, Efq\ The Rev. D rj Samuel Clark %be.Rev. Br. Clark, Bern of Sarurn Thomas Cartwright, Efe Sir George Coke, Kt. Chief Prothonotary of the Court of Common-Pleas Henry Ludlow Coker, Efq-, Richard Chandler of Lincolns-bin, Efq-, Richard Carter of the Inner Temple, Efq-, George Clive of Lincolns Inn, Efq;, Sarmid Clark of Lincolns bin, Efq\ Peter Champion, Efp, George Courthop of Whiligh in the Parifh of Tifehurft in the County of Suflex, Efq-, The Rev. Mr. Cox of Kenfington "William Cowper, Efq-, The Rev. Mr. Culme Re3or of Glaoville’j Wotton in the County of Dorfet Edward Cole of Richmond, M. D. Nathaniel Cowper of the MiddleTemple,
Subscribers.
Emanuel College Library in Cambridge Air. John Everard, Surgeon. te c. F
_
rj *
Hon. Sir John Fortefcue AlandvXr. Ojte; of the Judges of the Court of CommoTf* Eleas Coulion Fellows of Lincolns-Inn, Efq-, Richard" Freeman of Bactsford in the County of Glocefter, Efq-, . \ c Robert Fenwick of Lincolns Inn, Efq-, ’ John Fountain of High Mejtom near: DoacaAer in.the Countyof York, E fc Robert Foulkes, M. D. The Rev. Mr. Archdeacon Furney T , 3 Edward Gibbon, Efq-, Thomas Geers of Lincolns-Inn, Efq-, John Holkins Gifford, Efq-,\ Mrs. Gore . , .:,r Mr. John Gafcoyne, Merchant. James Cholmeley of Lincolnfhirc, Efq; Nathaniel Gould, Efn John Cocks, Efq-, Mr. Fletcher Giles, Bookfeller Mr. Andrew Crotty Atr. Lawton Gilliver, Bookfeller Mr. Alexander Courthope o/Spreevers H in Horfemanden, Kent \ • X . Mr. Francis Clay, Bookfeller - ; * Rt. Hon. the Earl of Huntingdon Mr. Francis Coggan, Bookfeller Rt. Hon. the Lord Hobart .•» Mr. Richard Clements, Bookfeller in * Sir James How, Bart. , . . Oxon Sir Charles Hotham, Bart. -* Mr. Will. Cofsly, Bookfeller in Briftol Sir William Holland, Bart,. Charles Hedges, Efqi i :.; * Maurice Hunt, Efq-, Rt. Hon. the Earl of Derby John Holt, Efq\ Rt. Hon. the Earl of Dyfart Robert Hucks, Efq-, Hon. Alexander Denton, Efq-, One of William Hucks, Efq-, •the Judges of the Court of Common- Chefter Moor Hall, Efq\ Pleas Jabez Hughes, Efq-, Monf. Le Chancelier D’Agueflau Hugh Howard, Efq-, George Dixon of the Middle Temple, Jeffrey Hetherington of the Middle Temple, Efq-, Efq-, George Dafhwood, Ef JiiVa-jk
Su b s c r ib e r s .
The Reverend M r. Monnoux Fellow °f Chrifi’j College in Cambridge Magdalen College Library, Oxon Rev. M r. Richard Meadowcourt Fellow of Merton College, Oxon The Rev. M r. Morgan. M r. James Mead Manchefter College Library The Rev. M r. Zachary Merille/ Hamp-
ftead
Mr.. \Villian> Morehead M r. William Meadows, Bookfeller M f- Richard Maneklin Bookfeller in
York
N Robert New of the Middle Temple, Efq-, Richard Newdigate of the MiddleTemle, Efq-,
Thpnms Norton, Efq-,
K O Sir Robert Kemp of Ubbefton in Suf ♦ R t. Hon. the E arl of Oxford and Motfolk, Bart. timer Hon. Major General Kellum Abel Ketelby of the Middle Templ^ R t. Hon. the E arl of Orrery John Oriebar, Efq-, Efqi Robert Ord of Lincolns Inn , Efqi Francis Knollis, Efq\ The Rev. M r. George Ofborne L M r. Thomas Ofborne, Bookfeller John Ludford of the Inner Temple, Efq-, P Henry Lawton of Lincolns Inn, Efq-, * John Locker, Efq-, The R t. Rev. the Lord Bifhop of Peter M r. Bernard Lintot, Bookfeller borough M r. William Lewis, Bookfeller *TbeHon. SrVThomasPengelly, Kt. Lord M r. James Leake Bookfeller in Bat^ Chief Baron of the Court of Exchequer M r. Samuel Lobb Bookfeller in Bath The Hon. Rob. Price, Efq-, One of the fudges of the Court of Common-Pleas M The Hon. &>Edm. Probyn, Kt. One of * R t. Hon. the Lord Malton the Judges of the Court of Kings-Bench R t. Hon the Lord Monfon George Pitt of Stratfeild Sea in the * The Hon. Society of the Middle Temple County of Southampton, Efq-, The Hon. Thomas Maynard, Efq-, Henry Pacey of Boflon in the County Charles Monfon of Grays Jnp, Efq-, Lincoln, Efq-, * Samuel Mead of Lincolns Inn, Efq-, Jeremy Pemberton of the Inner Temple, His Excellency John Montgomerie, Efq\ Efq , Governor af New-York, &c. John Pratt of Lincolns Inn, Efq, Charles Mafon of Rockly in the County John Phillips of JCillgetty in the County of Salop, Efq-, of Pembroke, Ejq\ Thomas Martyn of the Middle Temple, Thomas Pelham, Efq-, Efq-, Thomas Player of Cleeve-Hill in the Henry Mountague of Lincolns Inn, Efq\ County of Gloucefter, Efq-, William Melmoth of Lincoln Inn, Efq-, David Polhill, Efq-, * M r. John Markham Apothecary to Alexander Popp, Efq, Sutton’j Hofpital William Phipps, Efq-, Rev. D r. Mangey Prebendary of Dur Pembroke Hall Library in Cambridge ham John Piddock of the Middle Temple, The Rev. D r. Conyers Middleton, Gent. Principal Librarian of the Univerfity , M r. Peter Petit, two Books of Cambridge M r. 2
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The
NAMES
o f the S u b s c r i b e r s .
M r. Thomas Payne of Wrexham M r. Henry Paramour of Symmonds Inn, Attorney at Law M r. James Peters Attorney at Law in
London
M r. Thomas Padnall M r. John Pemberton, Bookfeller
R th e Hon. James Reynolds, Efq-, One of the Judges of the Court of King’s Bench Thomas Reeves, Efq-, One of His M ajefty's Council at Law John Randolph of the Inner temple, Efq-, Dudley Ryder of Lincolns Inn, Efq-, John Randolph of Williamfburgh ( in Virginia) Efq-, Henry Raines, LL . D. th e Rev. M r. Benjamin Robertfhaw Reftor of Amerftiam, Bucks th e Rev. M r. Edward Rowney Thomas Rodd of the Inner temple, Gent. * th e Rev. D r. Rundel Prebendary of
JohnThrefhero/ the Middle temple, Efq-, William Thorold of the Middle temple, Efq> * Trinity Hall Library, Cambridge Thomas Towers, Efq\ Bartholomew Tipping, Efq-, John Temple, Efq-, M r. Jacob Tonfon, Bookfeller V U Hon. John Verney of Lincolns-Inn, Efq-, H er Majejly's Attorney General * Gwyn Vaughan, Efq\ Thomas Uthwayt, Efq-, Thomas Vere of the City of Norwich, Efq* Jafper Verchild, Efq-, George Venables Vernon, Efq\
W * R t. Hon. Thomas Wyndham, Lord High Chancellor of Ireland th e R t. Rev. the Bijhop of Winchefter th e R t. Rev. the Bijhop of Waterford Durham th e Rev. D r. Wilkins, Prebendary of M r. Thomas Richardfon of AlderfgateCanterbury, and Archdeacon of Suf Street folk * William Peer Williams of the Inner S temple, Efq-, , th e R t. Hon. the E arl of Sufiex Charles Worfley of the Middle temple th e R t. Hon. the E arl of Scarborough Efq: th e R t. Hon. the E arl of Scarfdalc Lewis Wey of the Inner temple, Efq, * Sir Thomas Sebright, Bart. George Wynne, Efq-, Samuel Sandys of Omberfley Court in Charlton Wollafton, Efq-, the County of Worcefter, Efq-, William Whitehorn, Efq-, of Chrift Henry Smith of the Inner temple, Efq-, Church, Oxon Ifaac Self, Efq-, D r. Wharton John Strange of the Middle temple, Efq-, D r. Wiggon Sir Conrad Sprengell, Kt. M .D . D r. Robert Wintle in Great RuflelGeorge Scott, Efq-, Street Mannock Strickland, Efq-, M rs. Ann Weftern of Rivenhall Place Edward Strong of Greenwich, Efq-, in the County of Effex * Edward Smith, Efq-, of Ireland, two M r. John Webb Sets Thomas Watts, Efq-, Deputy Ranger of Capt. William Supple End field Chafe William Strahan, L L . D. M r. William Watts of the Academy in M r. Francis Shudall Little Tower Street. M r. Edward Simon, Bookfeller th e Rev. M r. John Willet Vicar of M r. George Strahan, Bookfeller Wadhurft in Sufiex M r. John Shuckburgh, Bookfeller M r. Thomas Ward, Bookfeller M r. John Stagg, Bookfeller M r. Richard Williamfon, Bookfeller M r. Thomas Wotton, Bookfeller T M r. Thomas Worrall, Bookfeller Hon. Tho. Tufton of the Inner temple, ■ Efa Y Hon. John Trevor of the Inner temple, His Grace the Archbijhop of York Efq-, . . Sir Philip York, Kt. His Majejly's A t * Richard Topham of Windfor, Efq-, torney General, two Sets William T aylor of the Inner temple, Efq,
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T H E
L I F E O F
T H E
RIGHT HONOURABLE
F R A N CIS B A C O N , Baron of V e r u l a m , Vifcount St A l b a n ;
By Dr R A W
L
E Y :
With Infertions from Sir W illiam Dugdales B a r o n a g e , and Dr Teniforts B a c o n i a n a .
F
R A N C I S S A C O N , the glory o f his age and nation, the adorner and ornament o f learning, was born in Tork-houfe, or Tork-Rlace in the Strand, on the two and twentieth day o f J a nuary, in the year o f our Lord iy 6o . His father was that famous councellor to queen E lizabeth, the fecond prop o f the king dom in his time, fir Nicolas Bacon, knight, lord-keeper o f the great-feal o f England \ a lord o f known prudence, fufficiency, moderation and inte grity. H is mother was Anne, one o f the daughters o f fir Anthony Cook, unto whom the erudition o f king E dw ard the fixth had been com mitted ; a choice lady, and eminent for piety, virtue and learning, being exquifitely skill’d, for a W om an, in the Greek and Latin tongues. T hefe being the parents, you may eafily imagine what the iffue was like to be, having had whatfoever nature or breeding could put into him. S i R fVilliam ’D ugdale is fomething more particular on this fubjed, obferving, ‘ as to his parentage, that he was a the youngeft o f thofe a Dugdale’i ‘ tw o male children, which fir Nicolas Bacon o f Redgrave , in Com. ^ ronagf. ‘ Suff. knight, had by Anne his wife, one o f the fix daughters o f 43" * fir Anthony Cook, o f Giddy-Hall, in Com. Effex, knight, (a perfon ‘ m uch honoured for his learning, and being tutor to king E dw ard the ‘ fixth) all thofe daughters being exquifitely skilled b in the Greek an d h An»*i. ‘ Latin tongues: _ cln/'m ‘ W h i c h Nicolas, having been a diligent ftudent o f the laws in Gray s-™. 157«. ‘ In n , was made c the king’s attorney in the court o f wards, in 3 8 Hen. VIII. c PM -,s. V ol . I. ‘ and h. *./.«•
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and upon the death o f that king, (w hich foon after happened) had his patent, for the fame truft, renewed a by his fon and fucceflor, king E d w ard the fixth. In the fixth year o f whofe reign, he was conftituted b treafurer for that noble fociety o f G rays-Inn, w hereof he had been fo b Orig. ’J u n i . p. »98. < long a member. And being grown famous for his knowledge, was ihortly after, v iz . in 1 E liz . made c lord-keeper o f the grcat-feal o f E ng c Pat. I Eliz. 1 P3. ‘ land, and knighted d ; which office in his time, was by a d o f parliament d At. 6. tn t made equal in authority with the chancellors. offic. Arm. ‘ W h a t I have otherwife obferved o f this Sir Nicolas Bacon, is, e that f . 167. b. e, f Annal. t Eliz ut u ra being n o fr>c n d to the queen o f Scots, (then priloner in England) he manno 1564/ was f privy, and aflenting to what Hales had publilhed, in derogation ‘ to her title, as next and lawful fucceflor to queen E lizab e th ; aflerting s h lM ‘ that o f the houfe o f Suffolk before it, for which, Hales fuffered g im‘ prifonment, and had not Cecil flood his faithfiil friend, h fo m ight he j ‘ nothing being m orediftaflful to queen E lizabeth, than a difpute upon that * point. N ext, that in 14 E liz . upon thole propofals made by the no bility o f Scotland, for her enlargement, he oppofed i it ; alleging, t,k Ibid.in an. t k that no fecurity could balance the danger thereof. Laftly, T h a t u p M7 >. ‘ on his death, which happened in A p ril, Anno 1579. ( n E liz .) this ‘ charader / is given o f him by the learned Camden, v iz . that he was I Ibid, in an. 1579. ‘ V ir praepinguis , ingenio acerrimo, fu g u la ri prudentia , fumma elo‘ quentia, tenaci memoria, S? /ac ris confiliis alterum columen : O f p e r* fon very corpulent, moft quick wit, Angular prudence, admirable elo ‘ quence, fpecial memory, and another pillar to the privy-council. O f his death, Dr Tenifon gives this account from a paper o f the lord Dr Tenifon, Bacon : ‘ H e had his barber rubbing and combing his head. And, becaufe ‘ it was very hot, the window w'as open to let in a frelh wind. H e fell ‘ afleep, and awaked all diftemper’d, and in a great fweat, faid he to th e ‘ barber, why did you let me fleep ? W h y , my lord, faid he, I durft not ‘ wake your lordfhip. W hy then, faith my lord-keeper, you have killed ‘ me w ith kindnels. So he removed into his bed-chamber, and w ithin a ‘ few days died. ‘ W h e r e u p o n , being interr’d on the fouth-flde o f the choir in St 1 B aul's cathedral, within the city o f London, he had a noble m onum ent, tn Hifl. of ‘ m there erefted to his memory, with this epitaph : St Paul’s a Pat. jE .v i.{ f .3. m. 36. i
Cath. p. 71.
* Font pe rennes.
Rawley.
H ic Nicolaum ne Baconum conditum ex i f ima illum , tam diu Britanni ci regni fecundum columen ; exitium malis, bonis a/ylum ; caeca quem non extulit ad hunc honorem fo rs ; fed aequitas, fides, doftritia, pietas, unica prudentia : Neu fo rte raptum crede, qub unica brevi v ita * perenni emerit duas: A git vitam fecundam coelites inter anim as: Fam a implet orbem, v ita quae illi te rtia eft. Hac pofitum in ara e f corpus, olim animi domus, ara dicata fernpiternae memoriae. H i s firft and childifh years were not without fome mark o f eminency ; at which time he was endued with that pregnancy and towardlinefs o f w it, as they were prefages o f that deep and univerlal apprehenflon which was manifeft in him afterward, and caufed him to be taken notice o f by feveral perfons o f worth and place, and efpecially by the queen j who (a s I haye been inform’d ) delighted much then to confer with him, and to prove
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prove him with quellions \ unto whom he delivered him felf with th a t gravity and maturity above his years, that her majefty would often term him, The yotnig lord-keeper. Being asked b y the queen how old he was, he anlwered with much difcretion, being then but a boy, That he was two years younger than her majejty’s happy reign } with which anfwer the queen was much taken. A t the ordinary years o f ripenels for the univerfity, or rather fomething earlier, he was fent by his father to Trinity-college in Cambridge, to be educated and bred under the tuition o f dodor John JV hitgift, then mailer o f the college ; afterwards the renowned archbifhop o f Can terbury ; a prelate o f the firll magnitude for fandity, learning, patience, and humility : Under whom he was obferved to have been more than an ordinary proficient in the feveral arts and fciences. W hilft he was commo rant in the univerfity, about fixteen years o f age, as his lordlhip hath been plcafed to impart unto my felf, he firll fell into the diilike o f the philolophy o f A rijlotle ; not for the worthlefnefs o f the author, to whom he would ever afcribe all high attributes, but for the unfruitfulnefs o f the way, being a philofophy (as his lordlhip ufed to fay) only flrong for difputations and contentions, but barren o f the produdion o f works, for the benefit o f the life o f m an; in which mind he continued to his dying day. A f t e r he had palTed the circle o f the liberal arts, his father thought fit to frame and mould him for the arts o f flate; and for that end fent him over into France with fir Amyas F au let , then employed ambalfador leiger into France ; by whom he was, after a while, held fit to be intrufled with fome meflage or advertifement to the q u e e n ; which having performed with great approbation, he returned back into Fratice again, with intention to continue for fome years there. In his abfence in France his father the lord-keeper died, having colleded (as I have heard o f knowing perfons) a confiderablc fum o f money, which he had feparated with intention to- have made a competent purchafe o f land, for the liveli hood o f this his youngell fon, who was only unprovided for ; and though he was the youngell in years, yet he was not the lowell in his father's affedion : but the laid purchafe being unaccomplilhed at his father’s death, there came no greater ihare to him, than his fingle part and proportion o f the money, dividablc amongll five brethren ; by which means he lived in fome llraights and necelfities in his younger years. For as for that pleafant fite and mannor o f Gorhambury, he came not to it till many years after, by the death o f his dearell brother, M r Anthony Bacon : a gentleman equal to him in height o f wit, though inferior to him in the endowments o f learning and knowledge ; unto whom he was moll nearly conjoin’d in affedion, they two being the foie male- ilfue o f a fecond venter. B e i n g return’d from travel, he applied him felf to the lludy o f the com m on-law , which he took upon him to be his profelfion. In which he attain’d to great excellency, though he made that (as him felf faid) but as an accelTory, and not his principal lludy. H e wrote feveral tradates upon that fubjed : wherein, though fome great mailers o f the law did out-go him in bulk, and particularities o f cafes, yet in the foience o f the grounds and mylteries o f the law he was exceeded by none. In this way he was, after a while, lworn o f the queen’s council learned ex traordinary, a grace ( i f I err not) fcarce known before. H e feated him fe lf for the commodity o f his lludies and pradice, amongll the honourab blc
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DR R A IV L E Y ' S L I F E
OF
ble iociety o f G raj's-Inn, o f which houfe he was a member ; where he eroded that elegant pile, or ftru d u re, commonly known b y the name of, The lord Bacons lodgings, which he inhabited by turns the moll part o f his life (fom e few years only excepted) unto his dying day. In which houfe he carried him felf w ith fuch fweetnefs, comity, and generofity, that he was much revered and beloved b y the readers and gentlemen of the houfe. N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g that he profefTed the law for his livelihood and fubfiftence, yet his heart and affeftion was more carried after the affairs and places o f ftate ; for which, i f the majefty royal then had been pleafed, he was moft fit. In his younger years he ftudied the fervice and fortune (as they call them ) o f that noble, but unfortunate earl, th e earl o f E jfex\ unto whom he was in a fort a private and free counfellor, and gave him lafe and honourable advice, ’till in the end the earl inclined too much to the violent and precipitate counfel o f others, his adherents and followers, which was his fate and ruin. H is birth and other capacities qualified him above others o f his profeflion, to have ordinary acceflcs at court, and to come frequently into the the queen’s eye ; who w ould often grace him with private and free com munication, not only about matters o f his profeflion, or bufinefs in law, but alfo about the arduous affairs o f ftate ; from whom fhe received from time to time great fatisfadion. Neverthelefs, though fhe cheared him m uch w ith the bounty o f her countenance, yet fhe never cheared him with the bounty o f her hand, having never conferr'd upon him any ordi nary place, or means o f honour and profit, fave only one dry reverfion o f the regifiers-ojfice in the Star-cham bery w orth about 1 6 0 0 l. p e r ann. for w hich he waited in expedation, either fully, or near tw enty years ; o f w hich his lordfhip would fay in queen E lizabeth's time, T hat it was like another man's ground butt ailing upon his houfe, which might mend hisprofpebl, but it did not f ill his barn ; neverthelefs, in the time o f king Jam es it fell unto him : W hich might be im puted, not fo much to her m ajefty’s averfenefs and difaffedion towards him , as the arts and poli cy o f a great ftatefman then, w ho laboured b y all induftrious and fecret means to fupprefs and keep him dow n, left i f he had rifen, he m ight have obfeured his glory. B u t though he flood long at a ftay in the days o f his miftrefs queen E lizab eth , yet after the change, and coming in o f his new mafter king Jam es , he made a great progrefs ; b y whom he was much comforted in places o f truft, honour, and revenue. I have feen a letter o f his lord a See Letter fhip to king Jam es , wherein he makes acknowledgment, a T h a t he was cxiix. Vol. iv. that mafter to him , that had raifed and advanced him nine times; thrice in p . 690. dignity, and fix times in office. His offices (as I conceive) were Coun cil learned extraordinary to his majefty, as he had been to queen E lizab eth ; king’s follicitor-general ; his majefty’s attorney-general ; counfellor o f ftate, being yet b u t attorney ; lord-keeper o f the greatfeal o f E ngland ; laftly, lord-chancellor : w hich tw o laft places, though they be the fame in authority and power, yet they differ in patent, height, and favour o f the prince. Since whofe time none o f his fucceffors, until b Earl of this b prefent honourable lord, did ever bear the title o f lord-chancellor. Clarendon, H is dignities were firft knight, then baron o f Verulam y laftly, vilcount St Alban. Befides other good gifts and bounties o f the hand w hich his
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F R A N C IS V , I S C O U N T ST A L B A N .
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his majefty gave him , both out o f the broad-feal, and out o f th e aliena tion-office, to the value in both o f eighteen hundred pounds p e r annum ; which with his manner o f Gorhambury, and other lands and poffeffions near thereunto adjoining, amounting to a third part more, he retain’d to his dying day. T o w a r d s his rifing years, not before, he entred into a married eftate, and took to wife Alice, one o f the daughters and co-heirs o f Benedict Barnham, Efq; and alderman o f London ; with whom he received a fufficiently ample and liberal portion in marriage^ Children he had none ; which though they be the means to perpetuate our names after our deaths, yet he had other iflues to perpetuate his name, the ifliies o f his brain ; in which he was ever happy and admired, as Ju p ite r was in the production o f B alias. N either did the want o f children detraft from the good ufage o f his confort during the intermarriage, whom he profecuted with much conjugal love and refpeft, with many rich gifts and endowments; befides a robe o f honour which he invefted her withal, which fhe wore unto her dying day, being tw enty years and more after his death. ‘ a A f t e r this, coming from travel, and applying him felf to the ftudy a Dugdale. ‘ o f the common law, he was fcated in Grays-inn. W here in fhort time, he * became fo highly efteemed for his abilities, as that in 3 0 E liz . (being ‘ then but 28 years o f age) that honourable fociety, chofe b him for borig.juriJ. ‘ their Lent reader: And in 32 E liz . was made c one o f the clerks oP- *95-“■ . . . c Pot - 3 X * the council. Eliz. p. 1 ‘ I n 4 2 E liz . being d double reader in that houfe, and affe&ing m uch^ °r‘j- J Mr‘ the ornament thereof, he caufed e that beautiful grove o f elms, to be ^ib. i 7z. b: ‘ planted in the walks, which yet remain. A nd upon the 23 o f Ju ly , ‘ 1 Jac. was knighted f at W hite-hall. Shortly after which, v iz . in / MS- m * 2 Jac. he was made g one o f the K ing’s council learned, having there- g[Z pat. ». ‘ with a grant h o f forty pounds p e r annum fe e ; and in y Ja c . confli tu t- J«. />• n. ‘ ed i his majelly’s folicitor general. In 9 Jac. he was made k jo in t ^ ‘ judge with fir Thomas Vavafor, then knight-m arfhal, o f the knight-k pit.-9.' ‘ marfhal’s court, then new ly erefted w ithin the verge o f the king’s Jac-A * houfe, and in 11 Jac. (2 7 Offob.) being made / attorney-general, w as1 po‘- "• ‘ fworn m o f the Privy-council. m‘Jnnli.R. ‘ I n 14 Jac. he was conflituted n lord-keeper o f the great-feal, ( 7 Jac. per * M a rtii) being then fifty four years o f age. tlu .’man ‘ o I t is faid in a p libel, (in which are many other notorious flanders,) 1617. ‘ that the duke o f Buckingham, to vex the very foul o f the lord chan - 0 ‘ cellor Egcrton , in his laft agony, did fend fir Francis Bacon to him of Kmg ‘ for the feals ; and likewife that th e dying chancellor did hate that B a- ^aimes’£ 1 con fhould be his fuccelfor, and that his fpirit not brooking this u f a g e ," 5' 1 ‘ he fent the feals by his fervant to the king, and fhortly after, yielded ‘ his foul to his Maker. In which few words there are two palpable u n * truths. ‘ F o r firft, T h e king him felf fent for the feal, not the duke o f Buck‘ ingham: And he fent for it, not by fir Francis Bacon, q b u t by fecre-q du ^ M,c*m ‘ tary Winwood, with this m effage; that him felf would be his u nder-^ 7 * ^ ‘ keeper, and not difpofe o f the place o f chancellor while he liv e d : N or did ‘ any receive the feal out o f the king’s fight, ’till the lord Egerton died ; ‘ which foon fell out. N ex*
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‘ N e x t , the lord chancellor Egerton was willing that m atter attorney ‘ Bacon, Ihould be his fucceflor; and ready to forward his fuccdfion : So ‘ far was he from conceiving hatred againft him, either upon that, or any ‘ other account. ‘ T he lord Egerton was his friend in the queen’s time; and I find M r * Bacon making his acknowledgments in a letter to him, in thefe w ords, ‘ which I once tranfcribed from the unpublifh’d original. F o r my placing] * your lordlhip belt knoweth, that when I was moft deje&ed w ith h er * majefty’s ftrange dealing towards me, it pleafed you o f your Angular fa* vour, fo far to comfort and encourage me, as to hold me w orthy to be ‘ excited, to think o f fucceeding your lordlhip in your fecond p la ce: Sig‘ nifying, in your plainnels, that no man Ihould better content your felfl ‘ W hich your exceeding favour you have not fince varied from ; both in ‘ pleading the like fignification into the hands o f fome o f m y b?ft friends • ‘ and alfo in an honourable and anfwerable commendation o f me to her m a‘ je tty . W herein, I hope, your lordlhip ( i f it pleafe you to call to m in d ) ‘ did find me, neither overweening, in prefuming too much upon it, nor ‘ much deceived in m y opinion o f the event, for the continuing o f it ftill ‘ in your felf ; nor fleepy 'in doing lome good Offices to the fame p ur‘ pole. ‘ T h i s favour o f th e lord Egerton s, which began lb early, continued ‘ to the laft. A nd thus much fir Francis Bacon teftified in his letter to fir a Co!left, of ‘ George V illiers , a M y lord chancellor told me, yefterday, in plain term s, Letters, VoU ‘ that if the king would ask his opinion, touching the perlon that he w ould iv. N. Ixv. ‘ commend to lucceed him, upon death, or difability ; he would nam e p. 6oj. ‘ me, for the fitteft man. You may adviie, w hether ule may not be m ade ‘ o f this offer. And the like appears by w hat matter attorney wrote to ‘ king Jam es, during the ficknefs o f my lord chancellor. Amongft other ‘ things he wrote this to the king, b It pleafed my lord chancellor, out o f Ibid. li. ‘ his antient and great love to me, which many times in ficknefs appeareth 59 «. * moft; to admit me to a great deal o f lpeech with him this afternoon ; ‘ which, during thefe three days, he hath fcarcely done to any. c Court of ‘ I n the fame c libel, my lord Bacon is reproach’d as a very neceffitous Jf. James, * man, and one, for that reafon, made keeper by the duke to ferve fuch t • 1 *S>‘ turns as men o f better fortunes would never condefcend to. And this ‘ alfo is a groundlels and uncharitable inlinuation. H e had now enjoy’d ‘ a good while, many profitable places, which preferred him from indi— * gence, though his great mind did not permit him to fwell his purfe by ‘ them to any extraordinary bignefs. And in the queen’s time, when he ‘ was in meaner circumftances, he did not look upon him felf as in th at ‘ eftate o f neceflity, which tempteth generous minds to vile things. H ear 4 him felf reprefenting his condition ; no man knew it better, or could b et4 ter exprefs it. T hus he ftates his cafe in the aforefaid unpublilhed letter 4 to the lord chancellor E gerton ; o f the whole o f which I fometime had 4 the perufal, though now much o f it is loft, and, as I believe, beyond 4 all recovery. M y eftate (faid h e ) I confefs a truth to your lordlhip, is. 4 weak and indebted, and needeth comfort. For both m y father (though 4 I think I had greateft part in his love o f all his children) in his wifdom 4 ferved me in as a laft comer : And my felf, in mine own induftry have 4 rather referred and afpired to virtue than to gain ; w hereof I am not 4 yet wife enough to repent me. But the while, whereas Solomon fpeaketh, T hat
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T hat w ant cometh firft as a w ayfaring man, and after as an armed^ros. vi. u; man ; I muft acknowledge m y fe lfto be in prim o gradu ; for it ftealeth upon me : But for the fecond, that it fhould not be refilled $ I hope in God I am not in th at cafe. F or the preventing whereof, as I do d e-
pend upon God’s providence all in all ; fo in the fame, his providence, I fee opened unto me, three not unlikely expectations o f help. T h e one m y praCHce \ the other, fbrne proceeding in the queen’s fervicej the third, the place I have in reverfion; which as it ftandeth now unto me, is but like another man’s ground buttalling upon m y houfe, w hich may mend my profpeCt, but it doth not fill my barn. ‘ T h i s place he meaneth, was the regifters-office in the ftar-cham ber, * w hich fell to him in the time o f king fam es , and was w orth about 1 6 0 0 /. ‘ b y the year. 4 B u t to return from this digreffion. W hen fir F rancis Bacon was con- s“ v °'- in 4 ftituted lord-keeper, th e king admonifhed him , that he fhould feal no-^' 31 ' 4 thing rafhlyj as alfb that he fhould ju d g e uprightly, and not extend the 4 royal prerogative too high. A fter w hich, v iz . upon the feventh day 4 o f M ay, (w hich was the firft day o f E a fer-term next enfuing) he made 4 his folemn proceeding a to W efm infer-hall, in this order. F irft, T h e * Th‘Court 4 w riting clerks and inferior officers belonging to th e court o f chancery, James”* ere. 4 N ext the ftudents o f the law. T h en the gentlemen o f his own family. A f* ter them the fergeant at arms, and bearer o f the great-feal, on foot. T h e n 4 him felf on horfeback, in a gown o f purple fatin, riding betw ixt the lord4 treafurer and lord privy-feal. N ext divers earls, barons, and p riv y 4 councellors. T h en the judges o f the courts at W efm infer , w hole place in 4 th a t proceeding was affign’d after th e privy-councellors. A nd when he 4 came into the court, the lord-treafurer and lord privy-feal, gave him 4 his oath, the clerk o f the crown reading it. 4 U p o n the fourth o f Jan u ary , 1 6 Jac. he was made lord chancellorDugdale. 4 b o f England. On the eleventh o f Ju ly next enfuing, created c lord b ciauf. 16 4 Ferulam , and on the tw enty feventh o f Jan u ary , 18 Ja c . advanced d to *acj f dor^ ' 4 the dignity ofvilcou n t St Alban-, his folemn inveftiture e being then p er-c Pat. 16 4 formed at Theobalds -, his robe carried before him by the lord Carew, I f f Jg" 4 and his coronet by the lord IVentworth. W hereupon he gave the king jac. p. 4. 4 fevenfold thanks ; f firft, for making him his folicitor ; fecondly, h is ** * 4 attorney ; thirdly, one o f his privy-council ; fourthly, lord-keeper o f Jl6i,. 4 the g reat-feal; fifthly, lord-chancellor ; fixthly, baron Ferulam ; and 4 laftly, vifeount St Alban. 4 B u t long he enjoyed not th at great office o f lord-chancellor, for in 4 L en t , 18 Ja c . corruption in the exercifo thereof being objected g againftgOr^. yurid. 4 him, (o f w hich ’tis believed, his fervants were moft gu ilty , ana he him -“ £*r' 4 fe lf not much acccffory) the great-feal was taken from him. 4 h T h i s fall he forefaw, yet he made no fhew o f that bale and m ean* Tenifon. 4 fpirit, w ith which the libel before remembred, does unw orthily charge 4 him i. K ing Charles I. o f bleffed memory, (th en prince) made a v ery i court of * different obfervation upon him. R eturning from hunting, k he efpied a K- ames' 4 coach attended w ith a goodly troop o f horfemen, w ho, it feems, werek Jui,cutc\4 gathered together to wait upon the chancellor to his houfe at Gorham- *«*«*«». 4 bury, at the time o f his declenfion. T h e prince finding faid, W ell ! dof' ,7+' 4 we w hat we can, th is man fcorns to go out like a fnujf. A nd he com4 mended his undaunted fpirit, and excellent parts, not w ithout fome re4 g ret that fuch a man fhould be falling off. c It
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' I t is true, that after the leal was taken from him, he became a great * example o f penitence and fubmiflion. But it was a fubmiflion which ‘ both manifefted his ju ft fenfc o f his fault, and the more venial nature * o f it, as arifing from negligence, rather than avarice and malice. ‘ H e fhewed by it, that there was not in his heart that ftiffnefs o f * pride, which openly denies or juftifies thofe crimes o f which it l e l f is ‘ fecretly convinced: But it appeared not by any thing, during a ll the ‘ time o f his eelipfe o f fortune, that there was any abje&nefs o f fpirit in ‘ him. T h e many and great works which he wrote fhew a mind in him ‘ not diftra&ed with anxiety, nor depreffed with lhame, nor flow for w an t ‘ o f encouragement, nor broken w ith drfeontent. Such a temper is rncon‘ fiftent with fuch noble thoughts and defigns, fuch ftrid attention, fuch « vigour o f conceit, foch a mafeuline ftyle, fuch quicknc '3 in compofitron, as ‘ appeared in his learned labours. ‘ W h e n the great-feal was taken from him, it was committed to th e * cuftody o f Henry, vifeount M andevil, (a t that time prefident o f th e « council) and certain other lords commiflioners : A nd upon the te n th ib. f. 104. ‘ o f Ju ly after, to a doftor John W illiam s, dean o f W ejhninftery af* terwards bifhop o f Lincoln.” T he laft five years o f his life being withdrawn from civil affairs, and from an aftive life, he employed w holly in contemplation and fhidies : A thing w hereof his lordfliip w ould often fpeak dining his active life, as if he affe&cd to die in the fhadow and not in the lig h t; which alfo m ay be found in feveral paflages o f his works. In which time he compofed the greateft part o f his books and writings, both in englifh and latin, w hich 1 will enumerate as near as I can in the ju ft order wherein they were w rit ten. The hiftory o f the reign o f king H en ry the feventh ; Abecedarium N aturae-, A metaphyfical piece, a fragment o f which is printed vol. II. p. 14. H iftoria Ventorum ; H ijtoria V itae ® M ortis y H ijtoria JDenJi & ra ri, printed vol. II. p. 67. H ijtoria g rav is levis, which is lo f t; A difeourfe o f a w ar w ith Spain ; A dialogue touching an Holy W September,
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Rew ard for Intelligences - 9 For my fervants attending at court ---------------- - 8 T o Mr. --------- by exprefs commandment ----- io T o John Tapper's expences for fifteen days fent( b y exprefs: f 5 ■ i6 R ew ard for intelligences F o r copies o f fundry writings • 3 T o fVilliam JVadey for the fervice committed to ( him by fecr. IValfingham. --------- --------- - \ 1 9
III.
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To my L O R D - K E E P E R .
My very good lord ,
September 24. 15-77. f- 64-
your lordlhip will think no lewdnefs in me, that I h av e not troubled you more often with my letters, wherein I would have ufed greater diligence, if I had not prefumed o f your lordlhip’s good opinion o f me 5 which, I truft, to be fo well grounded, that you will not con demn me for this negligence : and fhall m od hum bly pray your lordlhip to think, that when I write I am w holly at your lordlhip’s commandment, and when I do not write I am the fame. Y our lordfhip’s abfence from the court, and London, during this time o f vacation, hath been the principal caufe o f my flacknels. T h e aftions o f hoftility in thefe parts are utterly ceafed, the peace being concluded between the king and his fubje&s ; God grant it be done w ith fuch fincerity as becometh the word, promife and oath o f an anointed king. This peace is received with great jo y , and great hope is conceived o f continuance thereof. T h e king will have the honour o f this peace, and faith it is a peace, o f his own making, and he will keep it. And now the eyes o f this country are all turned upon the troubles of the low countries; but what courfe the French will take in this matter is not yet certainly known. T his quiet time doth give me no occafion to trouble your lordlhip with long le tte rs; only I mull tell you, that I re joice much to fee that your fon, my companion, hath, by th e grace of God, pafled the brunt and peril o f this journey : W hereof I am the more glad, becaufe, in the beginning o f thefe laft troubles, it plealed yourlordfhip to refer his continuance w ith me to my confideration. I thank God thefe dangers are part, and your fon is fafe, lbund, and in good health, and w orthy o f your fatherly favour. A nd thus, &c.
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To my L O R D - K E E P E R .
M y very good lord,
October 30, 15-77. fol. 81.
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I know no new matter w orthy o f advertifement ; yet this bearer, M r Duncumbe, fepairing into England , I w ould not *1 fail to trouble your lordlhip w ith thefe few lines, to lignify by the fame my dutiful good-will towards you. T h e low-countries are the fubjeft o f 5i the counfels deliberations and a&ions o f the French at this time : M. de i V aux being here from don John , and the baron Dobigny from the »i Efiates. Companies o f French foldiers are levied daily, with outward pretence
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THE L I F E OF THE A U T H O R ; pretence to ferve don John , w ho experts great forces out o f Italy , and prepareth for a fharp and deadly war. I may not omit to commend unto your lordlhip the honeft, diligent, difereet and faithful fervice o f this bearer, which deferveth very good acceptation; thinking him w orthy o f the government o f your lordlhip’s fon, or o f any gentleman in England , o f what degree foever. I cannot tell i f your lordlhip be more indebted unto him for his carefulnefs in your fervice, than I am for his good and quiet behaviour in my houfe. And thus, & c .
V. To my lord of L E I C E S T E R . My very good lord , Nov. 7. 1577. f . 87. p . 1. O avoid new repetitions, and becaufe your lordlhip may be fully
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advertifed from all that palTeth from me, I have thought good to trouble you with this copy enclofed o f my letters to Mr IValfingham ; which it may pleafe your lordlhip, inftead o f longer letters to your felf, having referred fome matters o f importance, touching the low-countries, to the report o f this bearer, whom it may pleafe your lordlhip to credit. I have heard fay, that it is, for the moft part, one years work to provide a luccelfor for this place ; and therefore having now ferved here one year and more, I would think m y felf much bound unto your lordlhip, i f it would pleafe you to enter into conlideration for the fupply o f this charge by fome other : W herein I have none other hope than in your lord lhip’s favour. Jt may therefore pleafe your lordlhip to move her majelly herein in convenient time : wherein I would be forry to be lb im portu nate to delerve her highnefs’s difplealure ; and indeed will be a fuitor herein no otherwife than as the fame may be agreeable to your lordlhip. And thus, &c.
VI.
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To Mr W A L S I N G H A M .
Nov. 10. 1 5 7 7 . fol. 9 1 . f . 2. T may pleafe your honour to be advertifed, that the baron cD obigny, and his alfociate M. M an f a r t, came to my lodging the eighth o f this
p refen t: and after fome lhort Ipeeches o f other matters, declared unto me, th a t they trufted to depart very Ihortly : that they had that morning been w ith the king : that both he and queen mother had given their faithful promife, not to permit any o f his nobility, or captains, to take arms againft them : that they would write to the count M ansfield , to withdraw him from don John : that there was no mean to ftay the common lbldiers: that the late wars in the low-countries had given good experience th ereo f: that they would likewife take order for the reftraint o f all kind o f victu als and munitions ; as allb that no exchange o f money Ihould pafs by the hands o f French lubjeCts : that they elleemed o f them, as o f their good neighbours and friends, and would do nothing to their prejudice. I anfwered, that at the departure o f m y laft meflenger out o f England, her majelly knew nothing o f their being here : that I had no exprels com mandment to fay any thing unto th e m : that they knew the duty o f ambalfadors would not permit them to deal ralhly in matters o f ellate, w ith out warrant and com miflion: that I had confidered o f the old and ancient intel-
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C O L L E C T I O N S R E L A T I NG TO intelligence between the crown o f England and the houle o f Burgundy: that this ftrait league o f am ity was grounded upon honour, profit and furet y : that this m utual friendship could not be forborn w ithout dilhonour, lofs and peril to their party, as their cafe now flood : that I was not ignorant o f her majefty’s good affe&ion towards the prince o f Orange , and the E Jiates: that I doubted not they would acknowledge her friendly fa vour towards them in all their neceffities; and therefore 1 thought good to offer m y fe lf unto them , to do them any pleafure that m ight lie in my little power : that I wilhed her majefty were made acquainted w ith their doings abroad : that I would not fail to advertife her o f fo m uch o f their proceedings here with the French king, as they had fignified unto m e : that the news would be very acceptable unto h e r : that this promife made b y the king, and his mother, was very honourable : that in m y Am ple opinion, it was not enough to reftrain the nobility, unlefs the common loldiers were alfo flayed : that don John wanted no captains: that he defired only French harquebuffers: that many were laid to be gone already: that by this account many others might follow: that the pow er o f a king, in his own country was g re a t: that he might flay all fo rts: i f he would require me to fignify any other thing to her majefty, that I would per form their defire. T h e y replied, that they had propounded nothing to the French king that might be prejudicial to her m ajefty : th a t they had only fignified the equity o f their caufe, and diffuaded the enterprife of the duke o f Guife, and his affociates: that they made Angular and fpecial account o f her highnefs’s favour towards them : that they were not yet forced, b y neceflity, to lhake off their yoke o f obedience to their king and fovereign ; that indeed they had faid, i f their king did perfevere in his cruelties and perfecutions, they fliould be conftrained to feek the aid o f fome foreign prin ce: that notwithftanding thefe fair promifes, the French foldiers reforted daily to don Jo h n : that they w ould move the king again to take better order, as well for th e prefent, as for th e time to come : that they prayed her majefty to confider o f them , that this war was chargeable unto them : that a good beginning would affure a good end ing : that they prayed her majefty to enlarge her offers, and defired me to recommend their caufe. I told them, that, as I would not fail to ad vertize her majefty o f their requeft, fo 1 did not doubt o f their wife pro ceedings ; wherein they had this Angular advantage to negotiate with fuch as were no ftrangers unto them : that they had felt the cruelty and rapine o f the Spaniards ; that likewife they knew the hum our and complexions o f the F rench: and that, thanks be to God, her majefty had th e reputa tion to deal plainly and fincerely with all men. T h en I asked them w hat they heard o f the archduke M atthias. T h e y faid, that they underftood b y letters w ritten to Montmorency, that he w'as yet at Lira. I told them, I was o f opinion to fpcak plainly unto them, that no prince in Europe had been, to all refpecls, fo fit and convenient for them as the king o f Spain , if he had been content to entreat them as his good fubje fts , and govern them in mercy and juftice ; but confidering his infidelity, cruelty, and tyranny, and the prefent ftate o f their m atters, I cannot hope that any good can come unto them b y any o f the houfe o f A uflria ; and that in reafon and judgm ent they ought to hold them as fufpeded. T h e y faid, they were o f the fame opinion. And thus, after fome ordi nary ceremonies, they took their leave o f me. T he
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T H E L I F E OF T H E AUTHOR.
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T he original o f this copy inclofed, was brought unto me the ninth o f this prefent at n o o n ; the contents o f the fame being confirmed by the meffeng e r,, faying, that he thinketh that all the Englijh fhips, except thofe two belonging to M r Sackford, which remain yet at Blay, finding the wind large, are gone into England , and were purfued b y the young Laufack’s Clips, but in vain. And now your honour may fee what truth is in thefe great fellows, and how cunningly the young Laufack’s fecretary was fent to confirm the releafe o f thefe fhips; trufting by this fubtilty, to procure th e difcharge o f their fhips in England , and then they would have talked w ith you at leifure for the re ft: and therefore hearing that the French ambaflador is very importunate for the releafe o f the French fhips, and doubting left his fair words, and the great affirmation made from hence o f the difcharge o f our fhips, m ight move you to condefcend to their de fire, I thought good to ufe all diligence that this copy inclofed might come to your hands ; and therefore have fent thefe letters to Roan, by one o f m y fervants, with fpeed, not doubting but that John de Vignes is yet there, w ho fhall bring this pacquet unto your honour. In this mean time \Yill deal with fome o f the king’s council, and with the king himfolf, as occafion fhall ferve, w hereof you fhall be advertifod. Great fuit hath been made unto me, o f late, b y foveral Scotijhmen, for my pafport to go to the court o f England , where they truft to obtain licence to repair to the queen o f Scots ; and every o f thefe fellows bringeth his foveral reafbn. It may foem that fome here have great hafte to hear from h e r ; I excufo m y folf upon the great brute which hath been o f late in this town o f troubles in Scotland , and tell them that I will grant no pafport until I hear farther o f their proceedings. It may pleafo your honour touching thefo pafports. A nd thus, &c.
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From ‘P a ris the tenth o f November, 1577.
VII. To my L O R D - K E E P E R . M y very good lord ,
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‘D ec. ay , 157 7 . fol. tfxi. p . a. A V I N G fo convenient a meffenger as this bearer is, (a ) Mr D annet,
I would not fail to acknowledge m y dutiful good will towards your lordlhip b y thefo few lines, although, indeed, this quiet time doth yield no m atter w orthy o f advertisement. W e are contented here to harken to our neighbour’s harms, and to keep our folves in ftore for our better advan tage ; and I am much deceived if we lofo any good opportunity that fhall b e proferred. O ur actions are changed by neceflity ; but our will remaineth firm and conftant, and will appear in time convenient. But the hearts o f princes are in the hands o f G o d ; and he difpofoth o f them at his good pleafure, and he only knoweth w hat will become o f this peace. O ur eftate and country is threaten’d on every fide, and her majefty can n o t be ignorant o f the malicious practices o f her diflembling neighbours. O u R harm cometh by leifure, and will b e the heavier if it be not avoided. God grant her majefty to be rightly councelled, and to execute fpeedily h er good refolutions : I fear we fhall not be fo diligent to provide for our defence; as our enemies will be ready to annoy us. I leave this matter (a) Secretary to the emhaffy of fir A my as Powltt $ and preferred to the fame fi alien tinder Mr Dr Wilfon, fecretary o f fiate.
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to your better confideration. I will not trouble your lordlhip w ith the difcourfe o f the ftate o f things here, which I refer to the report o f this beafer. A nd, Gfr.
VIII.
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To Mr S E C R E T A R Y . January 8, 1577. fo l. 114.
T may pleafe your honour to be advertifed, that the tw enty-feventh o f the laft, M . ‘D . reforted to my lodging, where he declared unto me, | that after many meetings and conferences with J . the faid J . had now , at the laft, allured him, that he was acquainted with all particularities o f the D. o f N Norfolk'] his trealon, as alio with all that was pra&ifed by th e pope, and the king o f Spain, by the negotiation o f Radolpbo j and that upon allurance o f confideration w orthy o f a fervice o f this importance, he would reveal all his knowledge : And farther, whereas M. now being in this tow n, is not ignorant o f the bottom o f all the later confpiracies between the queen o f Scots, and her confederates, under pretence to go with the faid M . to Rome, he would deliver him into the hands o f fuch as her majefty would appoint at Cafeluther, or Heddeberge : T h e faid D. protefting that he would not be the inftrument to effeduate this devife, unlefs he m ight receive her majefty’s promife that the faid M . fhould not be touched in his life; which being faved, he referred him in all other things to the con fideration o f her highnefs. H e added, that he could be contented that fhould alfo be apprehended, and fent into England with the other, upon promife that he fhould not be ill ufed, as indeed, faith he, being the means o f the apprehenfion o f M . he doth deferve good entertain ment : he concluded, that thefe things could not be performed unlefs it would pleafe her majefty, or you Mr JValfingham, in her behalf, to afifurehim by two or three words, t h a t ^ . fhould be well recompenfed, who w ould do nothing until he m ight fee his letters o f warrant for his afliirance. I a s k e d him if J . could not be perfuaded to accept my word and pro mife for his fatisfatlion; and to be content to make prefent declaration o f his knowledge in thefe things, becaufe I could not tell i f the fame might be fiich as would abide no delay. H e faid as before, that would do nothing unlefs he had his warrant out o f England. I told him , 1 doubt ed not but that did already underftand all that M . did know, and therefore fhould do well to reveal the fame, with his own knowledge in the other things before fpecified, which might ferve to good purpofe, al though M . were [ n o t ] apprehended. H e anfwered, that it was not poflible to get any thing from M . wherein had done all that he could, but in v a in ; and that if the faid J . fhould prefs M . herein, he would not only repulfe him, but alfo conceive an ill opinion o f him, and would w rite to the friends o f the faid J . in England to his diferedit. But, quoth I, w here will you find that prince in Chrifendom , and fpecially in Germa ny, where they make great account o f their privileges, and dare not do any thing that fhall be to the derogation o f the fame, i f for no other caufe than to avoid the difpleafure o f the other princes, their neighbours, that will deliver a ftranger into the hand o f any prince whatfoever ? T h a t is no part, faith h e ; it is you that muft look to that. It is a matter that muft be
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be confidered, quoth I. C D. C. laith he, w ill not refufe the queen, your miftrefs no more than the P. o f S. hath done already for J : 1 told [him ] J . was never delivered. Indeed you fay truly, faith he, hut it lhall be enough for the queen, your miftrefs, if he be examined upon tortures, or otherwife at her pleafure: (w hich prince that is a friend to her majefty will deny ?) And I dare take it upon me, faith he, that this lhall be done at Se dan. I concluded, that when a man could not do as he would, he mult be content to do as he could ; and becaufo C D . made no mention o f any conlideration to be ufed towards himfelf, I thought good to ufe fuch fpeeches as might ferve to allure him, that he Ihould not find her ma jefty ungrateful. I t may pleafe your honour to be advertifed, that the twenty eighth o f the laft, M. T). reforted to my lodging, where he declared unto me, that 1 could not be ignorant o f the eftate o f the low-countries, and that fo long as they Ihould continue in the poffeflion o f the king o f Spain , he would be a dangerous neighbour to the queen, my m iftrels; as likewifo the king, hismafter, would grow too m ighty, if they Ihould be annexed to the crow n; and therefore it were to be wilhed, that thefe low-countries were poffefs’d by fome third prince, who being ere&ed to this eftate, by the help o f the queen o f England and the French king, would continue a good neigh bour to them both, and could not be otherwife i f he would; not doubting but the king, his mailer, would be contented to join with her majefty herein, and prayed me to tell him my opinion. I anfwered, I had never heard o f this matter before, that the fame was o f good w e ig h t: that it touched many kings and princes, and amongft others, the queen, my mi ftrefs : that it required a farther conlideration ; and therefore prayed him to hold me excufed, although I did forbear to utter my opinion herein, which I would referve for fome other time. H e replied, that my private opinion in this private conference was no obligation, either to the queen, my miftrefs; or to m e; and therefore did not think that I would deal thus ftrangely with him, praying me once again to fay w hat I th o u g h t: I told him, I knew very well that he would think great lightnefs in me, if, in a matter o f this importance, I Ihould anfwer him haftily : but becaufo he pretendeth this matter importeth her majefty deeply, I prayed him, as he made already good demonftration o f his good will in other things, fo in this to do the like, and to acquaint me with the reafons that moved him to b e o f this opinion. It was eafy to fee that he was offended, that I would not deal more frankly with h im ; and yet upon hope, as I take it, to forve his turn, was content to proceed in his difeourfo; faying, that the king o f Spain is grown dreadful to all Chrijtendom: that if his father had lived in this time, he would have been lord o f the better part o f all Europe : that this man was o f no valo u r: that yet by means o f the low-countries, he had great means to annoy England: that being removed from thence, her majefty fhould have no caufe to account more o f him, than o f a gentleman o f five thoufand franks by the year: (I ufo his own w ords:) that likewifo the French king could not be affailed by the Spaniards by any other way than by the low-countries : that the Spaniard being removed from thence, could not affure him felf againft the king in any his other coun tries : that therefore England and France fhould do well to ereft arch duke M atthias to the eftate o f the low-countries, by the name o f count o f the fame, or by fome fuch other title. I asked him, if he knew that l M atthias
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M atthias would accept this offer, and having accepted it, that he would deal plainly. I know you think, faith he, that he is come thither by the aflent o f the king of Spain , affirming that he took it l b , and did believe it : but it was to be confidered, that he was a young gentleman o f great courage: that he had already entered into quarrels with his brother, th e emperor : that he could not forget the injury done to his father by th e emperor Charles, in his partage : that when it Ihould pleafe God to call the king o f Spain out o f this world, he would not fail to plead his poffeffion o f thefe low-countries, and that being fuppofed by the prince o f Orange, he would not fail to entertain him irt his honours and dignities, which the faid D. took to be a thing that would be agreeable to her majefty. But, quoth I, the king o f Spain liveth yet, and may perchance live long enough to force M atthias to feek another n e ft; and then this hope to carry away the ftate, after the death o f the king, will prove to be a reckoning without their hoft. H e anfwered, that M atthias, and his friends, were able to defend him againft the king o f Spain , as long as the faid king lived, and after his death the matter would be eafy enough. I asked him, how he knew that the French king would be content o f this match : he faid, he knew it very Well, and that he conferred therein with great perfonages. W ell, quoth I, I will confider o f this matter, and at fome other tinie I will tell you what I think o f i t : it is enough, iaith he, th at you do allow o f this devife is a thing profitable and honourable for her majefty. N ay, quoth I, I faid not fo yet, and by your leave, will think better o f it, before I allow o f it, or difallow o f it. T h en I asked him i f he would not advertife his opinion herein unto you, Mr JValfinghatn^ by his letters : he anfweted, that he would confider o f it. Thais I have fet doWn unto yofir honours, plainly and truly all that hath paffed be tween this man and me in this behalf, referring the fame to your better confider^tion. And now it may pleale you to give me leave to fay fomeWhat uflto you o f my Ample opinion. T h e hrft matter hath been handled w ith greait dexterity, thefe two honejt men employing all their cunning : that 2 ). is not ignorant o f all that J . knowefh ; but the prodigality o f J . could not be maintained, nor his necefllty relieved, if 2 ). fhould utter his knowledge in this matter without the help o f the other. A lio it is not for nothing that this matter hath been deferred until this prefent ; Where in He knew as much two months paft, as n o w ; and did then put me in £reat hope that he would reveal his knowledge urito me without delay ; and therefore there is fome Other rtiyftery in this traft o f time. I am not ignorant that there is great and ftraight friendihip between j . and M . and am more than h a lf perfuaded, that he is acquainted with all that M . knoweth j and therefore this pretty conveyance is alfo to be confidered. T hefe men are not unknown, and therefore it fhall be meet to deal w arily w ith them, fo as if their coming have a farther reach, the fame may fall tijfdri their dWn pates. Touching the fecond point, I take it to be m oil certain, that this man came not unto me o f hirnfelf, but was fent by great perfonages; where many things may be divined, Which are without th e compals o f my charge, ahd therefore leave them to your wifdoms. H e is no doubt a faithful fervaht to the queen mother ; and therefore I dealt as Warily as 1 could w ith him : and it feemeth w orthy to be noted, that he lheWed hirnfelf very ill content that I would not allow his propofition : Wherein, no doubt, as in all other o f this queftion, he fheweth great treachery.
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T H E L I F E OF T H E AUT HOR. treachery. I f this matter {hall be followed, it may pleafe your honours to fend Mr Beale, or fome fuch other fufficient man hither unto me, as well for my afliftance herein, as alfo to ferve for a witnels o f my doings; becaufe thefe things may touch I cannot tell whom. It is confirmed unto me of every fide, that Strozey, la Roch, Laufack , Landreau, and others proceed in their preparations o f men, fhips and munition, with pretence to go to the W eft-Indies, or as fome fay t o ---------- in A frica: But indeed to make fome attempt upon Ireland , as others o f good judgm ent do ima gine : to which purpofe they are faid to have fecret intelligence, as well with F it z-M orris, as with the earl o f W eftmorland ; or elfe to be in readinefs againft the opening o f the war in this realm, and then to forve to make fome exploits againft Rochel, and the ifle o f Rets. L a Roche is a Gufard , and a man o f no hability to bear the charge o f any great enterprize; and yet he maketh account to bellow in thefe preparations two hundred thoufand fra n k s ; which may feem to prove that this journey is furthered by fome great perfonages. T h e y gave out great fpeeches againft the Spaniards, and I miflike it the more, becaufe they talk o f it fo loud : they purpofe to carry with them four thoufand foldiers. I have fent to a good friend in B ritany for my better inftruftion in thefe things. Although thefe warnings cannot be unprofitable, and it lhall be good to provide for the worft, yet I am not hally to give credit to thefe reports; becaufe thefe bruits o f fome matter o f attempt againft her majefty are gi ven out many times o f purpofe to make us the more unwilling to give aid to our diftrefled neighbours. T hus am I bold to inform your honour w hat 1 hear ; and when you hear all that I hear, I am difcharged, and you are to confider. But I am much deceived, if you may not be bold to believe thefe men intend nothing lefs than to perform their pretended voyage. T h e king is faid to give them o f his liberality towards this journey tw elve milliers o f powder, and two thoufand foot. It is advertifed here, by let ters from Conftantinople, that the Turk prepareth three hundred galleys, and fixty galliafles, and many other great fhips for tranfportation o f his m unition: And having made his peace with the Sophij doth purpofe to invade fome part o f Chriftendotn ; and that the Venetians have already alfaied to buy their peace with a prefent o f three hundred thoufand ducats; but for their better lurety, they have now, o f late, procured letters from the French king to the Turk in their favour. It is faid that the Turk hath refufed the tribute due unto him by the emperor, and doth threaten him with war. T h e leagues are not only conferved, but alfo augmented in Guien, and all other parts o f this realm : the nobility prepareth for a new war : the towns lately rendered to the king are fortified, with garrifons: great plenty o f fair words, but nothing performed in deed o f thele things which are promifed : all means are fought to weaken the proteftants : all things are done by direft commandment from the king : a general maflacre is feared : the execution o f thefe confpiracies is deferred only by occalion o f the flow proceedings in the low-countries : great plots are laid for great m ifehief; and fome great change is expe&ed very fhortly. T h u s much is written unto me by principal perfonages. Osborn, my fervant, reforting to the French ambaflador, at his laft being in England , to pray his pafport for the young R oufw el; the laid ambaflador asked him, how I was treated in France ? W h o anfwered, very well to his knowledge. T h e ambaflador replied, that he found him felf very ill ufed there, and that i his
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C O L L E C T I O N S R E L A T I N G TO his houfe was lo watched, as well towards the ftrcet, as towards the wa ter, that no man durft come to him ; and that the bankers, with whom he had to deal for money, could not be fuffered to refort unto him ; faying, that he would not fail to give advertifement th ereof to the king his m ailer; and to pray him to call him from thence, rather than to fuffer him to be ufed there as a flave, or v illain ; and alfo to give me like entertainment here : he concludeth, that one ‘P e te r , a Frenchman , who came fomctimes to him to beg, or borrow a crown, was threatened to be hanged for his fo doing, and thereby conftrained to lhave his beard, and cut his hair off his head, and in that difguifed manner to convey h im lelf away. Collins, his footman, hath been here o f late, who hath ufed th e like fpeeches unto me, laving that he faith, that his mafter defired nothing more than that I Ihould be intreated with all courtefies. One telleth me, that he hath feen the letters written to Monfieur from the E Jlates , and figned by the archduke M atthias, and IFellarnans, fecretary o f th e laid EJlates ; by the which they promife to give themfelves to his protedion, in cafe the king o f Spain will not receive them as his fubjeds. M any Ihifts are devifed to get money ; and now, upon the fale o f the e f t a t e o f a new greffier ereded in every court, a great fum o f money is levied, as alfo the F ail les are increafed five fols upon every fran k , which will amount to a round ium ; the fame being utterly refuted in Languedoc, and other parts ad joining, as is rep o rted ; who require to be relieved o f many other new impofitions, affirming, that they can no longer endure this heavy b u r then. I w i l l not trouble you with the report o f the many feveral quar rels happened o f late in this court, between the gentlemen belonging to the king, o f the one part, and others belonging to monfieur, o f the other p art; w hereof the firft was between Rellus and Bajfy-, and yet I do not . think it meet to neg led the obfervation o f thefe trifles, which m ay per chance breed fome dangerous confequence. It is told me, that M oulina was the meffenger, at his coming out o f Scotland, o f a motion o f mar riage between the king o f Scots and the princefs o f L orrain. P e rigueulx hath been in danger to be furprized by the Catholiqucs, the pradicc w hereof was lo cleanly conveyed, as it was not known until the very in flant o f the execution, which was not without the death o f many papifts, befides many others taken priloners. Monfieur de Rejfecg, governour o f Angoulejm, and monfieur Bordelles arc faid to be the principal authors o f this feditious pradice. It is faid, that the marlhal d' Efcoffe ffiall b e fe n t thither to take order therein. T h e king feemeth to be highly offended, and threatneth extream punilhment to the offenders; and yet I am credi bly informed, that a gentleman was walled to affure the king o f the good liiccefs o f this enterprize, more than one month part. T his treafon doth threaten all the other towns o f the religion ; and, I think, they will pro vide for their furety. Upon motion made by m y Ion to monfieur de Foix, to procure order and commandment from the king to his ambaffador, reli dent there, to affure her majefty, that her lubjeds fhall traffick fafely and quietly, w ithout any moleftation within the government o f his mafter ; with the other particularities mentioned in the faid letters: A fter conference had with the king, I received anlvver, that he defired nothing more than to keep good amity with her majefty, and that the treaties paffed between them Ihould continue in their force and virtue ; promifing to w'rite to his ambaffador to fuch effect as I defired; and prayed me alio to write to her 2 highnels
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highnefs for the releafe o f the French Ihips; and that he would fatisfy the E nglijh merchants, according to their feveral demands. But as you have well begun, fo I trull you will continue in this honourable courfe • and, indeed, it cannot ftand with her majefty’s honour, or with the profit o f the Eng lijh merchants, to ftand to the courtefy o f French juftice. 1 did forbear to make this motion five or fix days, doubting left the fame m ight hinder your proceedings in E ngland ; becaufe I was allured that the merchants departed from hence in very good difpofition to compound with you at your pleafure, and did conceive, that the faid merchants had not yet been w ith you at the making o f this difpatch. A nd thus, &c.
T h e papers from which I have tranfcribed the foregoing letters, leem to be the protocols, or regifter o f fir Amyas Bow let, during a confiderable part o f his embaffy in France. T h e y commence M ay z$. 1577. and con clude on the tenth o f January follow ing: and confidering the great variety o f ciphers made ufo o f for the conveyance o f them , as the author occafionally informs us, and that the art o f deciphering was then in its infancy, w e may be very well alfured (as they are wrote in the common hand o f queen E lizabeth 's days) that they could be no other than fir Arnyas's own copy, or, at leaft, that o f his fecretary, M r D annet. T h e colleftion confifts o f more than one hundred and thirty leaves j and the particular letters in it are infcribed to the Queen, the lord admiral, M r A rgal, fir A rth u r Ba(fet, M r B eal clerk o f the council, earl o f Bed fo rd , Mr Bcton, fir Jerom e Bowes, M r B runckar , fir John Clifton his brother, Mr D ale, M r R ichard D rake, M r E dw ard D yer, the Eng lijh merchants at Roan, earl o f H ertford, M r H atton , M r Heneage, fir E d w ard Horfey, M r Horfey , lord-keeper Bacon, fir Francis Knolles, earl o f Leicefter, M r Leighton , earl o f Lincoln , fir George Speake, earl o f Sujfex, Mr Tomfon, lord-treafurer Burgh ley, M r T reasurer, M r T remayn, Mr Nicolas JVadham , the celebrated founder o f IVadham-college in Oxford his brother, fecretary Waljingham, earl of W arw ick, M r IVtIks, fecretary IVilfon. T h o u g h 1 have, in a manner, only felected fuch letters as make to m y purpofe, yet I can’t forbear faying, that 1 ju d ge the w hole would be very entertaining i f they were publilh’d to the w o rld ; and I may be indulged a ftiort digreflion relating to fir Amyas Bow le t: (fo r fo his name is conftantly wrote wherever it occurs.) H e appears throughout the whole to have been under the patronage o f the earl o f Leicejier, and fo much may be probably collected from N°. V. here printed. H e had the captainftiip o f the ifle o f Jerfey, during his abfence, fol. 3. p . 2. H e frequently in culcates this political do&rine, that ‘ defence is as ju ft w here an offence is ‘ expe&ed, as w here the offence is given already • fo as the defence do not 4 proceed o f needlefs fear, ambition, or malicious covetoufnefs’,/o /. 16. p . 2. H e obferves in his letter to my lord-treafurer, from B oitfiers, September 2 7 . 1 5 7 7‘fok 70. ‘ I have not yet received the true articles o f the peace [v iz . 1 w ith the BroteJlants~\ b u t this is the fubftance : For their furety, eight ‘ towns, w hereof three in Guien, two in Languedoc, one in B icardy, * tw o in D auphiny ; befides S. Jean de Atigely, which remaineth in the * cuftody o f the prince o f Conde, until he be in full polTeffion o f his go‘ vem m ent o f B icard y : One town, or burgh, in every bailywick for the exercife
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C O L L E C T I O N S R E L A T I N G TO exercife o f religion, faving that in T icardy, the fame is granted to two bailywicks only. L ib erty is granted to levy fix hundred thoufand F ranks among themfelves to pay their d e b ts: T hefe towns to remain in the hands o f the FrOteJlants during fix years, and to be guarded with tw o thoufand foldiers at the king's charges. ‘ T h e Reijtres ftrall be fatisfied, and other things touching matters o f * juftice. T « e date then o f this embafly o f fir Amyas Tow let into France , is b y the firll and fifth letter afcertain'd to be in the year 1 5-76. For the expreflion to his brother IVadhatn, ‘ One year is already fpent fince m y * departure from you ’, fhews, at leaft, that he quitted the country in or der to his embafly in June 1 5 7 6 ; and the argument he makes ufe o f to his patron, the earl o f Leicefter, in order to his being recalled, ‘ T h e re ‘ fore having now ferved here one year and m o re', Ihews, inconteftably, that he was upon the duty o f his ftation before November in the fame year. So that it is manifeft our author was fent abroad in the fixteenth year o f his ag e: which was exceeding early, as he is then faid by Dr Raw ley * to have pafled the circle o f the liberal arts.' B ut again, it is plain from the fourth letter, that M r Bacon had a go vernor, or tutor aflign’d him ; and the commendation given to M r ‘D uncumbe by the ambaflador, is a fair teftimony that the pupil was under good diredion. A s to the fixth letter, it contains lome o f the early advances and appli cations o f the States to queen E lizabeth for her afliftance and protedion ; and as it gives an idea o f the views and interefts both o f the Englijh and French courts, w ith a hint about the Scotch affairs ; 1 could not wave the intelligence o f fuch memorable tranfadions, nor apprehend any offence to the reader b y inferring it here. T h e eighth letter, I flatter myfelf, will be doubly welcome, as it treats o f a fu b jed which has been much canvas’d, and lays the fcene o f th e queen o f Scots much deeper than any other intelligence • it likewife gives a fpecimen o f the treachery o f the agents o f the queen-m other o f France , and accounts for the reafon w hy the queen o f Scots was afterwards com mitted to the cuftody o f fir Amyas T owlet: fince he feems to have made th e firft difcoveries o f her practices, and to have been matter o f the whole fecret. A s I fhall frequently have occafion to make honourable mention o f M r Stephen's I N T R O D U C T I O N prefix’d to that part o f our noble author’s letters which he wrote in the reign o f king Jam es , I beg leave to fet down an intire paragraph, containing his character o f fir Francis IValfingham , Introd. p. ii. published 1701. ‘ H e r [queen E lizabeth's ] great council, the parliaments, were fo ‘ fatisfied with her condud, that they lometimes gave her more than fhe ‘ expeded, and once more than fhe would receive. H er private coun‘ fels were wife, and direded by few ; yet thofe fo well chofen, as refleded ‘ no lefs honour upon her own judgm ent, than fecurity on her people. ‘ T h e lord Burleigh , fir Nicolas Bacon, and fir Francis JValfmgham , ‘ were fome o f her moft faithful and able fervants. T h e firft o f them ‘ feems to have been her chiefeft minifter for forty years \ and they all ‘ o f them ferved her w ith fuch lingular ability and fidelity, that they ‘ have appeared as examples, rather admired than imitated : E lpecially ‘ fir
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fir Francis Walfingham \ w ho, th o ’ he was one o f the wifeft and moft fagacious men o f the age, w ho had long undergone the office o f principal fecretary o f ftate, and often o f ambaffador, and had furely the opportunity o f enriching him felf at the publick expence ; yet he wafted both his own health and fortunes for the health and profperity o f the nation ; contenting him felf with a true and lafting glory o f having mainrain’d the caufe and intereft o f his religion, his prince and co u n try ; and w ith the fatisfadion o f feeing his only child, by U rfula, the daughter o f H enry St Barbe, E lq; married to fir ‘P h ilip Sidney, and after his untim ely and much lamented death, to Robert d'E vereux, earl o f Ef~ /e x , two o f the fineft gentlemen o f their times'. I n pag. 6 . D r Rawley obferves, that our author ‘ In his younger ‘ years ftudied the lervice and fortune (as they call them ) o f that noble, « but unfortunate earl, the earl o f E/fex j unto whom he was, in a fort, < a private and free counfellor, and gave him fafe and honourable advice, « till in the end, the earl inclined too much to the violent and precipitate « counfel o f others, his adherents and followers, which was his fate and ‘ ruin. T h o ’ the teftimony o f D r Rawley is o f fufficient authority, yet as there are ftronger vouchers to afcertain this truth, contained in many va lu ab le letters wrote by our author, m oftly to the earl, and partly by his d iredion, I ftiall chufe to refer to them, beginning Vol. IV. p. 4 7 7 . T his fcene o f M r Bacons life, D r Rawley places * in his younger years’, and it was indeed prior to his appearing in the w orld as an author, or, at leaft, before he had w rote any thing confiderable ; fo that this fu b jed naturally here prefents itfelf. It is apparent the writing that manifefto, entitled A D EC LA R A TIO N OF T H E TREASO NS OF R O B E R T , E A R L O F E S S E X , Vol. IV. p. 5-10. was craftily impoled upon M r Bacon, as a penance, b y Ibme perfon, or perfons who had reafon to have ftiewed him better trea tm e n t; b u t y et, as he rofe the brighter out o f the cloud, having done more to fleer the earl’s ambition into the right chanel, than any other man living, (even more than the celebrated and fincere fir Henry fVotton, * w ho attended the earl o f E ffe x as fecretary during his lieutenancy in Irelan d ) and to keep him w ith in th e ftrid bounds o f his allegiance ; we muft therefore allow M r Bacon's younger years were feafoned w ith ftrid loyalty, judgm ent and integrity, and that the honeft heart kept pace with the exalted underftanding. I n juftice then, D eclaration aforefaid could not be omitted, becaufe w ritten by our a u th o r; and tho’ the Apology relates to very different tranfadions and events, yet confidering the intercourfe and communication between our author and that unfortunate earl, I have thought fit to infort th at fcarce piece, both becaufe the defence ought to go along w ith the charge, and becaufe it illuftrates the hiftory o f the times we are now {peaking of.
1 ‘ 4 ‘ 4 * ‘ * * « *
■ * Stt the lift of fir Henry Wotton, written by the worthy Ifaac Walton.
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A N
A P O L O G Y O F
T H E
E A R L of E S S E X : Againft thofe which jealoufly and malicioufly tax him to be the Hinderer of the Peace and Quiet of his Country. Penned by Himfelf, Anno 15-98. Imprinted at London b y R ichard Bradocke, 160$.
To Mr A N T H O N Y B A C O N .
H
E that either thinketh he hath, or wiiheth to have an excellent face, no fooner is told o f any fpot, or uncomelinefs in his coun tenance, than he hyes to Ihew him felf to a glafs, that the glafs m ay Ihew again his true likenels unto him : the fame curiofity moves me, that delires to have a fair mind, to Ihew the true face and ftate o f m y mind to m y true friend ; that he, like a true glafs, without injury or flattery, may tell me whether nature, or accident have fet fo foul a blemilh in it as my accufers pretend. I am charged that, either in affecti on, or opinion, or both, I prefer war before peace ; and fo confequently, that all my counfels, actions and endeavours do tend to keep the ftate o f England in continual w ars; efpecially at this time, when lome fay peace may be had, and I only impugn i t : but both m y heart difclaims from fo barbarous an affection, and my judgm ent from fo ablurd an opinion. T h e reputation o f a moft faithful fubjeCt and zealous patriot (w hich, with ha zard o f my life and decay o f my eftate, I have fought to purchafe) m ull not fuffer this ugly and odious afperfion, that m y aCtions have cauled, maintained, or increafed the wars, or had ever any fuch fcope or intent. F i r s t , For my affeCtion, in nature, it was indifferent to books and to arms, and was more enflamed with the love o f knowledge, than * Mr Fr. with the love o f fame ; * witnefs your rarely qualified brother, and that moft learned, and truly honeft mafter S a v ill ; yea my contemplative retirednefs in W ales, and m y bookilhnefs from my very childhood. A nd now, if time, reafon, or experience, have taught me to wifh that to m y fe lf which is bell for my felf, what Ihould I not wifh rather than martial employment# ?
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employments ? In which I have impaired my Hate, loft m y dear and only brother, the h alf arch o f m y houfe, buried many o f my deareft and neareft friends, and fubjected m y fe lf to the rage o f feas, violence o f tem pefts, infections o f general plagues, famine, and all kind o f wants, dis contentment o f undifciplined and unruly multitudes, and acceptation o f all events; while I did not only leave m y known enemies elbow-room to feek their own, and their friends advancement, b u t was fain (fom etim es) upon truft in their proteftation, after new reconcilements, to make them the re ceivers, cenfurers, and anfwerers o f all m y difpatches. A nd, as my af fection neither in truth is, nor, i f I regard m y felf, in reafon ought to be fet on thefe courfes o f the wars j fo, in judgm ent, I have ever thought wars the difeafes and ficknefs ; and peace, the true, natural and health ful temper o f all ftates. I have thought excellent minds fhould come to the wars as furgeons do to their cauteries, when no other eafy, or ordinary remedy will ferv e; or as men which have no w ay but the fword to prove the truth o f their plea, and obtain their detained right. Yea, I will go one degree farther : I think that prince, or ftate, offends as much againft juftice and againft reafon, that omitteth a fair occafion o f making an ho nourable and fafe peace, as that which raihly and caufelefly m oveth an unjuft war. T he s e principles have made me conclude this general Thejis common to all ftates, that peace is to be preferred before war. I will come to an Hypothecs proper to the ftate o f England \ where m olt part o f the w ealth o f the land, and the revenues o f th e crown, grows b y traffick and entercourfe ; and where almoft all traffick is interrupted b y the w ars; where the ftate in largenefs o f territory and in w ealth (w hich is the finews of w a r) is inferior to that o f the enemy ; where, befides all foreign wars, there is yet a great fire o f rebellion unquenched; w here affociates in wars give over the quarrel, neighbours are fu fp e& ed ; neutrals fhew ill affecti on ; and the people it felf grows w eary o f the charge and mifery o f the w ars; there, o f all places, peace fhould be embraced ( i f it be offered) and fought for by fit and honourable means, if it may be compafTed. But, though wars be difeafes, yet I think it better to endure forne ficknefs, than to venture upon every medicine. I fhould hold, that an enemy may be trufted if he offer fafe conditions, as a phyfician may if he give an w holfome and tried medicine : But to truft to an enemy’s faith, when his per fidy fhall undo, or extremely endanger us, and infinitely advantage him felf, were Medicum haeredem facere. It is no cure to bring a ftate from a doubtful war to an unfafe treaty : it is no more than to put a feverous body out o f a hot fit into a cold. T o conclude, as an unskilful phyfician may, by working a natural body with his medicines, bring it from a Tertian , or Q uartan fever to an HeEtick \ fo an unprovident ftatefman may with conditions, or treaty, fo difarm a ftate o f the friends, reputation, and ftrength it hath, as the cure w ill prove far worfe than the difoafe. T h e re fore it is not the name o f war or peace, but the circumftances and conditi ons o f either o f them , that fhould make us fly the one and embrace the other. N ow, w hat are the circumftances o f the war or peace w ith Spatny it fhall appear in his proper place in the treadle following. But ere I pafs farther, let this profeffion o f my difpofition and affe&ion to peace be chal lenged to be but a fair pretence, and thefe rules which I avow to hold in judgm ent to be compared to the do&rine o f fome divines o f our
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C O L L E C T I O N S RELATI NG TO time, fartheft o f ill from their praftice. I m uft anfwer lom e obj eft ions of m y detraftors, w ho will fay, m y entrlng into the aftions o f th e low-coun tries, ere I was out o f my pupillage ; m y putting m y f e lf into the jour ney for ‘P ortugal, w ithout charge, or w ithout le a v e ; m y procuring my fe lf the condufting o f her m ajefty’s fuccours to the French king in the year 91 $ m y fea-journies thefe tw o laft fummers, wherein both m y fe lf and my friends ventured deeply o f our own private means ; m y near friendlhip w ith th e chief men o f aftion, and general affeftion to the m en o f war of our nation ; and, laftly, m y oppofing againft the treaty o f peace at this time when others perfuade unto it j that all thefe, I fay, are arguments that I wilh not peace, but delight irt war. But for my going into the low-countries, i f neither the com pany o f my father-in-law , the honoura ble charge o f general o f th e horfe in a fair army when I was b u t nineteen years old, the taking the ftart o f mine ow n rank, when I faw the ftate of England not only difpofe itfelf to great aftions, but engaged in them ; if thefe reafons w ere not fufficient to warrant my courfe, yet confider what choice 1 had, or w hat elfe I could have done with my 1'elf. In the court I had fmall grace and few friends. In my houfe in th e country I had lived a year, till the opinion o f the w orld upbraided me w ith more retirednefs than was fit for my years, or the prelent time. A nd to have gone to travel, when my country fent out fo great an army, had been as much as to have turned over books only to gaze on the babies and piftures, while others w ere ftudying the fenfe. F o r to ju ftify my go ing into P o rtu g al , I m uft plead thefe circumftances : firjt, o f the perfon w ith whom I w ent, a poor diftrefled exiled king 5 whom I many times heard repeat the ftory o f his own opprelfions : Secondly, o f th e enemies againft w hom I w e n t; an infolent, cruel, and ufurping nation, that difturbed the common peace, afpired to the conqueft o f my country, and a general enemy to the liberty o f Chrijlendom : Thirdly , o f th e caufe in w hich I w e n t; to deliver the opprelfed out o f the hands o f the opprelfor, and (b y giving the S paniard his hands full at hom e) to free both mine ow n country, and our confederates, from th e fear, or danger o f his at tempts. A nd, laft o f all, the time in which I went ; a time w hen mine eyes, full o f difdain, had fo lately feen the falfly called, The Invincible Armado fail b y our Ihores ; w hen all th e brave hearts in th e kingdom boiled till they faw that infolent enemy taught both to know himfelf, and to value us. A nd w hen m y heart was perfliaded by thefe circumftances, I engaged m y means, kinsfolks, friends and followers, elfe neither the ad venture had been made up, nor the jo u rn ey performed ; it being no avow ed aftion o f her majefty’s, b u t a mere adventure o f private men. And when I was fo far in, I confefs I was not o f their humour th at love to w ager upon other men’s heads, or to fit at home like merchants, whilft their hopes and goods are ventured abroad. F or m y going without charge and w ithout leave, I muft avow the one as out o f counfel, and excufe the other as b y neceffity. I chofe to go w ithout charge, that I m ight be free to execute th e lefs. I commanded not, both that I might not be obnoxious to the fuccefs, and becaufe I had overthrow n the voyage it I had flood for the commiffion; and could take no fecond place, having, at th e fame time, and in the fame arm y, had place above the general. But though 1 had no Charge, I made my brother general o f the horfe, m y faithful friend fir Roger W illiam s, colonel o f the infantry, eight of a my
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T H E L I F E OF T H E A U T H O R . my fall friends colonels; and tw enty, at the leaft, o f m y domellicks cap tains ; fo as I might have p arty and authority enough when I would. For my want o f leave I m ull plead neceflity ; her majefty having refolved to lend none o f my quality, and many at home lhewing envy enough to thofe poor gentlemen that were nam ed ; which made me fee with w hat fuccefs 1 fliould have filed for leave. F or m y conducing o f her majefty’s fuccours to the French king, in the year 9 1 , I m ull allege, that the fending of the fuccours was relolved on before m y name was in quellion ; and if I had not offered my felf to the journey, fome other nobleman (th a t ne ver had place in the w ars) m ight (as the phrafe is in the common la w ) have been promotus p e r Jaltum : and fb I, that never had had her m ajelly ’s commillion to command in chief, fhould have feen m y punies leap over my head. A llb I felt that m y fortune bred me envy, and that envy procured me llrong and dangerous oppolition, which could not have been withftood but by her majefty’s great fav o u r; and that the greatnefs o f her majefty’s favour m ull grow out o f the greatnefs o f her fervants merits : and 1 faw no way o f merit lie fb open to me as by fervice in her wars j the times themfelves, and mine own beginnings fitting with i t ; and at that time no man in my country, o f my rank, difpofing him lelf that way. If, belides all this, it be confidered, that I went to a king, w ho, for his ad mirable valour, and often fighting writh his own hands, was not only the m oll famous, but the moll renowned captain o f Chrijtendom: that the in tended fervice was to free the maritime parts o f Normandy, from the hands o f the league and power o f the Spaniard \ that thereby the com mon enemy Ihould find lefs fuccour, or favour in thofe Teas. I f thefe things be well confidered, I doubt not b u t m y French journey will be thought fufficiently juftified. But perhaps in thofe a&ions, where I had no charge at all, or was commanded by others, or offered my fe lf to th e fervice when the employment was before refblved on, I having no part nor intereft in the counfel, my apology w ill be better allowed than in m y two laft fea-journeys, wherein I am charged to be author o f the counfel, and executor o f the fervice. T h e r e f o r e firft to the firft. For the counfel o f going to Spain , I proteft I had no more part in it than m y lord-treafurer, my lord-admiral, and mailer fecretary; who were all privy from the beginning, and did affent and advife to the journey as much as 1 did. H er majefty did firft arm for the defenfive, upon intelligence that the king o f Spain did both purpofe and prepare to aflail her, finding that fhe ftrengthened the low-countries and France againft him, infefted him in his Indies , and choaked him by fea ; fo as his council relolved it to be the Ihorteft and ealiell w ay to all his ends to begin with England. A nd when her majefty was armed and able to take the Hart, it was thought both a wife and fafe counfel not to lofe fb great a charge, and fo fair an opportunity. F or the project o f going to C adiz , I have ever confefted it was my lord-adm iral, my colleague’s. I f any man w ill fingle me out to charge me alone with any thing, it m ull be, that w hen all charge o f the preparation was pall, the army levied, and m arch ing to the rendezvous, and the low-country fleet (th a t was to join w ith us in the w ay) ready, that then I was as conftant to the journey, as I had been all the while before; when (fo r fome private gain to my f e l f ) I m ight have fold the honour o f my fovereign, the fecurity o f m y coun try , the contentment o f our confederates, the hopes, and almoft whole 1 fortunes
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fortunes o f hundreds o f my friends, whom I had drawn into the journey. I f any man will ufe fo bafe a fpeech, as that we offended the king o f Spain fo deeply by that journey, as he is more implacable and farther from p eac e: I anfwer, Vana fine 'viribus ira : we brought away and burnt his fhipping, deftroyed his fea-provifions, yea put him to fuch charge and lofs, as he Ihortly after played bankrupt with all his creditors. Let me ever fee his rtrength decreale, though his malice increafe; rather than believe in his faith, or good nature, when his ftrength is great. I f any man will o f the other fide objeft, though we had good hap, yet o u r defign was nought, for this drew the war to no end : I muff confefs, I nei ther performed w hat I purpofed, nor that which was done was lufficient. I purpofed to dwell in a port o f the enemy’s, and to make a continual d i* set Vol. verfion : witneis my * letter to the lords o f the council, dated from P ly • F- 477. moutfj the firft o f June, 15-96, and delivered by my fecretary E d w ard Raynolds at Greenwich the fixteenth o f the fame month. And when I was poffeffed o f Cadiz.;, 1 offered to ftay there w ith three or four hun dred men, if the whole fleet could furnifh us but w ith three months vi& uals : witnefs the whole council o f war. And by that means I d o u b t ed not but to have brought the wars in thole parts to a Ihort end, and have made the king o f Spain weary o f feeking to diflodge me. But m y letter was neither anfwered, nor liked here ; nor I, at C adiz , enabled to feed my felf, and the men o f w ar, till a iupply might have come. So as (except to have been o f the fame mind that all my fellows w ere th a t were called to council, to have joined with my lord admiral, when he of fered to take an equal commiflion o f command with me by fea and land, to have lought, as much as I could, to have weakened him that by all means he can feeks to deftroy and conquer us, and to leave off doing that which I had not warrant nor means to do, be a fault) in my journey, 15-96 I committed no fault. F or my laft journey 15-97, let it be remembered how I was brought into it, with w hat counfel and defigns I went out, and w hat were the true caufes o f our want o f liich fuccels as, in our own hopes, we promifed to ourfelves: and then if I undertook more than d u ty laid upon me, or advifed any thing that realon made not probable, or failed in any rhing that any poflibility enabled me unto, I will think that the hardeft cenfurers o f me do me no wrong. But, firft, it is well known, that her majefty had armed and vidhialled ten o f her own fhips, and caufed the ftates o f the low-countries to prepare the like number, be fore I was ever fpoken o f to go to fea. And when my lord Thomas Ho w ard and fir JV alter Rawleigh , who Ihould have been fent out w ith this force, thought the hopes o f doing any great fervice weak and uncertain, and the news o f the Adelantadoes preparations at F a rro l and the Groyne daily confirmed, a new council was called, in which her majefty found, that this force prepared was too great for a difcovery, and too little for an a tte m p t; that a fleet, inferior to that w hich the Adelantado commanded, m ight light upon fome merchants, or take fifhermen to learn new s; b u t Ihould never be in any poflibility to take any o f the king o f Spain’s treafrire, nor Ihould fafely lye on the coafts o f Spain , or enter his ports ■ being able to command no port, nor daring to fight with the enemy’s fleet when it Ihould come o u t : and, laftly, that a fleet w ithout an arm y to land, m ight fail from cape to cape, and return when their victuals were almoft eaten, w ithout doing other fervice. For, the Adelantado w ould not
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not come forth i f he liked not his m a tch ; and the Indian fleet m ight be ftaid at the iflands; or by advices, dire&ed lb to alter their courfe, as they Ihould hardly be intercepted. T h en a new confultation was had w hat might be done with a fufficient force b y fea and land : it was refolved, that not only F arro l , w here the Adelantado lay, b u t any part o f Spain m ight be entered, and the force o f the king (th a t Ihould be found in it) beaten or deftroyed, or any port or illand o f the enemy’s taken, and forti fied, beGdes the commanding o f any fleet o f war, or o f trealiire (th at Ihould be met w ith at fea •) i f her majefty’s Ihips, and five thoufand land loldiers, with velfels to tranfport them, were added to the former propor tion. A ll which proportions being agreed unto, and my lord admiral excufing him felf from the jo u rn ey , by the indifpofition o f his body, I had warning to prepare my fe lf to take the charge. W hen I went out, m y firft defign was upon F arro l , both by her m ajefty’s commandment, and mine own choice. F or, when I had defeated that force, 1 might go after w hither I lift, and do almoft what I lif t; I mean in any places upon the coaft. And o f doing what I would upon the fleet and army at F a rro ly I had little caufe to doubt, if God had given me a favourable palTage, and a feafon to land the army, and enter the p o r t; their preparations to refill being all known, and little moving any difturft o f the pofiibility or faci lity o f this kind o f enterprize. I think, I have fatisfied you in fom eof my former papers, efpecially in my difcourfe writen as I came home from Ca diz, ; and I will fatisfy any reafonable man that will fpeak with me o f it. T h e advantages that would have grown by it are manifeft. H e r majefty’s dominions, for a long time, from any invafion from Spain had been lec u re d : the king o f Spain’s eaft and weft Indian fleets (both going out and com ing home) utterly unguarded : the taking o f all the Spanijh or F o r tu g a l iflands made eafy : the enterprize o f the weft Indies warranted from tw o o f the greateft dangers, an encounter b y fe a , and an invafion at home, w hile her majefty’s forces were abfent : to conclude, her majefty had been made liich an abfolute queen o f the ocean, and her enemy lo difarmed b y fea, as fhe m ight either enforce him to any conditions o f peace, or make w ar to her infinite advantage, and his utter ruin. I had alio thought upon lom e place which might be held for diverfion o f the wars. A nd, if ever th e taking o f the Indian fleets were likely, I knew I Ihould be in a fair w ay for i t ; though, I confefs, I account thofe hopes fo uncertain, as I reckoned them no better than by-chances. But my firft, chiefeft, and m ain defign was to aflail the Adelantado in F a r r o l : F a rro l was the rendezvous I g a v e : to F arro l I diredtly Ihaped m y co u rfe; and at F a r ro l I had either mattered that fleet, that had a whole year laid threatning m y country, and driven their army into the hills, or elfe facrificed m y felf. T h e caufes o f fruftrating this defign w e re ; firft, the violent long tem peft, which took us in the height o f 4 6 . Icattered our fleet, difabled and al m oft drowned moft o f our principal Ihips, and (w hen we could no longer b ear it up againft the w ind) drove us back upon our own coaft. N ext, that unfeal'onable llorm y weather which kept us a month (after we were put back) from attem pting to go forth again. A nd, laftly , our wants : which forced u s to difcharge the whole land army, faving one thoufand men. F or mine o w n excufe, how long I endured ere I returned back again, and to w hat defperate cafe I brought m y Ihip, there be witnefles enough. Alfo her majefty 2
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majefty and her council knows, w hat offer o f fervice I m ade h er when I came up port from , accompanied with fir if fhe would have let me go but with h a lf her fleet, and lefs than h a lf the land arm y, to fuch place as my fe lf and the council o f w ar had chofen. .This being done, the enemy, and not her majefty, fhould have been fure to feel the weight and charge o f the journey. And when h e r m ajefty ac cepted not o f that offer, even a little before my laft going fo rth , I wrote unto her majefty to offer the attem pting o f the fleet in i f fhe w ould give me leave to hazard the thoufand old foldiers, w ith fom e num ber o f fly-boats and merchant-fhips, and the St and St (fo r my felf, and one other commander to go in ) as a guard to th e reft, and as fit fhips to board the greateft o f the galleons; leaving all th e queen’s fhips, and the other principal commanders w ithout the bay, till w e had tryed our fortune. O f this letter I received anfwer, tying m e to hazard none b u t thefe, and yet w ith fome limitations. But I loft th e St by her breaking her foremaft ; and loft company with th e St ere I came to the opening o f the And then the fam e night, w hile I was fain to lye by the lee for the flopping o f a dangerous leak, 1 loft the company o f one o f the admirals o f the lquadrons (b y a m ifchance that fell to his fhip) w ith thirty fail, amongft which were many o f th e compa nies o f foldiers ; fo as in effed I wanted all thofe means which w ere allot ted for m y attem pt. A nd then I hovered up and down the coafts in thofe heights, w hither I had dire&ed fuch as fhould lol'e company to feek me in ; and fent out pinnaces every w ay, till the admiral o f the fquadron that was miffing fent me w ord, when I was in the height o f forty five, th at th e was forth with his fleet, and gone ftraight to the , to w aft home the fleet. T h en 1 refolved, after I had called a coun cil, to go thither to feek him. And though I failed o f him, becaufe he never offered to come forth till long a fte r; yet I miffed very narrowly fleet. I f I had met with and unfortunately o f the taking o f the weft them before they had got into the , there would none o f them have efcaped : and I had met w ith them , if a falfe intelligence had not made me ftand one night a contrary w ay. But it was the w ill o f God there fhould be no blow ftpack at fea that y e a r : elfe, when at the fame time I returned from the iflands, and the bore for the coaft of , we had npt fo narrow ly miffed one another as_we did. I h a v e now fhewed (w o rth y mafter w ith w hat mind I under took thofe foreign employments and adlions o f the wars. A word for my friendfhip w ith the chief men o f a&ion, and favour generally to the men of war ; and then I come to their main obje&ion ; w hich is, m y crofting of the treaty in hand. F or moft o f them that are accounted the ch ief men o f a&ion, I do confefs I do entirely love them. T h e y have been my companions both abroad and at h o m e: fome o f them began the wars with me, moft have had place under me, and many have had me a witnefs of their riling from captains, lieutenants, and private men, to thofe charges, which fince (b y their virtue) they have obtained. N ow that I have tryed them, I would chufe them for friends, i f I had them not : before I had tryed them, God and his providence chofe them for me. I love them for mine own fak e; for I find fweetnefs in their converfation, ftrong alfiftance in their employments w ith me, and happinefs in their friendfhip. I love them for their virtues fake, and for their greatnefs o f m ind, (fo r little
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THE L I F E OF THE A U T H O R . minds, though never fo full o f virtue, can be but a little virtuous) and for their great underftanding : for to underftand little things, or things not o f ufe, is little better than to underftand nothing at all. I love them for their affe& ions: for fclf-loving men love eafe, pleafure, and profit ; but they that love pains, danger, and fame, fhew that they love publick profit more than themfelves. I love them for my countries fake : for they are England’s beft armour o f defence, and weapons o f offence. I f we may have peace, they have purchafed it : I f we m ull have war, they muft ma nage it. Yet w hile we are doubtful and in treaty, we m uft value our felves by w hat may be done ; and the enemy will value us by w hat hath been done by our chief men o f a&ion. T h a t generally I am affe&ed to the men o f war, it fhould not foem ftrange to any reafonable man. E v ery man doth love them o f his own profelfion. T h e grave judges favour the Undents o f the law : the reve rend bifhops the labourers in the miniftery : A nd I (fin ceh er majefty hath yearly ufod m y fervice in her late adipns) muft reckon my fe lf in the num ber o f her men o f war. Before adion, providence makes me cherilh them for w hat they can do : in adion, neceftity makes me value them for the fervice they do : and after adion, experience and thankfulnefs .makes me love them for the fervice they have done. I know, that great fcandal lies upon the profelfion o f arms, as if it were a fchool o f diffolutenefs b u t that grows b y command, and charge given to diffolute chiefs; and it is a fault in the profeffors, and not in the profeffion. For a camp ought to be (and fo is, if it be well governed) the beft fchool to make religion tru ly felt, and piety and honefty daily pradifed. For my felf, I am fure they that love me leaft, i f they know any thing o f my government when I am abroad, will rather tax me with being too fevere, than charge me for be in g too remifs, or popular. But 1 long to leave thefe difputations that are but skirmifhes; and will come to join with mine adverfaries in the en- . counter, wherein they labour utterly to overthrow m y credit both with m y fovereign, and with my country. T h e y fay, England cannot ftancj w ithout peace, peace cannot grow but by treaty, treaty cannot be had but w hen the enemy offers i t ; and that now, when the enemy offers to treat, th e doubts 1 call, and arguments I frame, do fhew I would not have her m ajefty's commilfioners fent over. I anfwer, in a w o rd ; that if I faw them build upon any one true principle, I fhould not fo much diffent from them as I do : But if they will promife themfelves, that they may have peace without ground, or think that peace fhali be good for us without reafbn, or to leap blindfold into a treaty with undue circumftances ; I fay th en 1 do not fu fp cd too much, b u t they too little. F or a ground that w e m ay have peace, it is alleged that a commiffion is come to the cardi nal out o f Spain ; and that by virtue o f this commiffion, he offers to fend his deputies to meet with her m ajefty’s. W h at is the conclufion ? T h e re fore the enemy defires and intends peace. A llow this for a good fyllogifm , and you may put to fchool all the logicians in Chrijlendom. Yet I g ran t we may conclude thus ; that, therefore he makes fhew as if he m eant peace. But remember how heretofore the Spanijb king’s lieutenant an d other minifters have pretended commiffion when they had none ; yea, h a v e draw n us to treaty, ere they had received power to conclude. R e m em ber alfo how that the king hath fent a commiffion out o f Spain to be o p e n ly fhewed, that treaty m ight be entertained, when it is notorious to m the
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C OL L E C T I ONS RE L AT I NG TO the world he never meant to conclude any peace. W itnefs o f all this the duke o f , his want o f commiffion, when by his letters he drew m y lord o f and my lord and one other, commiffionersto the treaty o f ; and, afterwards, their coming o f a commilfion when their great navy did prefently appear upon our coaft for the conqueft o f But do they offer to treat, and mean no peace ? W h at is then their meaning ? I f you will have me interpret, I will tell you. T h eir firft attempt againft was in eighty eight. From th a t time to this prefent it is full ten y ears; the ju ft time o f the fiege o f A nd now that they fee open force cannot prevail, they in fhew retire and g iv e over arm s; but have prepared a s horfe, which cannot enter i f w e caft not down our walls. But becaufc we are thought more credulous than th were, the bare letter o f a bale beggarly fugitive, afTuring us that good faith is meant, as their uttermoft ftrategem they ufe to deceive us. But though fome believe, yet I lay ftill, & I f they appeal from my expofitions, let their adions expound themfelves. W ill themfelves charge us at with failing to agree to peace ? O r, will they have us believe that the duke o f came w ith that huge navy and army only to be a witnefs to the contrad ? Or, i f they had rather their own words Ihould expound their meanings than their adions, hear the , their meffenger, that brought and affurance for fifty thoufand crowns, to be paid as loon as their devilifh confpiracy againft the life o f o u r preci ous fovereign Ihould take effed. H ear him I fay, who, at his arraignment in confeffed at the bar, that in their cipher, or jargon, where they wrote o f peace, they intended the death and m urder o f her majefty. O r, if the peace muft not be condemned to be infidious, under tw o witnelTes: hear alfo now prifoner in the tower o f : w ho coming hither out o f with a pretence o f making overture of a peace (and for the better colour bringing letters to her majefty, to yourthe jefuit, to that end) confeffed upon his felf, and to me, from examination, taken by mafter fecretary and my felf, that his true errand given by fome o f the king o f chiefeft minifters, was to difeover the ftate o f our preparations, to affure the papifts o f that they m ight fhortly ex p ed their deliverance, to win fome councellors about her m ajefty, or noblemen o f this kingdom to favour their caufe, and to offer me, from the king o f w hat title, fum o f money, or penfion, I would defire ; fo as I would be won to take their part. J u d g e now (w orthy mafter out o f the clearnefs o f your own judgm ent, how I fhould underftand their offer, or fpeech o f p e a c e : and think out o f the worthinefs o f your own heart, what peace my heart could take with them , that have attempted to conquer my country, pradifed to murder my lovcreign, and fought out me as a fit man to be tempted to be tray both my queen and country. But, i f God had not put me back, and arrefted me b y contrary winds and tempefts this laft fummer, I fhould have taught that proud king what effed his offers had w rought in m e: And the longer the will o f God and my fovereign do reftrain me, with the greater intereft I hope to pay him in the end. B u t our peace-makers may allege, that times are changed, and with the times the humours o f princes and affairs o f ftate do commonly change: fo as, though heretofore there was no truft to be given to the enemy’s words.
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THE LI F E OF THE AUTHOR. words or fair Ihew s; yet now his humour, and the confideration o f his own affairs; may difpofe him to make peace. F or m y part, ere I can be lieve he is o f fuch a peaceable humour, I muff know how his ambitious and revengeful humours are fatisfied, or quenched. Satisfied they cannot be; for he hath received overthrows in encounters, ill fuccefs in his attem pts, and lofs and Icorn in all the wars he hath had w ith her majefty. Quenched they are not like to be • for if apprehenfion o f death would have quenched them, he w ould not the laft yeas* when he came new ly out o f that trance which was thought would have been his laft fwoon, have asked (th e firft word that h e fpake) w hether the were gone for O r if remorfe o f confcience would have quenched them , he would n o t, in his de votions, being at mafs, have vowed to be revenged on , though h e fold all thofe candlefticks upon the altar before him. O f the firft ol thefe fpeeches, my felf, and fome o f my fellow-counfellors have feen ve ry credible advertifement out o f : and the fecond was delivered both to you and me, by the m outh o f a principal jefuit newly come from But we may well conclude, that this humour is not like to change. For he will never think he hath a lufficient part o f the earth, till his m outh be full o f earth; and fome o f his ghoftly fathers, the jefuits, w ill as w ell perfuade him, that the invafions o f other princes kingdoms is a w ork o f piety, as they do teach defperate confpirators, that to m urder princes is the way to heaven. A nd if he lhould die to morrow, his ton's blood will be hotter, and his humour o f ambition like to be greater ; as having been bred, in : and|his mind Ihews be already fwoln & So as, in his peace able humours there being no hope, let us fee w hat there is in the prefent ftate o f their affairs. . _, . c r P r i n c e s or ftates, when they enter into confideration o f their own atfairs, may difpofe themfelves to peace, for utility, conveniency, o rn eceflity. F or utility, i f they can get advantage: for conveniency, if peace be fitteft to conferve them in the ftate they are : for neceffity, w hen they have no longer means to make war. T h a t it is likely the king o f w ill make peace with us, becaufe thereby he ftiall get advantage o f us, our peace-makers will not agree ; and if they do, it is our own fault if we tall into the pit that they fhew us fo plainly. T h a t he lhould not be inclined to peace w ith for conveniency ( i f neither advantage entice him, nor neceffity force him ) I reafon thus : A ll ftates do ftand as much b y re putation, as by ftre n g th ; efpecially w here their dominions are divided, and where a few o f one nation give th e law to great multitudes of many. N ow let the , the low-countries, , and lee, that Spain , which hath fo long tyrannized over them , is glad (after fo many overthrow s, dilgraces and Ioffes) to make peace w ith upon equal terms, and they will know th at are b u t ; and that it hath been bafenels in them , all this w hile, , So that I conclude ; b y fuch a peace Spain lhould lofe all reputation o f his arms , and terror o f his greatnels ; and his countries would not be kept from rebelling by any p o ffib ih ty : A nd therefore conveniency could not move him to make peace w ith us. T h a t neceffity, or want o f means to make w ar lhould drive him to lt> 1 think it both improbable and impoffible. Im probable that he, who lo la tely affailed , and the low-countries, at once, having
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now broken the band o f our league, and divided from th e other tw o, Ihould think him felf unable to maintain war with us. Im poflible th at he Ihould lack means ; for wants he treafure to pay his arm y ? His to pay his army is made with the for a great tim e to come. And as his enterprizes are his ebb-tides to make his treafure ru n low; lb, his returns are his floods that fill the banks again. W an ts he men ? W h y , befides all his new levies, he hath thole forces that w ere em ployed in free to be ufed againft us. W ants he viftuals ? Befides all the helps he was wont to have, he lhall now by the peace w ith have as much as he lift. W ants he Ihips ? H e builds every day, and may im bar in as many as he w ill; and is now combining both w ith the , and confpiring with them againft us. So as 1 conclude, w hich w ay foever I turn myfelf, I fee no likelihood o f difpofing him felf to peace with us. A nd if no peace be to be had, then no treaty to be en tred into. F or, from him, by entertaining treaty, we can draw nothing, nor fuccour any b o d y : whereas he may make us and our only confederates lb jealous one o f the other, as that in ftriving to take the ftart, we ftriv e who Ihould lofe themfelves firft. But if I allow our peace-makers th e ir a du rance o f peace, let us fee what is their purchafe. I f they can m ake any peace w ith good for us, it m ull be by including our confederates of the low-countries, or excluding them. But, I fufpect neither o f th ele can be good or fafe for us ; therefore I judge, they can make no good pe. ee at all. T o conclude the low-countries in our peace, it is impoffible ; ex cept they acknowledge the king o f (o r him that lhall claim under him, for their fovereign) as duke o f : W hich if they do, all things that lhall give pow er to the enemy, lhall bring llavery to the ; and prefent danger upon us all will neceflarily enfue. T h e reafon is manifeft. For when the authority o f the general ftates, and the prefent form o f government o f the united provinces lhall be broken and dilfolved, a monarchy fet up, and a prince acknowledged, there lhall no thing limit the prince’s abfolutenefs but his own will. T h e ftrength o f a contradi cannot limit it ; for neither w ill he keep faith with thole he counteth hereticks, and calleth rebels ; neither will they make any long delay to betray themfelves. For province will ftrive w ith province, town w ith town, and man w ith man, who lhall be moll obfequious, and Ihew themfelves moft fervile ; all care o f defence negle&ed by minds bewitch ed w ith the name o f p e a c e ; all memory o f former tyranny blotted out o f th e hearts refolved to accept a fovereign. Some w ill leek for charge o f foldiers : fom efor magiftracy in to w n s: forne for gathering o f cuftom, or handling o f m o n ey : fome for office o f juftice : fome for benefices and Ipiritual livings : all for trade into and the In brief, every man for private gain ; and no man for publick fafety. T h e magillrates and governours cannot limit i t : For the chief men which now bear rule in martial and civil government, will provide by flight for their own fafe ty. F or i f the brave count bought the truft and confidence in his majefty w ith no lels than the price o f his own head, w hat may any low -country lubjedl hope for ? A nd when his memorable fervice, elpecially in thofe two famous battles o f and St and his putting him felf into the hands, could not overweigh the lufpicion o f combining him felf w ith the revolters, w hat hope o f future me rit lhall weigh down the offence o f thofe, w ho by counfel or adlion have * maintained
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maintained the Hate o f the united-provinces againft Spanijb garrilbns ? Troops o f foldiers cannot lim it i t ; for there w ill be no means to pay them. W hen any thing above the king’s ordinary rents or duties is de manded o f the people; it will be anfwered, Is he our enemy ? W h y , do we acknowledge him for our prince ? Is he our prince ? W h y are we arm ed againft him like an enemy ? Befides that, allow ftrangers on both fides, and the enemy will opprels them upon any hidden b y force. F or his means depend upon him felf: the other, (nam ely th e ftates) upon a peo ple that will be glad to fpare their purfe when th ey fee no prefent w ars; and the enemy's number will be far greater than the ftates. Banilh ftran gers on both fides, and the enemy w ill opprels them liiddenly upon every occafion ; being ftrengthened w ith E fpaniolized N ether landers, and the ftates defended b y fuch only as lhall take oath to the enemy. Stipulati on o f other princes cannot lim it it j for the ftates will be opprefled on a hidden, when their helps w ill come too late. A nd thole princes that were glad to make peace, when the enemy was weak, themfelves being united, and the low-countries flourilhing, w ill not begin a new quarrel when the enemy’s ftrength is recovered, themfelves divided, and the low-countries loft. Yet thefe, which I have named, are the belt aflurances that either our peace makers can propound, or the united provinces receive. I will add farther, that as it is certain, that no peace is to be had for the united provinces, ex-* cept a fovereign be acknow ledged; lb is it w ithout all doubt, they cannot be included, except the ‘P optjh religion be either univerfally eftabliihed, or, at leaft, freely exercifed in th e towns and provinces, w hence it is now banilhed. A l l o w the firft, and they banilh God’s true fervice to bring in ido latry : they leave the tru th to receive fallhood : th ey refufe the protecti on o f the moft merciful L o rd o f heaven, to win the favour o f the moft tyrannical prince on earth. A llow b u t the fecond (a plurality o f religions) which is lefs : and it is againft the policy o f all ftates; becaufe w here there is no unity in the church, there can be no unity or order in the ftate': Yea, it is the manifeft ruin o f that ftate. F o r, as the mingling o f poifon with whollbme liquor in one velTel, doth not correct that which is lethal, but corrupts that which is w hollbm e; lb the poifoned do&rine o f thofe venifical Jefu its , once brought in, will quickly leave no one profelfor in all the united provinces. So that I conclude, it were both folly and impie ty for them to make any luch peace, or for us to draw them to i t ; yea, more folly in us, than ever was committed b y any ftate. F or w hat will not the ene m y be able to do upon us, w hen, befides the forces he now hath, he lhall have a whole country in his hands able to find him fixty or eighty th o u fand foldiers, three hundred ftiips o f war, befides infinite number o f tranIporting velTels and commodious ports, that are but a days failing from the v ery heart o f England ? B ut the low-countries lhall be given to the Infanta , and Ihe married to the archduke A lbert, and fo that ftate divided from the crown o f S p ain : and in a far fafer hand for th e difuniting o f them. I anfwer, the Infanta is, if the king o f Spain have no children, to be heir to her bro th er, and her brother likewife to h e r ; and then are thofe ftates united. T h e only likelihood o f their remaining fevered is, if they both have chil dren. And yet, fince almoft none o f that houfe may m arry farther than coufin-germains, I fee not w hy w e fttould not fu lp ed their conjunction by n fuch
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luch a match. But allow them fevered : Is not fon-in-law to the prefent king, and brother-in-law to the future ? Is he not to be backed by the force o f and maintained b y th e purfe o f ? W ill he not ferve a king’s turn, as well to join in war againft as the duke o f (th a t married the other fitter) did in a w ar againft ? N ay , hath he not a fufpe&ed ftrength o f his own, by being brother to the prefent emperor, and not unlike to be emperor him felf hereafter ? N ay, is not the the fame perfon, whofe title to the crown o f fo laboureth to prove ? Is not the low-countries th e rife by which fhe may leap into ? Is not fuch a peace as this in hand the only means to allure her o f all the low-countries ? Is not the arm y, which is now under her new husband, the force on which the enem y, for the enterprize o f m utt fet his reft? Yes, yes, this coherence is manifeft, and their defign clearly difcovered : A nd it is too plain w hat is like to be expetted o f our peace, if we include the low-countries. Let us now examine how good it will be i f we abandon them. I have ever thought that fuch a peace may be good for us, if they that perfuade unto it can perfuade three things : that they o f the low-countries may have both will and ftrength to maintain the war, though we make peace : that, fo we leave them , we may have good conditions for ourfelves: And as our affairs now ftand, how a neutrality can be poffibly kept by us, w hile the united provinces and the enemy fhall be in w ar together. In the will o f the low-countries to continue in w ar, and to refufe all conditions that the enemy fhall offer, I underftand the refolution o f the council and governours o f th e ftate, and the conformity o f the people to fuch a refolution. In their ftrength, I mean as well the ftrength o f th e gover nours to force the people if they be adverfe, as the ftrength and fufficiency o f their means to endure fo ftiarp and great a w ar as will fall upon them. O f the chief governour’s refolving, there may be thefe doubts : T h at they be tempted with the enem y’s offers (w h o , if he can, will purchafo them feverally, that he may reduce them univerfally ;) and that th ey fhall be terrified with the danger o f the council. F or, it both founds harlhly before hand, and it is like to fall out unluccefsfully at the very firft ■ the enemy being fo much mafter o f the field, as fome places may eafily be carried. 1 know they do pretend to be refolute on war, and proteft againft giving ear to treaty : but that may be either to move us by exam ple, or to make us leave prefling o f them to treaty, or to feem to hold out to the very laft ; that we rather may be thought to have undone them, than they to undo themfelves. But if they, upon mature deliberation, fhould chufe the continuance o f the wars, as the lels o f the two evils : yet, that the people will be like affected, it is not probable. For, when a people, that hath been long tired with the mifery o f war, fhall hear the pleafing name o f p eace: when they, which had two m ighty princes joined w ith them in a ftraight offenfive and defenfive league, fhall fee themfelves abandoned, firft b y and then b y : when on th e one fide, for the maintainance o f the war, they fhall have great and new con tributions demanded o f th e m ; and on the other fide, they fhall be offered all plaufible conditions o f peace : N ay, when they fee that by making peace, fhall get the trade o f from them ; and they alone, by ftanding out, fhall be barred o f that navigation which hath made them
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fo mighty in {hipping, and fo increafed in riches: what then the m ultitude is like to chufe, it is eafy to judge. And if the people be not conforma ble o f themfelves, how by authority o f the governors o f the ftates (w hich are called the general ftates) they may be enforced, I do not well fee. becaufe it is not an abfolute and neceflary, but a limited and voluntary obedience which they yield : , becaufe their ftate hath not (as the ftate o f had, or as the ftate o f h ath ) one place, w hich as the head doth command and d ired all the parts o f the b o d y ; but is com pounded o f equal parts. is as abfolute as ; and as either o f them ; yea, not only the leaft province, but even the leaft town holds itfelf to have a kind o f fovereignty, and will have as free a voice as the greateft. ! , becaufe o f their former manner o f pro ceedings ; which hath not been to fend commandments to bind, but de puties to perfuade : not to refolve and conclude in their greateft caufes in any one council or alfembly, but to found and feel the difpofition o f eve ry province, and fo to win them to like o f that they have devifed of. A nd, becaufe even among themfelves they are for the time general ftates, there is not like to be unanimity in opinion. A nd then, though they that diffent, being few, will not bear the envy to ftand in council againft the greater part : yet it is eafy for them when they come home, to work in their peculiar provinces and towns fuch a diftafte o f that which fhall be generally propounded to all, as that the refolution will flick, and the whole bufinefs be overthrow n; it being unfafe for them to deny liberty o f voice to any, fince liberty is the true caufe o f their taking arms, and {landing out againft the common enemy. But admit, both by the governors and people, it were refolved that the low-countries alone fhould continue in w ar, how are their means, or is their ftrength likely to maintain war ? O f all foreign help they are utterly deftitute : makes no divifion: can yield no fuccours : and in all there is no other prince or ftate likely or able to back them. T h eir own means and ability grows either by the fruits o f the earth, or by traffick or merchandize. F or th e fruits o f the earth, that means is like to be fm all: For the enemy be ing mafter o f the field, and able to divide his forces into divers places, will every day either win from them part o f that they now hold ; or, at leaft, fo infeft thofe parts that are in the ftates obedience, as except it be in and (w hich the enemy cannot g et) husbandry will be ill fol lowed and yield little profit. And as for their means by traffick, it is un likely that merchants that may remove their dwellings to peaceable places near hand (w here they may have fafe and free trad e) w ill remain in the , is in war. low-countries ; which only, o f all thefe parts o f And if they do keep their dwellings, yet will the without all doubt, baniffi them from trade into (w hen both the , and the fhall fupply him ,) and will feek to baniffi and im peach them o f all other trades as much as he can; pretending that they now are the only perturbers o f the peace o f So as I conclude, w hen I think with my felf, what the governors o f the ftate o f the united >rovinces are like to refolve, what the people in general will be like to deire, how hardly the m ultitude can be forced againft their liking, or the means o f the low-countries make them fubfift o f themfelves ; 1 fee nothing b u t danger ; and that the enemy will ffiortly and fuddenly be mafter o f all th a t country : W hich how much that im porteth us to prevent, it hath be fore been made plain. I will
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I w i l l now confider w hat conditions we are like to h av e for ourfelves, fo that we will forfake our confederates. Reftitution o f places we cannot dem and, as did ; for the enemy holds none o f ours. Reparation o f damage w e as little leek fo r ; for from him we have fuftained no lofs. A nd trade into the our zealous peace-makers will not Hand for j left the enemy offended will grant no peace at all. Traffick into or w e fhall have ; and that is the only condition th a t carries any fhew o f advantage to us. But if we do w ell confider how greedy our merchants w ill be o f fuch a trade at the firft, and how eafy it w ill be for a faith-breaking king and enem y to confifcate all our countrym en’s goods, and to imbar and ufe (hipping againft , w e would not brag too much o f that advantage. But on the other fide, he w ill require alterations in our governm ent, or in the execution o f our laws for matter o f religion ■ delivering up the towns her majefty holds in th e low-coun tries, and reparations o f all damages fuftained b y the wars. T h e firft is a condition only fit for a conqueror toim pofe, and unfit for a brave ftate (that in all the wars hitherto hath had the b etter) once to hear mentioned. The fccond fhould never be asked o f a queen fo ju ft, as fhe w ill not yield up the keys o f a country delivered her by her beft confederates, into the hands o f her greateft enemy ; nor o f a prince fo wife, as fhe w ill not add ftrength to him w hole ftrength already fhe holds fo much fufpefted $ nor yet enable him to invade, w hole ambition and malice thirfteth after both invafion and conqueft. T h e third condition is impoflible to be granted. F or the lofs which the king p f hath received in thefe wars amounteth to a greater fum than the treafure o f all the kings in If it be asked, how 1 know th at thefe conditions w ill be demanded ? I anfwer, that I learn s mind o f himfelf, and th e conditions out o f th e inftruttions given to the commiffioners. If it be faid, th at though it appear b y the intercepted letters and inftru&ions, that fuch conditions fhould be ask ed ; yet it was never meant that they fhould be infilled u p o n : I anfwer, that in the inftruftions to the commiffioners it is exprefly let dow n, in the firft and third condition, that the legate fhall be prefTed to urge the king to Hand with them in obtaining them : and for the fecond, i f the commiffioners did cut off all hope o f delivering the towns, that then the treaty fhall in flanti y break o f f : W hich is as much as i f th ey fhould fay, except the will give us the keys o f the low-countries (w hereby w e may re duce th em ) and let us have the port o f (in which our gallies m ay w inter, and from which we may fet out our fleet for th e conqueft of whenfoever we will b re a k ;) w e w ill have no peace with for a time. But if it be granted, that the low-countries will main tain the wars alone, and that will grant us good conditions, fo we w ill abandon the flates; how will it then appear, that it is poffible for us betw ixt thefe tw o to hold a neutrality ? I f we do not th e united provinces fome favour under-hand, or, at leaft, by letting them be ferved by fuch o f our nation as will voluntarily offer themfelves to them, their ftate can not be maintained, nor they kept our friends, whom w e luffer to perifh. O n the other fide, i f we do them in this kind, or in any other, any fa vour which fhall keep them from perifhm g, w e give and the arch duke a ju ft occafion o f quarrel, and fo make them (o f our new1 friends) become our enemies. Befides, her majefty hath bellow ed in the a&ion of
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THE L I F E OF THE A U T HO R , of the low-countries at the leaft four millions o f crowns : and ftie hath in pawn for the debt which the ftates owe her, the towns o f VIujhing and the T o reimburfe that which is due, and maintain the wars, the ftates are utterly unable. T o deliver the towns w ithout reimburfement were utterly to lofe all the treafure lent, and the authority and bridle which her majefty hath upon that people ; which is one o f the greateft focurities of her eftate. T o keep them, efpecially Vlujbing , and to remain in neutrality (to my underftanding) feems altogether impoflible. For when the enemy fhall fee, that neither by treaty, nor by the offer o f his large conditions, the ftates will be won, he will affail them by force; yea, he will take that way which fhall be fhorteft and eafieft for the reducti on o f the whole ; which will be to bring his gal lies into their rivers, and to tranfport his men into the iflands. F or lo, by piercing into Zealand , he fhall make his w ay into H olland ; and if he have once good footing in thefe two provinces, he is ftrait mafter o f all that whole ftate. I f (which is the only bulwark againft illanders) and the caftle o f (w hich commandeth the river o f Slade) fhall not impeach nor offend the enemy, he will carry all the reft o f the iflands o f fVatrevenf and fb confequently all Zealand. I f after he is become her majefty’s friend, he be ufed as an enemy, b y the places fhe holds, the peace is broken. B u t though it were proved never fo fully, that the peace which we may have ( i f we may have any at a ll) is full o f dangers and inconve niences, yet fome are fb zealous o f it, as they will fay, it is the mifery o f our ftate, that we can neither have a good peace, nor a good w a r ; and o f two evils it is better to have a patched peace, than an unfupportable war. But injurious are thefe men to the men o f war (th a t fight for them and defend them ) in thinking their arms (w hich have ever done honour to our nation, and ftruck terror into the hearts o f our enemies) lefs able to defend our country than their treaties; which have never been free from fcorn and diladvantage. Injurious they are to the country that hath bred them : which being one o f the braveft, ftrongeft and happieft ftates in Chrifiendom, is judged by thefe men to be as weak as their own weak hearts: Injurious they are to her majefty ; who, being fo great, fo glorious, and fb vi&orious a queen, fhall be judged unable to maintain war, when the can not have peace, but at the pleafure o f her enemy. Yea, injurious and moft unthankful are they to God him felf (w ho hath hitherto fought for them ) in that (for an unfafe peace with an idolatrous and irreligious nation) they would leave an honourable and ju ft war. W hen they have done all they can, if the enemy will not conclude peace, we mull: have war : And fhall not rcafonable men be perfuaded, as well by neceflity o f reafon, as by necefflty o f fortune ? But wherein do they find fuch infufficicncy to main tain the w ar? Our navy, as alfo that o f our confederates were never ftronger- nor the enemy in fhipping h alf fo weak. Our men, generally, were never fo martial, nor ever had fb many able leaders: our confede rates o f the low-countries (w h o , being firmly knit unto us, are o f more ufe than all the friends in Chriftendom that we ever had, or can h a v e ;) they, I fay, were never more refolute. France hath felt it, and we are eafod o f many charges, and fhall make war in fewer places. Ireland is chargeable: that charge may well be born, when it is almoft the foie burden that lies upon us. Yet, if there be any weaknefs in our means to make war, it is o in
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in our treafure. But if it be confidered, how for this prefent year hath no ability to affail u s ; how the next year the yearly fubfidies will be gin to be paid; how in we have an end o f all charges, and are now to receive reimburfement o f all that is due ; how in the low-countries her majefty’s expences may likewife ceafo, and Ihe receive fome help to wards her other charges; yea, and though her majefty’s treafure be drawn deep into, and the poor husbandman, by thefe late hard years paft, hath now fcant left any means to live : yet if our fumptuous buildings, our fo r feiting diet, our prodigality in garments, our infinite plate, and coftly fu r niture o f our houfes be well confidered, cannot be thought poor. Can we exceed all nations in in waftfol vanities ? And can we not arm ourfelves againft one nation (w hich we have ever beaten) for our necelTary defence ? W as fo brave a ftate, as that the very ladies, to fopply the common treafore, and to maintain the wars, fpoiled them felves o f their jewels and rich ornaments ? And is fo bafe a ftate as that the people therein will not beftow fome part o f their foperfluous expences to keep themfelves from conqueft and flavery ? Did the godly kings and religious people, which we read o f in the old teftament, to main tain the wars againft the enemies o f God, foil the ornaments o f the tem ple and things confocrated to holy ufos ? And fhall we, that have as holy a war, fpare thofo things which we have dedicated to our idle and fonlual pleafures? Could our own nation, in thofo gallant former ages, when our country was far poorer than now it is, levy armies, maintain wars, atchieve great conquefts in , and make our powerful arms known as far as th e holy land ? A nd is this foch a degenerate age, as we fhall not be able to de fend ? N o ; there is yet left fome feed o f that antient virtue. Rem ember with what fpirit and alacrity the gentlemen o f have put themfelves voluntarily into our late a&ions. T here will ever be found fome , which (fo the ftate may ftand and flourifh) care not th ough they leave not wherewith to bury themfelves ; though others bury th eir money, not caring in what cafe they leave the ftate. W e, thanks be to God, have a queen who hath never been waftefol in her private expence; yet will fhe fell her plate and jewels in the tower ere her people fhall be undefended. W e are a people that will turn our filk coats into iron jackets, and our filver plate into coats o f plate, rather than our fo vereign fhall beunferved. But w hy fhould either prince or people be p u t to that extrem ity? I f herm ajefty will but be pleafed to beftow fixty thoufand pounds a year, which the low-countries do coft her, and the tw enty thoufand pounds a year, which the ftates do offer her, and tw enty thoufand pounds a year more, which, I doubt not, may be drawn (b y way o f reim burfem ent) from the king ; this hundred thoufand pounds a year, w ith h a lf as much more beftowed by the ftates (w ho, to engage her m ajefty in maintenance o f the war, will never fhrink for their portion) this fom, I fay, o f one hundred and fifty thoufand pounds a year, put in to the hands o f an honeft and fufficient treaforer for the wars, and to be iffued by a council o f war well chofen, will fully and fofficiently maintain the war w ith Yea, i f this be doubted, it fhall be made plain, that w ith one hundred and fifty thoufand pounds a year, fuch a force fhall be maintained, as her majefty having a convenient number o f her own Ihips, and repairing and furniftiing them, as yearly fhe doth, the enemy fhall bring no fleet into thefe feas, for , , or the low-countries,
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b ut it fhall be beaten ; nor feek to gather one into ; but the parts o f it fhall be defeated before the whole be affembled. Yea, thofe fervices fhall be done upon the enemy, that the pooreft prince or ftate in Chrifhall have little caufe to fear his malice. But o f this queftion, whether we Ihould judge the peace good for us which our peace-makers w ould procure, I have entreated o f fufficiently. I now come to the laft queftion and main matter o f a l l ; whether they do enter into the treaty o f it, with due circumftances ? And herein my purpofe is not to Hand upon complemental circumftances, or points o f honour, which in their proper time and place are w orthy o f due confideration: But the material circum ftances which any prince or ftate fhould weigh before they enter into any treaty, I judge to be thefe : T h e time o f treating (w hether it yield moft advantage for peace or w ar;) the perfons o f the treaters (w hether the enemy with whom we treat may make advantage or no, by pretence, if nothing be concluded;) the affurance o f the treaty, or ftrength o f the knot that is tie d ; and how the ftate and condition were like to be, whenfoever it breaks off and dilTolves. T h e only reafbn whereby they that would have peace, do ufe to prove, that this feafon is fitteft, and yields moft advantage for peace is, that now the king o f is fo weak and poor, as he will be now brought to that, which he neither would heretofore, nor will here after ever agree unto: therefore (fa y th e y ) now is the only time for peace. But lure, except they were better logicians, and could frame better argu ments, 1 fhould fcarce wifh them to be trufted with arguing for a peace. T h eir conclufion is dire& ly contradictory to their own propofition. For now , o f all other times, is he moft unable to encounter us in war ; then is this (o f all other times) our fitteft feafon to make war. Is this the fea fon he chufeth to recover him felf by peace ? then o f all other times peace fhould now be leaft granted him. N ow , now is the fitteft time to make war upon the Spaniard. H is Ioffes are not yet recovered, his coffers not filled, his fleet not made, his fea provifions not fupplied, his Indies not quiet, and his fon-in-law as yet (in his new fovereignty) not fully fettled. B ut her majefty’s late vi&ories have made way for her greater and far higher attempts. T error accompanies the powerfillnefs o f her armies ; fear pofleffeth the hearts o f her enemies ; and God himfelf, by her fuccefs, hath judged her caufe. A ll the world hath feen what hath happened o f her late actions paft ; and the common conclufion is, V ittoriae cauja diis placuit. On the other fide, now (o f all times) is the unfitteft feafon to make peace ; when the ftate o f our beft confederates is fo undermined by practice, threatened with force, and folicited to their own undoing by fo reign princes, as that, except we both encourage them and cleave fall to them , their ruin is at hand. N ow it is no time to make peace with the chief enemy o f our religion, when a confpiracy is in hand againft all the profeffors o f it. T h e news is too rife, and too credible, that this undertaking pope (after victories fo glorious in Tenera , and his powerful reconciling o f two fo great kings in the heat o f fo great a w ar) will not now leave till he make a general league againft all fuch as do not, or will not, acknowledge the omnipotency o f his Bulls. N ow i f we fhew ourfelves fo weak, as that we follow not the advantage we have, we fhall hereafter be thought fo weak as we may have any conditions impofed upon us. N ow i f we refute the conditions, which our friends will offer to purchafe our conftancy, we m ult hereafter refolve to take fuch conditions as the enemy will give, though
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