Group 10 All Report [PDF]

Zitiervorschau

REPORT 1 Group 10 Habibatul Amri 18018096 Hanifatul Husni 18018098 Ifani Ramadhani 18018099 Sania Tricahyati 18018106

SOCIOLINGUISTIC LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE AND SHIFT

LANGUAGE SHIFT Language shift Language shift is language transfer or language replacement where by a speech community of a language shifts to speaking another language. It’s happens when the language of the wider society (majority) displaces the minority mother tongue language over time in migrant communities or in communities under military occupation. Therefore when language shift occurs, it shifts most of the time towards the language of the dominant group, and the result could be the eradication of the local language. Language shift in different communities. Migrant minorities. People usually switch rapidly from phrase to phrase for instance. Reactions to code-switching styles are negative in many communities, despite the fact that proficiency in intra sentential code-switching requires good control of both codes. This may reflect the attitudes of the majority the monolingual group in places like in North America and Britain. In places such as New Guinea and East Africa where multilingualism is the norm, attitudes to proficient code-switching are much more positive. The order of domains in which language shift occurs may differ for different individuals and different groups, but gradually over time the language of the wider society displaces the minority language mother tongue. This may take three or four generations but sometimes language shift can be complemented in just two generations. Typically, migrants are virtually monolingual in their mother tongue, their children are bilingual, and their grandchildren are often monolingual in the language of the ‘host’ country. Non-migrant communities. Language shift is not always the result of migration. For this community the home is the one most under any family’s control, language may be maintained in more domains than just the home. Migrant majorities When language shift occurs, it is always shift towards the language of the domain powerful group. A domain group has no incentive to adopt the

language of minority. The domain language is associated with status, prestige, and social success. When a language dies gradually, as opposed to all its speakers being wiped out by a massacre or epidemic, and the function of the language are taken over in one domain after another by another. Attitudes and values. Positive attitudes support efforts to use the minority language in a variety of domains, and this helps people resist the pressure from the majority group to switch their language. There are certain social factors which seem to retard wholesale language shift for a minority language group, at least for a time. First, where language is considered an important symbol of a minority group’s identity. Second, if families a minority group live near each other frequently. Another factor which may contribute to language maintenance for those who emigrate is the degree and frequency of contact with the homeland. Factors contributing to language shift, those are economic, social, and political factors. The most obvious factor is that the community sees an important reason for learning the second language. The second important factor is their ethnic language. Demographic factor are also relevant in accounting for the speed of language shift. Resistance to language shift tends to last longer in rural than in urban areas. Shift tends to occur faster in some groups than in other. The size of the group is sometimes a critical factor. Although the pressures to shift are strong, members of a minority community can take active steps to protect its language. Where a language is rated as high in status by its users, and yet also regarded as a language of solidarity to be used between minority group members. Different factors combine in different ways in each social context, and the result are rarely predictable. Monolingualism is regarded as normal, bilingualism is considered unusual. Bilingualism and multilingulism which is normal. Factors contributing to language shift: 1. Economic, social and political factor - The dominant language is associated with social status and prestige - Obtaining work is the obvious economic reason for learning another language - The pressure of institutional domains such as schools and the media 2. -

Demographic factors Language shift is faster in urban areas than rural The size of the group is some times a critical factor Intermarriage between groups can accelerate language shift

3. Attitudes and values Language shift is slower among communities where the minority language is highly valued, therefore when the language is seen as an important symbol of ethnic identity its generally maintained longer, and visa versa. LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE Language maintenance is the degree to which an individual or grups continues to use their language, particulary in bilingual or multilingual area or among imigrant grup whereas

language shift is the process by which a new language is acquired by new community usually resulting with the loss of the community’s first language. Language maintenance refers to the situation where speech commuity continues to use its traditional language in the face of a host of condition that might foster a shift to another language. If language maintenance does not occur, there can be several results. One is language death; speakers become bilingual, younger speakers become dominant in another language, and the language is said to die. The speakers or the community does not die, of course, they just become a subset of speakers of another language. The end result is language shift for the population, and if the language isn't spoken elsewhere, it dies.

How can a minority language be maintained? 1) A language can be maintained and preserved, when it's highly valued as an important symbol of ethnic identity for the minority group. 2) If families from a minority group live near each other and see each other frequently, their interactions will help to maintain the language. 3) For emigrate individuals from a minority group, the degree and frequency of contact with the homeland can contribute to language maintenance. 4) Intermarriage within the same minority group is helpful to maintain the native language. 5) Ensuring that the minority group language is used at formal settings such as schools or worship places will increases language maintenance. 6) An extended normal family in which parents, children and grandchildren live together and use the same minority language can help to maintain it. 7) Institutional support from domains such as education, law, administration, religion and the media can make a difference between the success and failure of maintaining a minority group language. LANGUAGE DEATH AND LANGUAGE LOSS When all the people who speak a language die, the language dies with them. Sometimes this fact is crystal clear. When a language dies gradually, as opposed to all its speakers being wiped out by a massacre or epidemic, the process is similar to that of language shift. The functions of the language are taken over in one domain after another by another language. As the domains in which speakers use the language shrink, the speakers of the dying language become gradually less proficient in it. With the spread of a majority group language into more and more domains, the number of contexts in which individuals use the ethnic language diminishes. The stylistic range that people acquire when they use a language in a wider range of domains disappeared. With the spread of a majority group language into more and more domains, the number of contexts in which individuals use the ethnic language diminishes. The language usually retreats till it is used only in the home, and finally it is restricted to such personal activities as counting, praying and dreaming.

Example of language loss: Annie at 20 is a young speaker of Dyirbal, an Australian Aboriginal language. He also speaks English which she learned at school. There is no written Dyirbal material for her to read, and there are fewer and fewer contexts in which she can appropriately hear and speak the language. So she is steadily becoming less proficient in it. She can understand the Dyirbal she hears used by older people in her community, and she uses it to speak to her grandmother. But her grandmother is scathing about her ability in Dyirbal, saying Annie doesn’t speak the language properly. LANGUAGE REVIVAL Some times a community becomes aware that its language is in danger of disappearing and takes steps to revitalises it. Example: In 1840, two thirds of the Welsh people spoke Welsh, but by 1980, only 20% of the population spoke Welsh, therefore the Welsh people began a revival process of Welsh language by using a Welsh-language TV channel and bilingual education programs that used Welsh as medium of instruction at schools.

REPORT 2 Group 10 Habibatul Amri 18018096 Hanifatul Husni 18018098 Ifani Ramadhani 18018099 Sania Tricahyati 18018106

LINGUISTIC VARIETIES AND MULTILINGUAL NATIONS Linguistic Varieties is the diversity of language which used by many people in the world, and meanwhile the term Multilingual Nation can be define as variations of language or diversity of language which used by many people in a community or in a particular domain. it refers to the most colloquial variety in the person's linguistic repertoire. It is used to indicate that a language is used in informal everyday interactions without implying that it is appropriate. Vernacular Language The term vernacular is used in numbers of ways. It generally refers to a language which has not been standardized and which does not have official status. Vernacular are usually the first language learned by people in multilingual language communities, and they are often used for a relatively narrow range of informal functions. The function of vernacular language is to shows their identity when they talking with the other person from the other place. There are three components of the meaning of the term vernacular, then. The most basic refers to the fact that a vernacular is an uncodified or understandardised variety. The second refers to the way it is acquired in the home, as a first variety. The third is the fact that it is used for relatively circumscribed functions. The first component has been most widely used as the defining criterion, but emphasis on one or other of the components had led to the use of the term vernacular with somewhat different meanings. Finally the term vernacular is sometimes used to indicate that a language is used for everyday interaction, without implying that it is appropriate only in informal domains. For example: like a children are talking with their friends used informal language from his places. Standard Languages Standard language is the language which has undergone some degree of regulation or codification in grammar and a dictionary. Usually standard language is used in the country which have there so many dialect or the country which use multilingual nations. Or standard language can be defined is a language variety used by a group of people in their public discourse. Alternatively, varieties become standard by undergoing a process of standardization, during which it is organized for description in grammars and dictionaries and encoded in such reference works.Typically, varieties that become standardized are the local

dialects spoken in the centers of commerce and government, where a need arises for a variety that will serve more than local needs. Standard varieties are codified varieties. Codification is usually achieved through grammars and dictionaries which record, and sometimes prescribe, the standard forms of the language. The development of standard English illustrates the three essential criteria which characterize a standard: it was an influential or prestigious variety, it was codified and stabilized, and it served H function in that it was used for communication at court for literature and for administration. It also illustrates that what we refer to as a standard language is always a particular dialect which has gained its special position as a result of social economic and political influenced. Standard languages developed in a similar way in many other european countries during the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In Italy, Spain, France, Romanian, for example, there were a variety of dialects of the vernacular languages (which all derived from varieties of colloquial Latin) which served the L functions of their communities, alongside classical Latin, the H language. From these dialects there gradually emerged a standard, generally based on the dialect of the political, economic and social center of the country. For Example: Human in their places use standard language in their places. Pakistan persons are use urdu as in their country, Lingua Francas Lingua franca can be describe as a language which is serving as a regular means of communication between different linguistic groups in a multilingual nation and used habitually by people whose mother tongues are different in order to facilitate communication between them. Lingua franca tend used for communication between people who has distinct language and social interaction. This language doesn’t has standard variety. For example: Like in Bali, many people want to talk with other people use Balinese language. Minang Bukittingi language can be used to Batusangkar language. Lingua franca become officially for example is Indonesia, Indonesia is used Lingua franca officially. Lingua franca has a strong influence. Java language, (this language is used in trade and daily language in family interaction). Pidgin A pidgin is a language which has no native spekers. Pidgin language are created from the combined efforts of people who speak different language. Pidgin develop from 2 group are different, seems like a sign language where only them who known those language but no one’s native language or nobody who created that language. Pidgin language do not have high status or prestige and to those who don’t speak them, they often speak seem ridiculous languages. For example: A gang who has code language to explain some things secret foer instance: police they called cops.

Bahasa gaul (slang), this language just used by the group to group who just know this language. Creoles A creole is a pidgin which has acquired native speakers. Many of the languages which are called pidgins are in fact now creole languages. They are learned by children as their first language and used in a wide range of domains. Actually this language is a development from pidgin, but the different is Pidgin doesn’t has native speaker but creoles has native speaker. For example : if someone has a small vocabulary and he’s can be add to by creole Pidgin and Creole Pidgin Have no native speakers. Creoles Have native speakers. Are the result of extended contact Develop from pidgins, they are learnt as between groups with no language in a first language by a large number of common, they are used mostly for trade. speakers. Have simple grammatical structures. Are more complex in structure, they also have a wider range of vocabulary to express a wide range of meanings. Are not used for group identification. May take on national and official functions.

REPORT 3 Group 10 Habibatul Amri (18018096) Hanifatul Husni (18018098) Ifani Ramadhani (18018099) Sania Tricahyati (18018106)

National languages and language planning

1.

National and Official Language

An official language is a language that is used for official/formal purposes in a country. Government documents, legal proceedings, police reports, business contracts, that sort of thing. A national language is a language that is symbolic of that country, usually for historical, cultural, and ethnic reasons. A national language is always an official language, but an official language is not necessarily a national language. Example : Singapore has four official languages: English, Malay, Mandarin, and Tamil. This corresponds to Singapore’s population make-up: the Singaporean population generally divides into Malays, Chinese, and Indians, with some Western foreigners in the mix. To have Malay, Mandarin, and Tamil as official languages makes sociopolitical sense as it allows each ethnic group to conduct official business in their own language. Having English as another official language also makes sense as it allows communication between the three groups, as well as with the Westerners. Also, English is the lingua franca of the world, and Singapore was a British colony, so that plays into it too. However, Singapore only has one national language: Malay. This is most likely due to the fact that: 1) Malay was (and still is) the regional lingua franca of Southeast Asia to a large extent[2], and 2) Singapore used to be part of Malaysia, a Malay-speaking, Malay-dominated country. Therefore, having Malay as its national language is symbolic of Singapore accepting its Southeast

Asian roots as being a large factor in its national identity, larger than its Chinese or Indian influences. Note how Malay is one of Singapore’s official languages.

2.

Planning for a National Official Language

There are four steps on planning for a national official language : a. Selection: The term used to refer to the choice of a language variety to fulfil certainfunctions in a given society. b. Codification: The creation of a linguistic standard or norm for a selected linguistic code. It is divided up into three stages which consist of graphization, grammaticalization, and lexicalization. c. Implementation: The promoting of the decisions made in the stages of selection and codification which can include marketing strategy, production of books, pamphlets, newspapers, and textbooks using the new codified Standard. d. Elaboration: The terminology and stylistic development of a codified language to meet the communicative demands of modern life and technology. Its main area is the production and dissemination of new terms. 3.

The linguist’s role in language planning

Language academies have existed for centuries, but it is also true that individuals have often had an enormous infl uence on language planning, and especially on the standardization or codifi cation of a particular variety. Example “Lexicographer: a writer of dictionaries, a harmless drudge.” (Johnson, Samuel (1755) Dictionary of the English Language ) Samuel Johnson’s 40,000-word dictionary was a landmarkin the codifi cation of English, though, as example 7 demonstrates, he had few illusions about the lexicographer’s role. Ivar Aasen in Norway created a composite variety of Norwegian (Landsmål/Nynorsk) from a range of dialects. More often these days, the nuts and bolts of language planning are handled by committees, commissions or academies. Moreover, the focus of much language

planning activity has altered from the promotion of national and offi cial languages in countries trying to establish their autonomy, to include concern for minority and endangered languages. The Kanak Languages Academy, for example, has been established to preserve the indigenous languages of New Caledonia. Codifi cation and vocabulary expansion are typically of prime concern for language academies, and in the next section, I briefl y illustrate these processes, drawingmainly on Maori for exemplifi cation.

Language academics, commites and commissions are interested in language planning Individuals can be language planners too, mainly sociolinguistics and lexicographers. The main concerns of language planners are: 1. Language codification 2. Vocabulary expansion Language Codification “Orthography”  In the past, the church was the main influence on the written forms of unwritten language when they translated the bible into them  Missionaries were good linguists whose job was to produce a spelling system that reflects the pronounciation of the language 

When developing the spelling system, there was some problems

like : 1. Symbols did not correspond to the pronounciation. Is identified as a single sound and it different from /g/. in samoan both are the same. 2.

Different views on how to indicate the length of a vowel.

REPORT 4

Group 10 Habibatul Amri 18018096 Hanifatul Husni 18018098 Ifani Ramadhani 18018099 Sania Tricahyati 18018106

“Regional and Social Dialects in the World” Dialects is a variant of a language according to the user. Unlike the variety of language that is a variant of a language according to the user. This variation is different from each other, but there are still many similarities indicate that not deserve to be called a different language. A dialect differentiated by the vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation (phonology, including prosody). If the distinction is only based on the pronunciation, the accent is the appropriate term and not a dialect. Types of dialect Judging from the shape is divided into three dialects, namely: Regional dialects, the dialect whose characteristics are limited by space. Often called Dialect Area. This dialect is usually grown in a particular area, meaning that people outside the region will not understand the dialect in question. Social dialects, namely the dialect spoken by a particular social group. For example, people in the Cardboard definitely have different dialects with people outside the palace. Or people in the community office dialect definitely different from those that exist in the market community. temporal dialect, which dialect different from time to time. This dialect is only growing at a certain time and when it's time to change the dialect that is not there anymore. This can be seen from the spelling, ways of writing and pronunciation. For example the Old Malay dialect, dialect 1970, etc. Differences between Regional and Social Dialects Prioritizing regional dialect boundaries region, people in the region will understand what they were saying to one another, while residing in another region or outside of the region will not be familiar with the dialect in question. Differences groups that are regional we know based on natural boundaries. In contrast to the bias social groups that are defined by sex, age, occupation. Bias is also determined by economic status that distinguishes the rich with the poor, or social status as we see in society recognize caste, or any group with less educated uneducated group. Differences also occur in

due status that comes to political power that lead to the ruling groups and groups of commoners. All social groups that have the potential to have a language with certain characteristics that distinguishes it from potential other. If group it really be true, then it could be a dialect of the language of social or at the lack of variety of languages. We also know that there are differences in the language men and women, childhood to adulthood, the market with the factories and much more. Similarly, a variety of language that we call dialects. DEFINITION OF REGIONAL VARIATION The most extensive type of language variation is regional or geographic variation. This variation develops as a result of limited communication between different parts of a community due to various geographical barriers, such as mountain ranges and rivers. Under such circumstances, language of one part of the community does not spread elsewhere. Therefore, in this case, difference in variation can develop. Such distinctive varieties are usually called regional varieties of the language. From this explanation we can take conclusion that regional variation is varieties of a language which is spoken in different geographical area. The study of regional varieties is the oldest traditions in the systematic study of intra-language variation. The term “dialect” may be still used in this discussion. Dialect is one example of regional variation. It is stated by Wolfram, that dialect refers to regional or ethnic varieties of a language which is used by a community. The example of dialect: Ming is an old woman who lives with her son in a rural village near the town of Yinde in Guangdong Province in southern China. The family grows vegetables for the local market. Ming speaks her province dialects of Chinese, Cantonese. Last summer, Gong, an official from Beijing in the north, visited her village to check on the level of rice and ginger production. Gong also spoke Chinese, but his dialect was Mandarin or putonghua. Ming could not understand a single word Gong said. Languages are not purely linguistic entities. They serve social functions. In order to define a language, it is important to look to its social and political functions, as well as its linguistic features. So a language can be thought of as a collection of dialects that are usually linguistically similar, used by different social groups who choose to say that they are speakers of one language which functions to unite and represent them to other groups. This definition reflects sociolinguistics reality by including all the linguistically very different Chinese dialects, which the Chinese define as one language, while separating the languages of Scandinavia which are linguistically very similar, but politically quite distinct varieties. Then, the other kind of regional variation is explained more clearly below: 1. International varieties Here the example of international varieties: A British visitor to New Zealand decided while he was in Auckland he would look up an old friend from his war days. He found the address, walked up the path and knocked on the door. “Gidday,” said the young man who opened the door. “What can I do for you?” “I’ve called to see me old mate Don Stone,” said the visitor.

“Oh he’s dead now mate,” said the young man. The visitor was about to express condelences when he was thumped on the back by Don Stone himself. The young man had said., “Here’s dad now mate”, as his father came in the gate. To British ears a New Zealander’s dad sounds like an English person’s dead, and bad saounds like bed. Americans Australians, as well as New Zealanders, tell of British visitors who were givenpens instead of pins and pens instead of pens. 2. Intra-national or intra-continental variation Example: Rob : This wheel’s completely disjaskit. Alan : I might could get it changed Rob : You couldn’t do nothing of the sort. It needs dumped. This conversation between two Geordies (people from Tyneside in England) is likely to perplex many English speakers. The double modal might could is typical Geordis, though it is also heard in some parts of the Southern USA. The expression needs dumped is also typical Tyneside, though also used in Scotland, as is the vocabulary item disjasket, meaning “worn out” or “compeletely ruined”. Regional variation takes time to develop. British and American English , for instance, provide much more evidence of regional variation than New Zealand or Australian English. In the USA, dialetologist can identify distinguishing features of the speech of people from different regions. Nothern, Midland and Southern are the main divisions, and within those three areas a number of further divisions can be made. Different town and even parts of towns can be distinguished: and within those the Boston dialect is different from that New York City. Words dragonfly in the EasternStates include darning, needle. Mosquito hawk, spindle, snake feeder, snake dactor, and snake waiter, but of these only darning needle is used in New York. 3. Cross-continental variation: dialect chains Dialect Chains are very common across the whole of Europe. One chain links all the dialects os German, Dutch and Flemish from Switzerland through Austria and Germany , to the Netherlands and Belgium, and there is another which links dialects of Portugese, Spanish, Catalan, French and Italian. A scandinavian chain link dialects of Norwegian, Swedish and Danish. So taht Swedes and Norwegians in adjacent areas can communicate more easily than fellow-Swedes from Southern and Nothern Sweden. DEFINITION OF SOCIAL VARIATION Another type of language variation is social variation. In many localities, language variation due connected with social classes, educational levels, or both. More highly educated speaker and often, those belonging to a higher social class tend to use more features belonging to the standard language, whereas the original dialect of the region is better preserved in the speech of the lower and less educated classes. From this explanation it can

be said that social variation happened because of the social norms like social class, religion, education, etc. Sociolinguists today are generally more concerned with social variation in language then with regional variation. When we turn from regional variation to social variation, things get somewhat more complicated but also more interesting. For, whereas individual may grow up exclusively or primarily in one region, they typically belong to many social groups simultaneously and their speech pattern reflects the intersections of their social experiences categories, and roles. The sociolinguist who study social dialect usually attempt to obtain sample of spontaneous or casual speech, the way people speech who they are not relaxed and least conscious that their speech is being observed. Social variation in language might be considered from the perspective of differences between speakers in a variety of dimensions including age, social class and network, race or ethnicity, and gender. 1. Age Variation in language according to age may reflect either age grading or change in progress. Age grading involves features associated with specific age groups as a development or social stage. Normally speakers abandon the features associated with a particular stage as they grow older and they begin to speech pretty much like the members of the age group above then as they mature. The kind of age – related language variation which we are most likely to notice is the use of slang which as noted above is a variety of age grading. Slang is linguistic prerogative of young people and generally sound odd to older person. In the mouth in New Zeeland young people currently use the terms wicked, choice & cool to describe something they approve of. The other example of social variation related to age grading is the use of “gonna & wanna”.

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2. Social status People can be grouped together on the basis of similar social and economic factors. Their language generally reflects these groupings – they use different social dialects. It is easiest to see the evidence for social dialects in places such as India and Indonesia where social divisions are very clear-cut. In these countries, there are caste system determined by birth, and strict social rules govern the kind of behaviour appropriate to each group. The rules cover such matters as the kind of job people can have, who they can marry, how they should dress, what they should eat, and how they should behave in a range of social situations. Not suprisingly, these social distinctions are also reflected in speech differences. A person’s dialect reflects their social background. Javanese social status is reflected not just in choice of linguistic forms but also in the particular combinations of forms which each social social group customarily uses, i.e. the varieties or stylistic levels that together make up the group’s distintive dialect. In javannese, there are six distinguishable stylistic levels. Two javanese words at different stylistic levels “You” “Now”

Stylistic level

Pandjenengan Sampejan Sampejan Sampejan Pandjenengan Kowe

Samenika Samenika Saniki Saiki Saiki Saiki

3a 3 2 1a 1a 1

There are three distinct Javanese social groups and three associated dialects 1. The dialect of the lowest status group, the peasants and uneducated townspeople, consists of three stylistic levels : 1, 1a and 2 2. The dialect of urbanised people with some education consists of five stylistic levels : 1, 1a, 2, 3 and 3a. The dialect of highly educated highest status group also consists of five levels, but they are different from those of the second social group: 1. 1a, 1b, 3 and 3a. Ø Vocabulary The term social class is used here as a shorthand term for differences between people which are associated with differences in social prestige, wealth and education. Bank managers do not takl like office cleaners, lawyers do not speak in the same way as the burglars they defend. Class divisions are based on such status differences. Status refers to the defences or respect people give someone-or dont give them, as the case may be- and status generally derives in Western society from the materials resources a person can command, though there are other sources too. Family background may be a source of status independently of wealth. So class is used here as convenient label for group of people who share similarities in economic and social status. Social dialect research in many different countries has revealed a consistent relationship between social class and language patterns. People from different social classes speak differently. The most obvious differences – in vocabulary – are in many ways the least illuminating from a sociolinguistic point of view, though they clearly capture the public imagination. In the 1950s in England many pairs of words were identified which , it was claimed, distinguished the speech of upper class English (‘U speakers’) from the rest (‘nonU speakers’). U speakers used sitting room rather than lounge (non-U), and lavatory rather than the (non-U) toilet. Ø [r] Pronunciation One linguistic form which has proved particularly interesting to sociolinguists studying English-Speaking speech communities is the varriable pronunciation of [r] in words like car and sard, for and form. In areas where [r] pronunciation is prestigious, sociolinguists have found patterns like those described above for [h] dropping. The higher a person’s social group, the more [r] they pronounce. Ø Vowels

Example: Sir – What is happening to the humble letter ‘i’ in New Zealand? In many mouths HIM becomes HUM, JIM is JUM and TILL is TULL. I overheard a young girl telling her friend on the phone that she had been to a doctor and had to take six different PULLS a day. After four repititions, she had to spell it to be understood. In this letter the writer is complaining about way New Zealanders pronounce their vowels. The examples illustrate the difficulty of precisely describing differences in the pronunciation of vowels without the aid of a phonetic script. Measuring slight differences in the wat speakers pronounce the ‘same’ vowels is also a challenging task. Ø Other language Similar pattern can be found in any speech community where there is social stratification. In Tehrani Persian, as well as in the Swahili used in Mombasa, the same relationship is found between speech and social class. The higher social groups use more of the standard forms, while the lowest groups use the fewest standard forms. Ø Grammatical pattern This pattern has been noted for a variiety of gramatical variables. Here are some examples of standard and vernacular grammatical forms which have been identified in several English-speaking communities. Form Past tense verb forms Present tense verb forms Negative forms

Ain’t

Example 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

I finished that book yesterday I finish that book yesterday Rose walks to school everyday Rose walk to school everyday Nobody wants any chips Nobody don’t don’t want no chips 7. Jim isn’t stupid 8. Jim ain’t stupid

The higher social groups use more of the standard grammatical form and fewer instances of the vernacular or non-standard form. With the grammatical pattern, the third person singular form of the present tense regular verb (e.g. standard she walks vs vernacular she walk), there is a sharp distinction between middle-class groups and the lower-class groups. People are more aware of social stigma in relation to vernacular grammatical forms, and this is reflected in the lower incidence of vernacular forms among middle-class speakers in particular. Sentences (6) in the list illustrate a pattern of negation which is sometimes called ‘negative concord’ or ‘multiple negation’. Where standard English allows only one negative in each clause, most vernacular dialects can have two or more. In some dialects every possible form which can be negated is negated.

Multiple negations are grammatical construction which has been found in all Englishspeaking communities where a social dialect study has been done. In every community studied it is much more frequent in lower-class speech than in middle-class speech. In fact there is usually a dramatic contrast between the groups in the amount of multiple negations used. It is rare in middle-class speech. 3. Race and Ethnicity Race and ethnicity – correlated differences in language use reflect the effect of bilingualism. For instance, the fact that in some varieties of Mexican, American English voiced (z) is replaced by voiceless (s) (so that speakers say “soo” for “zoo”)may be attributed to transfer or interference from Spanish, which does not have voiced (v) in word initial or word final position. Similarly, Koreans learning has no similar forms; conversely, Koreans may feel uncomfortable with the fact that English does not encode the complete honorific distinction between addressees which are expressed by Korean verbs. Foreign language influences of this type are more likely the more recently one’s family or ethnic group immigrated. But ethnic varieties of English do not merely reflect passive inheritance from a parental or ancestral language. On the contrary, ethnic varieties are often actively maintained or developed to express the distinctive ethnic identify of their users. The example of race and ethnic variety is African – American Vernacular English (AAVE). AAVE is actively an excellent variety to concentrate, since it perhaps more different from Standard English than any other American English dialect. Table below identifier the primary phonological and grammatical features of AAVE. 4. Gender and Social Class Example 5 Linda lives in the south of England and her dad is a lawyer. When she was 10 years old she went to stay for a whole school term with her uncle Tom and auntie Bet in Wigan, a Lancashire town, while her mother was recovering from a car accident. She was made to feel very welcome both in her auntie’s house and the local school. When she went home she tried to describe to her teacher what she had noticed about the way her uncle and auntie talked. ‘Uncle Tom is a plumber’ she told Mrs. Button ‘and he talks just like the other men on the building site where he works – a bit broad. He says ‘ouse’ and ‘ome’ and [kup] and [bus]. When she’s at home auntie Bet talks a bit like uncle Tom. She says “Me feet are killin’ me [luv]. I’ve ‘ad enough standin’ [up] for today”. But she works in a shop and when she’s talking to customers she talks more like you do Mrs Button. She says house and home and she talks real nice – just like a lady.’ The linguistic features which differ in the speech of women and men in Western communities are usually features which also distinguish the speech of people from different social classes. So how does gender interact with social class? Does the speech of women in one social class resemble that of women from different classes, or does it more closely resemble the speech of the men from their own social class? The answer to this question is quite complicated, and is different for different linguistic features. There are however, some general patterns which can be identified.

In every social class men use more vernacular forms than women. Figure 7.1 shows, for instance, that in social dialect interview in Norwich, men used more of the vernacular [in] form at the end of words like speaking and walking than women. And this pattern was quite consistent across five distinct social groups. (Group 1 represents the highest social group.) Notice, too that in the lowest and the highest social groups the women’s speech is closer to that of the men in the same group than to that of women in other groups. In these groups class membership seems to be more important than gender identity. But this is not so true of women in group 2. Their score (of 3 per cent) for vernacular forms is closer to that of women in group 1 than it is to that of men from their own group. This may indicate they identify more strongly with women from the next social groups than with men from their own social group. SOCIAL DIALECTS Social groups in society are not only distinguished based on the area where the group was staying, but can also be discriminated on the basis of social conditions. Thus, social groups within a region can still be grouped-grouped again by the social conditions of each individual. Difference are social groups that can be defined by sex, age, occupation. The difference can also be determined by economic status contrasted group rich and poor; or social status as in the familiar society caste, or any group of educated and uneducated groups. such differences also occur because of the status of power rooted in political cause the ruling group and the group of rabble. In our pluralistic society can see their groups into one because of heredity or ethnicity. All social groups have the potential to have a 'variation of the language' with certain traits that different from other groups. If the potential is really realized to be true then 'variations of the language' that is based on group This becomes a social dialect or Sociolect. Therefore, it appears the variation of speech between different speakers, for example group Middle Class and Working Class in England, between the Brahman caste and Shudra in Bali, between class and class gentry farmers in Java, between Muslims, Jews, Christians in Iraq, although they using the same language. Shape and pattern of social class stratification between communities other diverse communities. If stratification based on employment or income level, it is possible the displacement of speakers from members as one to the other class members. However, if social stratification in public speaker based on caste, the social classes will a clearly defined boundaries because they have a more assertive, namely factor descent. Although the caste system is stable, precisely caste members sometimes necessary know and understand various dialects at the same time. According Trudgil (1974), the cause of the diverse dialects. The variance due to the social constraints (social barriers) and the distance Social (social distances). The development of linguistic features between community members hindered by the limitations in the form of social class, age, race, religion, and factor other. Social distance as social constraints limiting the development of features linguistic, and are the same as geographical distance, the farther away the social level the further distinction linguistic features. Other causes of emergence of diverse dialects is their a tendency that the elite, upper

class tend to want to differentiate themselves with the non-elite, as seen in the following quote "Dominant social. Themselves growing niche groups to mark off symbolically as distinct from the group they dominate and to interpret Reviews their symbols of distinctiveness as evidence of superior moral and intellectual qualities "(Biber and Finegan, 1994). Language Standards as One Dialect

REPORT 5

Group 10 Habibatul Amri 18018096 Hanifatul Husni 18018098 Ifani Ramadhani 18018099 Sania Tricahyati 18018106

“GENDER AND AGE” A. GENDER S. Romaine. 1994. Language in society: the word sex has biological implications. The word gender is more appropriate: it distinguishes people based on their social and/or linguistic behaviour. Women and men from the same speech community may use different linguistic forms. 1. Gender-exclusive speech differences: highly structured communities (i) Gros Ventre (Amerindian tribe in Montana) pronunciation differences, for example: [kja« tsa] women’s form [dΩa« tsa] men’s form ‘bread’ (ii) Bengali (in India) Women: initial [l] Men: initial [n] (iii) Yana (extinct Amerinidian language words used by men are longer than the same words used by women Study the Example #2, p.161. (iv) Japanese Vocabulary differences, for example:

Women’s form Men’s form ohiya mizu water onaka hara stomach oisii umai delicious taberu kuu eat

Pronouns also reflect gender differences in Japanese: Study the examples on p. 161 Changes in modern Japanese: vocabulary differences reflect degrees of formality as opposed to signaling gender!

1 2. Gender-preferential speech features: social dialect research

Speech styles of women and men vary in the frequencies with which they employ particular linguistic alternatives. -ing [˜] vs. -in’ [in] more women use the –ing form In Montreal French, men delete [l] more often than women in phrases such as il y a or il fait. In Sidney (Australia) words like thing may be pronounced with initial [f] more frequently by men! Women tend to use more standard forms! 3. Gender and social class Study Figure 7.1 on p. 164 In the highest and the lowest social groups women score similarly to men: social status appears to be more important than gender identity.

Gender identity is more important in the other social groups! Multiple negations (non-standard forms!) are used in the lower middle class group 32% by men vs. 1% by women. Vernacular forms are used more frequently by men: a typical pattern in many speech communities. This pattern is apparent also for young children – for example, boys use more the in’ form, than girls; their speech contains more frequent consonant cluster simplification in words such as [las] for last, [toul] for told, etc. 4. Explanations of women’s linguistic behaviour 4.1 The social status explanation Hypothesis: women are more status-conscious than men, thus they use the standard form. Standard forms are associated with higher social status -women want to signal social status when using standard speech. Counter argument: working women (having social status!) employ more standard forms than women staying home – Stay-home women reinforce the use of vernacular forms used by those they are in social contact. 2 4.2 Woman’s role as guardian of society’s values Study the Example #6 on p. 168 Society expects “better” behaviour from women – thus it is expected that women speak the standard variety. Comment! In certain social context women use more standard forms than men; in other context they move away from the standard, for example, mother/child conversation, see p. 168. Implications? 4.3 Subordinate groups must be polite Women may employ rising pitch at the end of declarative sentences more frequently, whereas men use a steady or lowering pitch.

The rising pitch variant is interpreted as a questioning contour and, according to R. Lakoff (1975), this leads to women’s self-presentation as hesitant, uncertain, and lacking in assertiveness. “tag questions” (sentences in which the speaker makes a declarative statement and adds on a tag in the form of a question about their assertion). Examples: Jane came home, didn’t she? It is cold here, isn’t it? Lakoff states that women use tag questions as a signal of their reluctance to make direct assertions. They can “avoid committing themselves and thereby avoid conflict with the addressee” Such a deferential style may be perceived as the speaker’s uncertainty and lack of definite opinions. Number of Tag Questions Women Men Facilitative 59% 25% Softening 6% 5%

Softening tags: mitigating the force of command or criticism. Examples: Open the oven door for me, could you? You’re driving rather fast, aren’t you? 3 Facilitative tags: they indicate the speaker’s desire to engage the addressee in continuing conversation. Examples: Still working hard at your office, are you? The hen’s brown, isn’t it? Holmes (1984): There is a significant difference in the functional role of tags in women’s and men’s speech. Men more often use tags for “speaker-oriented” goals, to obtain or confirm information about themselves, whereas women more often use tags for

“addressee-oriented” goals, particularly as strategies to engage addressees in talk. 4.4 Vernacular forms express machismo Study the example #8, p. 169. Men may regard vernacular forms positively: covert prestige! 5. Some alternative explanations The influence of the interviewer and the context • women accommodate the interviewer more than men: they tend to use more standard forms; • men use more vernacular forms when talking to a male interviewer; • women use more standard forms than men in a formal interview. In the interaction of gender with several social factors, there are speech communities where gender is alone influences speech patterns: Examples: (i) Tyneside, England (ii) Reading, England

Study Figure7.2 on p. 174.

B. AGE 1. Age-graded features of speech (i) Pitch differences: social implications! 4 • Lower pitch – socially expected from public figures; they are taken more seriously (Margaret Thatcher underwent training to lower her pitch);

Study the Example #11, p. 175 • Cultures differ with regard to expectations concerning pitch differences. (ii) vocabulary, pronunciation and grammar may reflect age difference: social implications! Study the Example #12, p.176. Middle-class Glaswegians (a Scottish dialect around Glasgow): pronunciation differences between 10-year olds and teenagers (p. 176) Slang relating to age (p. 176) 2. Age and social dialect data Research shows that in Britain and in the US there is not much gender-related difference in the speech of children; in Denmark, however, the difference may be there at the age of four (the role of daycare there): girls use fewer vernacular forms. Vernacular use in English-speaking countries are fewer for middle-age speakers, but again, it increases for old-age speakers: decrease of social pressure! Study Figure 7.3 on p. 178 Middle-aged speakers, in general, use more standard forms. Explain! Study the usage of multiple negation in different age groups, Figure 7.4, p. 179 3. Age grading and language change Increase or decrease of a linguistic form over time: linguistic change! When a form is on the increase, we talk about innovation.

Study Table 7.1 on p. 180 5 Higher use by younger speakers!

C. IS LANGUAGE SEXIST? Language reflects sexism in society: language itself is not sexist. unmarked

marked

heir heiress laundry worker laundress poet poetess actor actress but: governor (governs a state) governess (takes care of children) French l’ami l’amie le chanteur la chanteuse The male form is unmarked! Male referential forms: chairman, postman, Museum of Man But: chairman → chairperson postman → letter carrier etc. Generic ‘man’ and ‘he’ : mankind the man in the street ape-man man-made Peking-man Neanderthal man riddle: If a man can walk seven miles in seven minutes...

Are these terms really generic? ??? Man, being a mammal, breastfeeds his young. In attempting to eliminate the generic he, it is assumed that language affects thought; research shows that generic he tends to suggest that a male referent is in mind (to be discussed in detail later).

REPORT 4

Group 10 Habibatul Amri 18018096 Hanifatul Husni 18018098 Ifani Ramadhani 18018099 Sania Tricahyati 18018106

“ETHNICITY AND SOCIAL NETWORKS” What is ethnicity? Ethnicity is considered to be shared characteristics such as culture, language, religion, and traditions, which contribute to a person or group’s identity. Ethnic Group An ‘ethnic group’ has been defined as a group that regards itself or is regarded by others as a distinct community by virtue of certain characteristics that will help to distinguish the group from the surrounding community. Ethnicity  Many ethnic groups use a distinctive language to identify their ethnicity  If the dominants/main language is use, speakers may incorporate linguistic signals that identify their ethnic background Examples - New Zealanders use Maori linguistic signals like kia ora, eki, ne to express their ethnic identity - Chinese Singaporeans in Singapore use the tag la to express solidarity - Italians in Boston and Sydney use particular high percentage of vernacular pronunciations of certain vowels - Scottish people in New Zealand retain the [r] sound - Jewish people in Boston and New York use marked linguistic tags such as oy vay, and Yiddish vocabulary items such as bagel Example in Indonesia Chinese Indonesian in Surabaya dominantly use Indonesian and Javanese, however there are particular linguistic features, such as: - Words related to the kinship system: tacik, koko, cece in ‘Ikut sama koko sana!’ - Use of pigi for ‘pergi’ (go) - Use of Javanese affixations such as –e in Indonesian words: ‘namae’, ‘orange’

- /r/ sound becomes /l/ sound: /murah/ /murah/ - /t/ sound becomes /k/ sound: /lihat/ /lihak/ African American Vernacular English (AAVE) - It has some features which do not occur in standard American English, and some which less frequently occur - Linguistic differences act as symbols of ethnicity - It exists particularly in the northern cities of the United States Linguistic features represent cultural distinctiveness - Absence of copula be (e.g. ‘she very nice’, ‘he a teacher’ - Use of copula be to signal recurring actions (e.g. ‘she be at school on weekdays’) - Multiple negation (e.g. ‘I don’t have no money’) - Consonant cluster simplification (aks in place of ‘asks’, las in place of ‘last’) British Black English - Members of British Black community (born in England) speak a variety of Jamaican Creole, also known as Patois - Patois used as symbol of ethnic identity. Those who are not fluent in Patois use English with Patois features. This way, their English is marked as “Black” which signals the identity of the speaker. Patois Linguistic Features Vocabulary  Lick meaning: ‘kick’  Kenge meaning: ‘weak’ Pronunciation  [den], [tin] for ‘then’ and ‘thin’ [niem] for ‘name’ Morphology, syntax  Plural forms without /s/ suffix: ‘many cow’  Verbs are not marked for tenses: walk, jump for ‘walked’, ‘jumped’  Simplified pronouns: [mi] for I, me, my and [dem] for they, them, and their Maori New Zealanders Linguistic Features : - Pronunciation Use of [d] sound: then pronounce as ‘den’, the pronounce as ‘de’ - Vocabulary Kia ora for greetings Tangi meaning ‘funeral’ Kuia meaning ‘old woman’

- Grammar Vernacular present tense forms: with /s/ - ‘I says you wanna bet’ Vernacular past tense - ‘She seen it happen…’ Social Networks People’s speech reflects the types of networks they belong to. Features of Social Networks : - Density It refers to whether members of a person’s network are in touch with each other - Plexity It refers to the type of transactions people are involved in • Uniplex relationship: when the link to someone else is only in one area • Multiplex relationship: interactions with others in several dimensions Communities of practice and the construction of social identity Communities of practice develop around the activities which group members engage in together, and their shared objectives and attitudes. Linguistic patterns described by sociolinguists correlate to macro-level categories such as gender, age, ethnicity and class. The concept of community of practice is aimed at understanding the complexities of belonging to a certain group.

“LANGUAGE CHANGE” Studied by both historical linguists and sociolinguists  Diachronic Change – Historical Linguists the change of languages over time e.g. Old English  Middle English  Modern English  Synchronic Change – Sociolinguists. the origins or the causes of language changes how language changes with society or in particular period e.g. Punjabi in Pakistan and Punjabi in India According to Jean Aitchison, language change occurs in three ways - Progress - Decay - Neither Could be both Conscious and Unconscious e.g. Loss of Rhotic ‘r’ – Unconscious Could be Natural or Social e.g. /b/ sound lost in ‘thumb’ – natural Types of Changes 1. Incremental : Used for inventions or items of knowledge Become standard e.g “Selfie”, “emoji” added in dictionaries Native -

Laantain – lanter TV Mobile Picnic Park Menu

2. Decremental :Words not used anymore because of the less usage of the object E.g. words related to swordfighting are not used often ‘pary’ and ‘feint’ Native - Zarra baktar - Manjeek – pathar phainkne wali toop 3. Replacement : replacements of words or structures coexists in language correct both ways e.g half – halfs – halves thievery – theft rise – rose – raised Native

-

Pistol – tamancha School – madrassa Train – gaari Kitaab – Kutab – Kitabain

Causes of Changes 1. Social Status people of higher status introduce changes later considered prestigious Native -

Burger – bun kabab Fries – Chips pronunciation of ‘career’ Baba/’Papa– Abu

2. Interaction / Contact Borrowing Isolation slows process of change Interaction increases influences on other languages Sushi – Japan Native - Gulluband – Farsi – Necklace - Bandar gah – Farsi – seaport - Mayuun – hindi 3. Dialectal Change Difference in vocabulary or pronunciation due to difference in dialects e.g Autumn – fall lift – elevator /r/ sound at the end and ‘schedule’ Native - Shaljam – Thippar (Hazara) – Gongloo (Lahore) - Bahaar – Basant (Lahore) - Piyo(Lahore) – Lala (Hazara) 4.    

Gender Difference between speech of men and women Women introduce more standard forms – beautiful, sweet Men introduce vernacular forms – cool, wicked Women categorize – married/teenager/mrs/miss

Native -

Gaari – Daala/car/totta/mazda/jeep Chacha – Uncle Women – picky more accurate terms Men – simplistic

5. Laziness Occurs mainly because of laziness Shortening or Combining Become widely accepted – Standard I am - I’m Going to – Gonna Native - Assalamoalikum – Salam - Bismillah 6. Imperfect Learning Children learn adult forms imperfectly Majority usage - New strandard Native - Mehendi – Minhadi 7. Culture / Tradition New places, situations, objects Does not matter where they go Native Examples - Lassi - Lacha - Charkha - Chahti Levels of Changes Changes occur on the following levels Phonological (sounds) Syntactic (structure) Semantic (meaning) Lexical (words)

1. Phonological Complex Not sudden – happens over time Examples : Same vowel rule (~a rule) pen ~ pin in some English dialects – not necessary ‘s’ sound at the end of Spanish words como ehtas / ehtah Native -

Sajjan – Sajan Minhadi – Mehendi Gojarwalan – Gujranwala Kilachi – Kirachi

2. Lexical Change Change in the words and vocabulary used Addition of suffixes/prefixes to make new words breakable, thinkable, touchable, etc Addition of ‘s’ and ‘-es’ drink – drinks box – boxes Native - Subh – Subhu – Subha - Sabza – Sabzazar - Deewankhana – Bethak – Drawing room 3. Syntactic Change Changes in word order Double negation – no longer part of English Old English - ne aux – not never Contracted negatives – Old English knew not – didn’t know Comparatives – Old English most shamefullest, more happier Native - Phone karo – Phone lgao - Film lagi hui he – Film chal rahi he 4. Semantic Change Changes related to meanings Broadening Dogge -– specific breed - all dogs Narrowing deer -– any beast - specific animal Opposite Sick – Good Native -

Bandar/gah – Bandargah Sikh – foolish Akhrot Bera tar jaye

-

Bala (musibat) – Every bad thing

REPORT 7 Group 10 Habibatul Amri (18018096) Hanifatul Husni (18018098) Ifani Ramadhani (18018099) Sania Tricahyati (18018106)

LANGUAGE CHANGE It is very easy to demonstrate to English speakers that Languages change over time. At the point where English spelling became relatively fixed by printing, the printers recorded the pronunciations current at the time. In reality it is not so much that language itself changes, as that speakers and writers change the way they use the language. Speaker innovation is a more accurate description than language change. Speakers innovate, sometimes spontaneously, but more often by imitating speakers from other communities.

Variation and Change Language varies in three major ways which are interestingly interrelated – over time, in physical space, and socially. Language change – variation over time – has its origins in spatial (or regional) and social variation. The source of change over time is always current variation. So the regional and social variants described in the previous three chapters provide the basis for language change over time.

How do changes spread? 

From group to group

Many linguists have used the metaphor of waves to explain how linguistic changes spread through a community. Social factors such as age, status, gender and region affect the rates of change and the directions in which the waves roll most swiftly. The wave metaphor is one useful way of visualizing the spread of a change from one group to another.



From style to style

In the speech of a particular individual it suggests the change spreads from one style to another (say from more formal speech to more casual speech), while at the same time it spreads from one individual to another within a social group, and subsequently from one social group to another. 

From word to word

It seems to be the case that sound changes not only spread from one person to another and from one style to another style, they also spread from one word to another. Sound changes spread through different words one by one. This is called lexical diffusion. When a sound change begins, all the words with a particular vowel don’t change at once in the speech of a community.

How do we study language change? Apparent time studies of language change A great deal of linguistic variation is stable but some is an indication of linguistic change in progress. A steady increase or steady decline in the frequency of a form by age group suggests to a sociolinguist that a change may be in progress in the speech community, whereas a bell-shaped pattern is more typical of stable variation. Language change in real time Sometimes, however, it is possible to build on the work of earlier linguists when studying change. Dictionaries which provide a date when a form was first noted can assist in tracing changes in vocabulary over time. Reasons for language change Social status and language change There is still a great deal of research and discussion about which social groups introduce linguistic changes. One answer seems to be that a linguistic change may enter a speech community through social group, but that different types of change are associated with different groups. Gender and language change

Differences in women’s and men’s speech are another source of variation which can result in linguistic change. Sometimes women are the innovators, leading a linguistic change, and sometimes men. Women tend to be associated with changes towards both prestige and vernacular norms, whereas men more often introduce vernacular changes.

REPORT 8 Group 10 Habibatul Amri (18018096) Hanifatul Husni (18018098) Ifani Ramadhani (18018099) Sania Tricahyati (18018106)

STYLE, CONTEXT, AND REGISTER Language varies according to its uses as well as its users, according to where it is used and to whom, as well as according to who is using it. The influence of the addressee on the speaker’s language exemplify from less formal contexts where the solidarity between participants is an important influence on speech style. Addressee as an influence on style The better you know someone, the more casual and relaxed the speech style you will use to them. People use considerably more standard forms to those they don’t know well, and more vernacular forms to their friends. The speaker’s relationship to the addressee is crucial in determining the appropriate style of speaking. Age of addressee People generally talk differently to children and to adults – though some adjusts their speech style or accomodate more than others. Many speakers also use a different style in addressing elderly people, often with features similar to those which characterise their speech to children – a simpler range of of vocabulary and less complex grammar. Social background of addressee This is strong support for the view that the addressee or audience is a very important influence on a speaker’s style. The most convincing evidence of all comes from the behaviour of the same newsreader on different stations. Where the stations share studios, a person may read the same news on two different stations during the same day. In this situation newsreaders produce consistently different

styles for each audience. The news is the same and the context is identical except for one factor – the addressees. Accommodation Theory Speech convergence In other words each person’s speech converges towards the speech of the person they are talking to. This process is called speech accommodation. It tends to happen when the speakers like one another, or where one speaker has a vested interest in pleasing the other or putting them at ease. Converging towards the speech of another person is usually a polite speech strategy, it implies that the addressee’s speech is acceptable and worth imitating. How do speakers accommodate? When people simplify their vocabulary and grammar in talking to foreigners or children, they are converging downwards towards the lesser linguistic proficiency of their addressees. In multilingual countries with many varieties to choose from, people may accommodate to others by selecting the code that is most comfortable for their addressees. Speech divergence For obvious reasons, the respondents deliberately diverged from the speech style, and even the language, of the person addressing them. Deliberately choosing a language not used by one’s addressee is the clearest example of speech divergence. Speech divergence does not always reflect a speaker’s negative attitudes towards the addressees. Where the divergent forms are admired, divergence can be used to benefit the diverger. Accommodation problems Reactions to speech convergence and divergence depend on the reason people think the convergence or divergence is going on. If divergence is perceived as unavoidable, for instance, then the reaction will be more tolerant then when it is considered deliberate. When people come from different backgrounds or have different experiences this may cause occasional problems. An accurate interpretation of a person’s speech behaviour in such cases obviously involves considering more than just the influence of the addressee. The best way of solving an accommodation problem will depend on the context. Context, Style, and Class

Formal context and social roles The choice of appropriate form is influenced not by the personal relationship between the participants, but by the formality of the context and their relative roles and statuses within that setting. Different styles within an interview The basis for the distinctions between the styles was the amount of attention people were paying to their speech. In a situation which involved two strangers, an interview schedule of questions to be answered, and a tape recorder as another member of the audience, it was relatively easy to elicit more formal styles. Colloquial style or the vernacular Taping groups of eople rather than ndividuals, for instance, and choosing a very comfortable or informal setting are strategies which have been found to shift people’s speech towards the vernacular. The interaction of social class and style When we combine information about the way people from different social groups speak with information about the way people speak in different contexts. When they shift styles, people often adopt the linguistic features of a different group. Hypercorrection Hypercorrect usage goes beyond the norm; it involves extending a form beyond the standard. Style in non-Western societies Knowledge of the complexities of stylistic variation in countries reflects a person’s educational level and social status. Better educated people have greater control of the various styles. Register Styles are often analysed along a scale of formality. Register, on the other hand, when they are distinguished from styles, tend to be associated with particular groups of people or sometimes specific situations of use. The term register here describes the language of groups of people with common interests, or jobs, or language used in situations associated with such groups.

REPORT 9

Group 10 Habibatul Amri (18018096) Hanifatul Husni (18018098) Ifani Ramadhani (18018099) Sania Tricahyati (18018106) Speech Functions, Politeness and Cross-cultural

Speech function Language serves a range of functions. It is usually adjusted the speech to suit the social context of speech. The language we talk to a child may be different from the language we talk to our customer or colleague though the purpose is the same. The different purposes of talk can also affect the form of language and the variety of ways. Why do we say the same thing in different ways? The answers to the question basically imply the speech functions. There are a number of ways of kinds the functions of speech. The following list has proved a useful one in sociolinguistic research. 1. Expressive. Utterances express the speaker’s feelings, e.g. I’m feeling great today, I am afraid. 2. Directive utterances attempt to get someone to do something, e.g. Clear the table, wash the clothes, close the door. 3. Referential utterances provide information, e.g. At the third stroke it will be three o’clock precisely, the second presenter will be Mrs. Hanna. 4. Metalinguistic utterances comment on language itself, e.g. ‘Hegemony’ is not a common word. 5. Poetic utterances focus on aesthetic features of language, a poem, an earcatching motto, a rhyme, e.g. Peter Piper picked a peck of pickled peppers. 6. Phatic utterances express solidarity and empathy with others, e.g. Hi, how are you, lovely day isn’t it!

POLITENESS & ADDRESS FORM Politeness is best expressed as the practical application of good manners or etiquette. It is a culturally defined phenomenon, and therefore what is considered polite in one culture can sometimes be quite rude or simply eccentric in another cultural context.

ADDRESS FORM The address form is a word or words used when politely speaking or writing to someone. MN - multiple names, found among the intimately well acquainted; names of food and small animals seem to be especially popular. E.g : honney, sweetie, darling. FN - first name, used among friends or acquaintances. E.g : Jhon, Anna. TLN - title plus last name, used to address those higher in rank or older. E.g : Prof. Anderson. Dr. Smith. LN - last name, a less formal address used by superiors or coworkers to show either. E.g : Ms. Smith. T - title, used especially in the military, less formal than TLN. E.g : my lord, Mister. TT - title plus title, used in very formal settings or with people of very high rank. E.g : Mr. President. Types of politeness a. Positive politeness is solidarity oriented. It emphasises shared attitudes and values. When the boss suggests that a subordinate should use first name (FN) to her, this is a positive politeness move, expressing solidarity and minimising status differences. E.g: Could you take my bags up, please? How about letting me to use your pen, please? b. Negative politeness involves expressing oneself appropriately in terms of social distance and respecting status differences. Using title + last name (TLN) to your superiors, and to older people that you don’t know well, are further examples of the expression of negative politeness. E.g: Could you take my bags up? Hey, buddy, I’d appreciate it if you’d let me use your pen.

CROSS CULTURAL COMMUNICATION The domain of cross-cultural communication is defined by interaction (spoken and written) between participants who have significantly different linguistic and cultural backgrounds. Effective communication with people of different cultures is especially challenging. Cultures provide people with ways of thinking—ways of seeing, hearing, and interpreting the world. Hence the same words can mean different things to people from different cultures, even when they talk the "same“ language. When the languages are different, and translation

has to be used to communicate, the potential for misunderstandings increases. Non Verbal Communication Actions Speaking Louder Than Words

Non Verbal Communication Actions Speaking Louder Than Words Non Verbal Communication are messages that are conveyed through body movements, facial expressions, and the physical distance between the sender and receiver. Non-verbal Communication Cultures may be either Low-‐context or High‐context: a. Low‐context cultures rely more on content rather than on context. They give value to the written word rather than oral statements. b. High‐context cultures infer information from message context, rather than from content. They rely heavily on nonverbal signs and prefer indirectness, politeness &ambiguity. Example : In the UK however, the British communication culture is very different. You need to listen to much more than the words in the UK. People say one thing but mean another. Saying something is “fine” in the UK really means it is not fine – it’s the exact opposite.

REPORT 10 Group 10 Habibatul Amri (18018096) Hanifatul Husni (18018098) Ifani Ramadhani (18018099) Sania Tricahyati (18018106)

“GENDER, POLITENESS AND STEREOTYPES” WOMEN’S LANGUAGE AND CONFIDENCE -Women were using language which reinforced their subordinate status; they were ‘colluding in their own subordination’ by the way they spoke (Robin Lakoff). -She identified linguistic features which used more often by women than by men expressed uncertainty and lack of confidence.

WOMEN’S LANGUAGE Example : •

Oh dear, the telephone is broken

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Would you please close the door for me?

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My goodness, what happened to him?

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Well, I think that is a bit harsh.

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It was a brilliant performance.

FEATURES OF WOMEN’S LANGUAGE •

Lexical hedges or fillers (you know, well, sort of)

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Tag questions (she’s very nice, isn’t she?)

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Rising intonation on declaratives (it’s really good?)

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“Empty” adjectives (divine, charming, cute)

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Precise color terms (magenta, aquamarine)

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Intensifiers (so, just)

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Hypercorrect grammar

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Superpolite forms (indirect request)

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Avoidance of strong swear words (my goodness)

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Emphatic stress (it was a BRILLIANT performance)

LAKOFF’s LINGUISTIC FEATURES TAG IS USED TO: •

Express uncertainty

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As positive politeness devices

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To provide a topic of conversation

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To soften a directive or criticism

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Used as confrontational

Interruptions •

Interruption is an interval or intermission which usually happens in the middle of conversational interaction or an act of delaying or interrupting the continuity of our words.

Feedback •

Feedback is the return of information about the result of a process or activity. Woman as cooperative conversationalists -> provide more encouraging feedback than men do

Explanations •

Why men do more interruption than woman and why men give less encouraging feedback to their conversational partners than woman do?

GENDER In interruption For instance: Woman doctors were consistently interrupted by their patients, while male doctors did most of the interrupting in their consultations. The position of women reflected in these patterns has more to do with gender than role or occupation.

Gossip  Gossip describes the kind of relaxed in group talk that goes on between people in informal contexts.  Gossip is defined as ‘idle talk’ in Western community.

The Construction of Gender  Approaching gender identify as a construction, rather than as fixed category, is also useful in accounting for examples where women adapt to “ Masculine “ contexts, and men adapt to “ Feminine “ contexts.  Women in the police force , for instance, are sometime advised to portray a masculine image – to wear bulky sweaters suggesting upper-body strength, and well-worn boots to suggest they are used to hard work.  Men who work in clothing shops and hairdressing salons, on the other hand, often construct a more ‘ feminine ‘ identify in these contexts then when they are in the pup or the sports club changing room.

Sexist Language 

Sexist Language is one example of the way, a culture or society conveys its values from one group to another and from one generation to the next.

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Sexist language encodes stereotyped attitudes to women and men. In principle, than, the study of sexist language in concerned with the way language expresses both negative and positive stereotypes of both women and men.

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In practice, research in this area has concentrated on the ways in which language conveys negative attitudes to women.

Can a Language be Sexist ? Feminists have claimed that English is a sexist language. At first sight it may seem odd to suggest that a language rather than its speakers are sexist. Sexism involves behavior, which maintains social inequalities between women and men. Can a language contribute to the maintenance of social inequalities between women and men ?

There are a number of ways in which it has been suggested that the English language discriminates against women. Most obviously, perhaps, in the semantic area the English metaphors available to describe women include an extraordinarily high number of derogatory images compared to those used to describe men.

“Language, Cognition and Culture” Language and Perception: (How can language affect perception and behavior?) Most sociolinguists believe that language influences our perception of reality. (Explanation of example 2): This is a text written by a male medical doctor to his students. It talks about a surgery that is done to women. It says that the doctors should explain to the women that it has no side effects, because women wrongly believe that such an operation undermines their sexual urge. the most obvious feature to be noticed in such a text is its impersonal and detached tone which is achieved by the use of agentless passive constructions such as “surgery is indicated”, and impersonal nouns like “the doctor, the patient”, and formal devices like nominalization. The opening sentence of the text presents an insulting saying as a common knowledge. Such a text affects the perception of the students, and influences their behavior towards their women patients.

Verbal hygiene: ·

A term used by Debora Cameron.

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It describes how people discuss matters of language.

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It covers a wide range of activities from writing letters of complain over the abuse of language to prescribing what is regarded as acceptable, correct and proper in different contexts. It also covers how language can be used as political weapon.

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The discussion of sexist language is a proof that women engaged actively in verbal hygiene that reflected their belief that making a change in language use is worthwhile.

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The deliberate adoption of non-sexist forms like “chairperson” often leads to accusations of political correctness. The debate of political correctness has often focused on linguistic terms. For example, the term “crippled” is not acceptable any more to the extent that the Crippled Children Society in New Zealand is now being referred to by its acronyms only. The term

was then substituted with disabled, and now to the phrase “person with a disability”. Therefore, linguistic interventions challenge taken-for-granted offensive assumptions. ·

Maoist China is also an example of the co-option of language as a political purpose. Mao paid attention to language to widen his revolutionary goals. He controlled public communication and the education system. “Quotations from Chairman Mao Zedong” was published in 1964, and the quotations dominated everyday life. Quotation and counter quotation became heard in good-bargaining in the markets, and newspapers were also full of extracts from Mao’s works. Mao believed in the role of language in educating people, and shaping their values attitudes. To achieve this goal, powerful groups were established called Mao Zedong Thought Propaganda Teams. Critics suggest that Mao’s quotations provided an ideal method of brain-washing huge populations of illiterate people. They consisted of short formulae which were easy to remember and repeat. They encoded a particular position which was that of the dominant party, and which were reinforced by material used in the educational system, making it difficult to take or express an opposite position. Mao’s revolution was due to his skills as a propagandist as well as his military and political prowess. He also used formulaic language to promote conformist attitudes and thinking. (This approach also suggests that here is a relation between language and thought.) Vocabulary and cognition: (how the use of certain words affect the behavior of people’s thinking and attitude). The relationship between language, thought and reality has fascinated linguists. The linguist whose name was associated with such investigation was Benjamin Lee Whorf. He was an anthropological linguist who worked for a fire insurance company. He investigated the American English as a hobby at the beginning. In processing insurance claims, he noticed that particular words influenced the behavior and perception of people. for example, a person may throw cigarette butts near a gasoline barrel just because he/she finds the label “empty” on it.

Linguistic determinism: This term is made by Sapir-Whorf. It means that people of different cultures think differently because of their language differences. A native speaker of Hopi would perceive reality differently than a native speaker of English because they use different languages.

Linguistic relativity: A claim that is less strong than linguistic determinism. It means that language influences thought, perception and at least behavior. The main problem in assessing Whorf claim is the danger of inescapable circularity. Languages and thoughts of their speakers as well differ. But the only evidence we have for this difference in thought is the fact that the languages used are different. This is why investigating the relationship between thought and language is very challenging, because we want to know how language can influence thinking without taking language as an evidence of thought processes. Many experiments were devised to test this Whofer-Sapir hypothesis. If this hypothesis is right, then the colors which are not identified in one’s language shouldn’t be having names. (Why it is wrong?) ·

But this was not the case in Dani, a tribe in New Guinea, where the people used only two color terms corresponding to Dark and Light, but they could distinguish between subtle shades of colors that their language had no names for (pale blue VS turquoise). This means that the hypothesis is wrong.

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Other experiments suggest that people remember colors which are coded in their language more easily than those which are not.

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Some languages have linguistic categories which take account of the shape of the object. E.g. The form of Navaho verbs is sometimes determined by the shape of the object. Navaho children are therefore faster than the English speaking children in categorizing blocs by shapes, and also ten to group them according to shape, whiled English speaking children group things according to color.

Grammar and Cognition: Grammatical categories such as tense, aspect, and gender encode aspects of reality differently in different languages. In studying the Hopi verb system, Whorf found out that Hopi conception of time is different than that of the western culture. Hopi

European languages

They conceive time as cycles of events and They conceive time as a road with future sets of processes rather than units of time. Conjugating

Hopi

verbs

requires

an

analysis of events in terms of dynamic

ahead and past behind.

motion expressed by aspect markers rather than tense markers. Hopi was better equipped to deal with indo-European processes

and

vibrations

of

languages

have

tense

modern systems.

physics. These concepts of physics were coded in the verb morphology of Hopi, and this forced the Hopi to notice the vibratory phenomena. Later studies showed that Hopi has tenses and

words

for

time

units,

most

sociolinguists consider Whorf suggestion is an interesting one to indicate how speakers of different languages filter reality.

The areas of experience which are important to cultures tend to be grammaticalised in their languages. Something is grammaticalised when it s functions less and less like an independent item, and more and more in the grammatical system such as an affix or an auxiliary verb.

Linguistic categories and culture Language provides a means of encoding a community’s knowledge, believes, values. (culture). It was believed that the primitive languages are simple in grammar, but this is not true. Dyirbal, an Australian aboriginal language is a very grammatically complex language. The culture of this region goes back to thousands of years. Every noun belongs to one of four classes. Particular types of experience establish associations which determine the class membership of some items. The system can be summarized to the following categories, which are unlike the western tradition. ·

(Human) males, some animals.

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(Human) females, birds, water, fire, fighting

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Non flesh food.

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Everything else.

Even at the lexico-semantic level aboriginal languages challenge western preconceptions about primitive languages. In Kunwinjku, there are more terms to distinguish the kangaroos and wallabies than English. This is because the fact that kangaroos are a very important factor in the environment of the aboriginal people. Tahitians don’t make a distinction between sadness and sickness. Both words can indicate the same meaning. However, western medical practice regards depression as an illness, and expresses it with terms that may sound odd to the non-European speaker such as he is feeling blue, in low spirits, and so on.

In Maori: -

the word “mate” covers a wide range of meaning that begins with sick and reaches to dead.

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Maori kinship terminology is also different as it distinguishes between siblings in different ways.

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In Maori culture relative age is very important. Even the status of the tribe “iwi” which you belong to will be identified in “teina” and “tuakana” terms relatives to other tribes.

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The importance of the extended family as an important social unit is also reflected in the kinship system. Kinship labels reflect the mutual rights and obligations of different members of the family towards each other. In rural areas of New Zealand, Maori children grow up in close contact with their grandparents, aunties and uncles. They use the same term for the mother and the mother’s sister “whaea” and they use the same term for the father and the father’s brothers “papa”. The same pattern holds for terms used to refer to the child’s siblings and cousins. In these cases, gender and relative age are semantically marked, but degree of kinship is not lexically distinguished. So the lexical labels identify those with similar social rights and obligations in relation to the speaker. Clearly, linguistic terminology reflects cultural relationships.

Discourse Patterns and Culture The intertwining of language, culture and perception is evident when we examine research on patterns of interaction too. Cultural differences between the majority and the minority cultures can lead to serious consequences as a research by Diana Eades clarifies when comparing aboriginal and non-aboriginal Australians. When both groups use the same language culturally different patterns of interaction can be a source of misunderstanding. Aboriginal societies in Australia place a great importance on indirectness: it is important to avoid being intrusive. This is done by giving people interact- ional privacy which is a crucial

mechanism in a society where there is frequently little physical privacy. In discourse, this socio-cultural norm is reflected in a number of ways: 1- If you want info from an aboriginal person regarding factual information like location, time, and how people are related, you must use a statement with a rising intonation like: “you were at the store?” 2- To have substantial information, less direct statements are used to gather the info. Direct questions are not used, and they are likely to be responded with “I don’t know” or “I don’t remember”. The information seeker volunteers some of his/her knowledge on the topic and then waits patiently for the other speaker to answer. Ex: “I heard there was a big argument at the store”. 3- In aboriginal societies some kinds of information are not freely shared, and silence is much more acceptable as a component of interaction. Since Non aboriginal norms dominate the Australian society, aboriginal people are often disadvantaged and misunderstood or misinterpreted as evasive or as evidence of guilt. Cultures described as “positive politeness” or “solidarity oriented cultures” value involvement with others, while negative politeness cultures emphasize respect and minimize intrusion. On such a basis, aboriginal society seems a negative politeness culture. In fact however, aboriginal society is characterized by high international involvement, on-going serial, open-ended conversations, and places great value on group activities which build solidarity. The analysis of interaction patterns in aboriginal communities raises questions about the adequacy of the simple negative/positive politeness framework. Research on aboriginal communities suggests that a feature such as preference of indirect ways of conveying information reflects a distinctive perception of socio-cultural relationships. Aboriginal interactions give personal relationships priority over information-oriented goals. They prioritize the affective over the referential dimension. Indirectness is an obligatory aspect of respect, and long non-intrusive silences are tolerated. It seems that preferred discourse patterns and linguistic usages may reflect and even influence a particular view of society reality and socio-cultural relationships.

Language, social class and cognition Basil Bernstein was interested in the fact that there are possible cognitive implications where groups use different varieties of the same language. Bernstein was concerned with the British students who belong to the working class who were not progressing in school. But rather than deducing that school teachers preferred student who used more standard varieties,

the researchers began to examine the features of the working class students’ speech, and they mistakenly assumed that the kind of language they used in the interviews represent their actual linguistic competence, where they used short monosyllabic responses, the thing that made the researchers think that their linguistic resources are restricted. Bernstein also suggested that a restricted code would constrain the cognitive ability of the working class students, and argued that the language they used have affected their perception and thinking abilities. There is no evidence to support this claim but unfortunately it had great appeal in accounting for the failure of low class students in school, and placed the blame on the children rather than on the teachers. Benefits of Bernstein’s hypothesis: It made the sociolinguists examine Whorf’s claims of the relationship between language, thought and society more thoroughly, leading to a more detailed study of vernacular varieties and a very clear recognition that dialect differences were comparatively superficial aspects of language which could not lead to thinking differences. His research however was simplified and mis-interpreted, as the linguistic variation like choosing from the pronouns (me-i) in “between you and i/me” or marking explicitly the past tense in sentences can not be taken as evidence of linguistic or cognitive deficit in speakers.