Etymological dictionary of the Baltic inherited lexicon 9789004278981, 9004278982 [PDF]

Zitiervorschau

Etymological Dictionary of the Baltic Inherited Lexicon

Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series Edited by Alexander Lubotsky

VOLUME13

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ieed

Etymological Dictionary of the Baltic Inherited Lexicon By

Riek Derksen

BRILL LEIDEN ·BOSTON 2015

This publication has been made possible by the financial support of the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO).

lSSN 1574-3586 lSBN 978-90-04-27898-1 (hardback) Copyright 2015 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill and Hotei Publishing.

AI! rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for intemal or personai use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the apprapriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center,

222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

D FSC

MIX

Paperfrom responsible sources

FSC" C109576

l'rintcd hy l'rintfon'l', the Netlwrlands

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE

.............................................................•.•.................................................................

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS INTRODUCTION L

.

vii

...................................................... .......................................

.

ix

.

..... ................................................................................................... ..............

Origin of the dictionary

.

..................... ..............................................................................

l l

2. The Baltic languages and their dialects ........................................................................... 2 East and West Baltic ............................................................................................ 2 2.1 Lithuanian ............................................................................................................ 3 2.2 Latvian .................................................................................................................. 4 2.3 Old Prussian ........................................................................................................ 4 2.4 3. Stress and tone in Baltic .................................................................................................... 5 Lithuanian ............................................................................................................ 5 3.1 3.2 Latvian ................................................................................................................... 8 The relationship between the Lithuanian and Latvian prosodic systems ... 11 3.3 Old Prussian ....................................................................................................... 12 3.4 4. Theoretical framework .................................................................................................... 14 General considerations and Proto-Indo-European ...................................... 14 4.1 Balto-Slavic accentology ................................................................................... 15 4.2 4.2.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 15 Balto-Slavic developments ............................................................................... 15 4.2.2 4.2.2.1 The rise of the mobile paradigm ..................................................................... 16 4.2.2.2 Hirt's law ............................................................................................................. 17 4.2.2.3 Winter's law ........................................................................................................ 18 The rise of the East Baltic tones....................................................................... 19 4.2.3 Slavic accentology ............................................................................................. 20 4.2.4 4.2.4.1 Introduction: Stang 1957 .................................................................................. 20 4.2.4.2 Progressive shifts ............................................................................................... 21 4.243 Illič-Svityč's law and the neuter o-stems ........................................................ 23 4.244 The fate of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex in Slavic ....................... 24 4.3 Substratum borrowings .................................................................................... 27 5. Structure of the entries .................................................................................................... 28 Headword ........................................................................................................... 28 5.1 Lithuanian .......................................................................................................... 28 5.2 Latvian ................................................................................................................. 29 5.3 5-4 Old Prussian ....................................................................................................... 29 5.5 Balto-Slavic ........................................................................................................ 30

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

5.6 5.6.1 5.6.2 5.6.3 5.7 5.7.1 5.p 5.7.3 5.7.4 5.8 5.9 5.10 5.11

Proto-Slavic .............................................................................. .......................... 31 Grammatical information ................................................................................ 31 Accent paradigm ..................................................................... ....... .................... 31 Meaning ................................ ............................................... ............................... 32 Slavic ...................... ................................................................ .............................. 32 Church Slavic ..... .. . . . .... . ... . .... . ... ... .. . ... . 32 East Slavic ........................................................................................................... 33 West Slavic ................................................................................ .......................... 33 South Slavic .............................................................................. .......................... 34 Proto-Indo-European ........................................................... ............................ 35 Indo-European cognates ......................................................... .......................... 35 Discussion of the etymology ............................................................................ 35 Cross-references .................................................................... ............................. 35 .

............ ..... . ..

......... .

. .

... .............

.

...........

. .

.

6. Dictionaries, grammars, and old texts 6.1 Lithuanian ................................................................................ .......................... 35 6.2 Latvian .................................................................................. ............................... 38 6.3 Old Prussian .......................................................................... ............................. 39 DICTIONARY

.

..

.

. ..

.................. .................... ..

..

.

. .......

................ . ........ ................ ...

.

............... .....

43

Lithuanian .............................................................................. ............................................... 43 Latvian 526 Old Prussian ................................................................... ..................................................... 555 .................................................................................................................................

REFERENCES INDICES

.

.

............... .......................... ..........................

.. . .

. .. .. ..

.. . ... ... ......... .

..

.

.

. .. .

............ .... .

... .................

.. . .

. . .........

.. .. . . ..

...

.

.

.

..... .... .......... .............

. ..... . .

. .. ............. ..

.. . .................

569 595

PREFACE

My work on the Baltic etymological database on which this dictionary is based began in april 1998 but was discontinued a few months later when I switched to the Slavic component of the Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project. The original project was taken up again in the spring of 2002. It was financed by the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO), whose support I gratefully acknowledge. From July 2005 until January 2008 I was employed part-time as an editor of the Indo-European Etymological Dictionary project, which position was financed by Leiden University and Brill. In this period I completed the Slavic etymological database as much as possible and transformed it into a book (Derksen 2008a). These activities were of great benefit to the present publication. In October 2009, I took up my first position as a teacher of classics in secondary education. At the same time I enrolled in a course that was created to meet the lack of qualified teachers in this field. For a number of years I was virtually inactive in linguistics. Towards the end of 2013, during a period of unemployment, I decided to make an effort to finish the Baltic etymological dictionary. The decision to publish separate Baltic and Slavic etymological dictionaries made a certain overlap unavoidable. This holds true for both the introduction and the dictionary proper. I believe that the efficiency that could have been gained by a single-volume dictionary is less important than the fact that two seperate dictionaries are better suited to serve as tools for further research. Hopefully, I shall be able to provide additions and corrections to both dictionaries by way of Brill's online databases. With the exception of Alexander Lubotsky, who once again proved to be an astute proofreader, and Maarten Hijzelendoorn, whose macro for generating the indices could fortunately be revived, I shall refrain from thanking the same people as in my Slavic dictionary, though I really should thank every single one of them again. Instead I would like to express my gratitude to the various Lithuanian and Latvian institutions that through the years have aided and supported me, among other things by providing me with valuable scholarly literature, old and new. The languages and cultures of the Baltic countries deserve mare interest than they presently seem to generate. A lack of financial means cannot excuse the fundamental indifference towards minor fields of study that has recently become characteristic of many academic institutions. Many thanks to Aleksey Andronov, Axel Holvoet, Daniel Petit, Bonifacas Stundžia, Peteris Vanags, and Steve Young, who along with many other colleagues have stimulated me in one way or another to remain active in the field of Baltic linguistics. Leiden, September 2014

ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

ABBREVIATIONS OF LANGUAGES

Aeol. Alb. Arm. Av. Bel. Bret. BSl. Bulg. Celtib. CLuw. cs

Cz. Čak. Dor. Dz. Est. Fi. Gaul. Gk. Go. Hitt. Kajk. Karel. Kash. LAv. LSrb. Lat. Latv. Lith. Liv. Lomb. Mac. MBulg. Mcd. M Du. ME Mess. MHG

Aeolic Albanian Armenian Avestan Belorussian Breton Balto- Slavic Bulgarian Celtiberian Cuneiform Luwian Church Slavic Czech Čakavian Doric Dzūkian Estonian Finnish Gaulish Greek Gothic Hittite Kajkavian Karelian Kashubian Late Avestan Lower Sorbian Latin Latvian Lithuanian Livonian Lombardian (Ancient) Macedonian Middle Bulgarian Macedonian Middle Dutch Middle English Messapian Middle High German

Mlr. MLat. MLG MoDu. MoE MoFr. MoGk. MoHG Mole. Molr. MoLG Mong. MoP Mor. MP MW Myc. Nw. O Bel. ocs

OCz. OE OFri. OHG Ok. Olr. OLat. OLith. OP OPI. O Pr. ORu. OS Osc. OSlk. Osset. OSw. ow

Middle Irish Medieval Latin Middle Low German Modern Dutch Modern English Modern French Modern Greek Modern High German Modern Icelandic Modern Irish Modern Low German Mongolian Modern Persian Moravian Middle Persian Middle Welsh Mycenaean Norwegian Old Belorussian Old Church Slavic Old Czech Old English Old Frisian Old High Herman Old Icelandic Old Irish Old Latin Old Lithuanian Old Persian Old Polish Old Prussian Old Russian Old Saxon Oscan Old Slovak Ossetic Old Swedish Old Welsh

x

Pal. Phr. PGmc. Piem. Pl. Plb. PSI. Rom. Ru. RuCS SCr. SerbCS Skt. Slk.

ABBREVIA TIONS AND SYMBOLS

Sln. Slnc. Span. Sw. Tam. Thrac. Toch. Ukr. USrb. Veps.

Palaic Phrygian Proto-Germani e Piemontese Polish Polabian Proto-Slavic Romanian Russian Russian Church Slavic Serbo-Croatian Serbian Church Slavic Sanskrit Slovak

w

WFri. Žem.

Slovene Slovincian Spanish Swedish Tamian Thracian Tocharian Ukrainian Upper Sorbian Vepsian Welsh West Frisian Žemaitian

ABBREVIATIONS OF GRAMMATICAL TERMS, E TC.

A act. adj. adv. aor. AP e e.

conj. D du. f. G imper. impf.

accusative active adjective adverb aorist accent paradigm consonant commune conjunctive dative dual feminine genitive instrumental imperative imperfect

inf. inj. L m. med. N n. sg. pass. pf. pl. pres. pret. pte. v

v.

infinitive injunctive locative masculine middle nominative neuter singular passive perfect plural present preterite participle vocative verb

SYMBOLS * > < >> e, which may have taken place before the 13th century. Here the distinction between Aukštaitian and Žemaitian dialects is not represented as a deep-rooted dialectal difference. It is rather the assimilation of neighbouring tribes at later stages that shaped the appearance of the Lithuanian dialects. In the case of Zemaitian, we are dealing with a Couronian =

'A convenient overview of the features of the various dialect groups can be found in Balode and Holvoet 2ooia: 51-79.

4

INTRODUCTION

substratum, which Zinkevičius holds responsible for the reflexes ū, f (S), qu, ęi (N), Q, ę (W) corresponding with Aukštaitian uo, ie. The northwestern East Aukštaitian dialects were partly shaped by Semigallian and Selonian substrata and South Aukštaitian was influenced by Y otvingian. Of course, one must be aware of the danger of circularity (the knowledge of the substratum languages being based on the very same dialect characteristics that are to be accounted for), but the extinction of Baltic tribal languages is certainly a factor to be reckoned with. 2.3

Latvian

One may distinguish three Latvian dialect groups (cf. Endzelins 1922a: 1-6, Rudzite 1964: 29, Gaters 1977: 13-14, Balode and Holvoet 2001b: 16-40 ). The Central dialect is spoken in Vidzeme, Zemgale, and the southern part of Kurzeme. The Tamian or Livonian dialect is spoken in the northern part of Kurzeme as well as in certain northern areas of Vidzeme. The High Latvian dialect group comprises the dialects of Latgale, East Vidzeme, and the so-called Selonian dialects of East Zemgale. The Central dialect and the Tamian dialect are regarded to be closer to one another than to High Latvian and for this reason they are sometimes grouped together as Low Latvian. The rise of the standard language is the subject of R�e-Draviųa 19772.4

Old Prussian

As mentioned above, the Old Prussian language is only sparsely documented. Apart from the Elbing Vocabulary, Simon Grunau's Vocabulary, and the three catechisms (see 6.3), we merely have a number of fragments. The Elbing Vocabulary (EV), which dates from around 1400, and the catechisms (1ih century) are often considered to represent different dialects. The dialect reflected by EV is called Pomesanian, while the dialect of the catechisms is called Samlandian or Sambian. The Old Prussian epigram (Iate 14'h century) and an Old Prussian proverb (161h century) seem to reflect the Pomesanian dialect. In the Duchy of Prussia, the Prussians constituted the lowest class. The position of the Lithuanians was stronger, if only because they belonged to a people that for the greater part lived in the neighbouring Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In the 161h and lih centuries the Prussians were rapidly germanized. The final blow to their existence as a separate entity may have been the plague of the period 1709-1711. There are reasons to believe that the Prussians were partly assimilated by the Lithuanians. The 1ih -century historian Matthaus Pratorius has provided us with examples of the Lithuanian of Nadrovia, which in his opinion was the true Prussian language, in contrast with what he calls the corrupt Prussian of the catechisms (cf. Young 2004, 2007). Pratorius's view was misguided, of course. The language of Nadrovia was clearly Lithuanian, but there are indeed a number of forms that must have originated from a Prussian substratum.

INTRODUCTION

5

3. STRESS AND TONE IN BALTIC2 3.1.

Lithuanian

The Lithuanian standard language3 distinguishes between a sharply falli ng tone (acute) and a smoothly rising tone (circumflex), which occur exclusively on stressed long vowels and diphthongs4, e.g. motina 'mother', kaimas 'village', puodas 'pot', darbas 'work' vs. ponas 'sir', vaikas 'child', kuopti 'clean', daržas 'garden'. Short stressed vowels are designated by a gravis, e.g. rasti 'find', durys 'door'. Acute i- and u-diphthongs ending in a resonant have a gravis on the first element, e.g. pilnas 'full' , žiurkė 'rat', because in the normative pronunciation the first element is short and lax. The prosodic systems of the Zemaitian dialects differ considerably from the Aukštaitian system. One of the main features is the broken tone as the reflex of an old accented acute. W e shall have a closer look at the Zemaitian prosodic systems towards the end of this section. In the Lithuanian standard language, in South Aukštaitian and many W est and East Aukštaitian dialects as well as in a few Zemaitian dialects, stress is free and mobile. In the northern part of the Lithuanian linguistic territory, we find a gradual retraction of the stress from final syllables. In the southeastern parts of this area, including the South Zemaitian Raseiniai region, the stress is only retracted from short endings to a penultimate long syllable. In two small bordering areas, including another part of the South Zemaitian territory, the stress is retracted from short endings to the penultimate syllable, irrespective of its quantity. An unconditional retraction of the stress from short and circumflex final syllables is found in most Zemaitian dialects as well as in the northernmost West Aukštaitian and bordering East Aukštaitian dialects (cf. Grinaveckis 1961, Zinkevičius 1966: 37-40, 447) . While in the Aukštaitian dialects the stress is retracted to the preceding syllable, the Žemaitian dialects with an unconditional (or visuotinis 'general') retraction of the stress shift the ictus to the initial syllable, proclitics and prepositions included. The retraction may also affect syllables that had received the ictus as a result of apocope (cf. Zinkevičius 2006: 222 ). The originally stressed syllable receives secondary stress. It is possible for a word to have secondary stress on a number of syllables. Originally unstressed posttonic long endings, for instance, typically have secondary broken tone (cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 42-45, Young 1991: 27) . In Standard Lithuanian and most Aukštaitian dialects, on the other hand, there is no secondary stress. Since acute syllables do not lose the ictus, Zemaitian never reaches the stage of Latvian, which has fixed stress on the initial syllable.5

'This section is an adaptation of Derksen 1996: 9-17. Standard Lithuanian seems to be in the process of losing its tone, cf. Robinson 1984 and Young 199ia. From a dialectgeographical perspective one could say that tonai contrasts on long monophthongs as well as ie and uo are difficult to distinguish or absent in centrai and southern Lithuania, cf. Zinkevičius 1966: 33-36, Kazlauskas 1966-1967: 119. 4 This indudes tautosyllabic sequences of a short vowel and resonant, which are called mixed diphthongs or semidiphthongs. 5 The stress is also not retracted from medial syllables. 3 Actually,

6

INTRODUCTION

Lithuanian nouns belong to one of four accent paradigms, of which AP l is barytone, whereas AP 2, 3 and 4 are mobile. In the case of nouns with a monosyllabic stem, there is a connection between the tone of the root and the accent paradigm to which a word belongs. The root is acute in AP l and 3 but short or circumflex in AP 2 and 4, e.g. vyras l 'man', ratas 2 'wheel', darbas 3 'work', draūgas 4 'friend'. For the curves of the accent paradigms in the various nominal formations I refer to Ambrazas et ai. 1997 (126-133, 159-164) or any other Lithuanian grammar or manual. Nouns with a polysyllabic stem belong to AP 2 if there are case forms which are stressed on the last syllable of the stem and if this syllable is short or circumflex, e.g. mokykla 2, Asg. mokyklą 'school'. Otherwise, nouns with a polysyllabic stem may only belong to AP l or 3. In the latter case, the tone of the root is usually indicated by the addition • (acute) or b (non-acute), e.g. vanduo 3• (Asg. vandeni) 'water' vs. akmuo 3b (Asg. akmen!) 'stone'. If the stem is trisyllabic, we sometimes find an extra addition, e.g. auksakalys 34• (Asg. auksakal!) 'jeweller' vs. pasiuntinys 34b (Asg. pasiuntin!) 'minister', where the 4 indicates that in the barytone case forms the stress falls on the fourth syllable from the end. The distribution of nouns over the accent paradigms according to the intonation of the syllable preceding the ending suggests that it is possible to reconstruct a stage with a smaller number of accent paradigms. It was Ferdinand de Saussure who showed that the accent paradigms 2 and 4 can be derived from the paradigms l and 3, respectively, by means of a stress shift from a circumflex or short syllable to an immediately following acute syllable (1896: 157). The progressive shift must have operated at a stage prior to Leskien's law (1881), according to which acute vowels in finai syllables were shortened. It follows from what has been said above that in AP 2 finai stress is always due to Saussure's law, that in AP 3 finai stress is old, and that AP 4 combines the finai stress of AP 2 and 3. In the singular of the a-stems, for instance, the end-stressed forms are: AP 2: N. ranka, I. ranka AP 3: N. galva, G. galvos, L. galvoje, Ill. galvon AP 4: N. alga, G. algos, L alga, L. algoje, Ill. algon. An originally acute ending has usually been preserved in the compound adjective, because here Leskien's law did not operate, e.g. Nsg. f. geroji, Isg. f. gerqja (from geras 'good'). For more details about the four accent paradigms I refer to Derksen 1991: 67-72. In the finite verbai forms, finai stress is limited to the first and second persons of the singular. The place of the stress in these forms is completely predictable on the basis of Saussure's law, with the exception of the future tense, where the law apparently did not operate. Thus, we find ISg. augu, 2sg. augi, 3 auga (augti 'grow') vs. lsg. metu, 2sg. meti, 3 meta (mesti 'throw'), cf. the reflexive forms ISg. skutuos(i), 2sg. skuties(z), 3 skutas({) (skustis 'shave') . The original distinction between verbs with fixed stress and verbs with mobile stress can be observed in a limited number of instances only, e.g. sako, nesako (2) vs. veda, neveda (4). The equivalent of AP 3 has largely been eliminated as a

7

INTRODUCTION

consequence of Saussure's law, which entailed a stress shift from proclitics to a following acute root. The only remnants of this class in Lithuanian are end-stressed participial forms, such as duodqs, ėdqs, cf. Latv. duomu, ęmu with a broken tone reflecting earlier accentual mobility (Kortlandt 1977a: 327). Saussure's law and Leskien's law are comparatively recent developments, which affected all Lithuanian dialects. We must therefore start from a Proto-Lithuanian system with four accent paradigms (cf. Illič-Svityč 1963: 11 1979: 9 ). ln dictionaries such as the LKž and in studies that are not actually dialect descriptions, it is common practice to convert dialect forms and their accentuation to Standard Lithuanian forms. In spite of their daunting appearance, even Žemaitian forms generally allow us to recover their original accentuation. The intricate interplay of stress and tone in this area is extremely interesting. In most Žemaitian dialects, originally stressed acute syllables have broken tone (laužtinė priegaidė), i.e. a rising-falling tone which at its peak is interrupted by a glottal stop. The realization of the broken tone is not free of variation, glottalization being more prominent in the West. 6 The dialects in the South and the East of the Žemaitian territory as well as the neighbouring Aukštaitian dialects have Sto6ton (stumtinė priegaidė). Here the glottal stop is absent from the rising-falling contour. Dissimilation of a broken tone to stumtinė is common in the North of the Žemaitian territory, e.g. vi·ra· Npl. 'men' vs. vf. rs Nsg. (Zinkevičius 1966: 34, 2006: 241-242). Generally speaking, the Žemaitian circumflex (tvirtagalė or tęstinė priegaidė) differs from its Aukštaitian counterpart by having the peak of intensity on the first part of the syllable (and therefore the first component of diphthongs), rendering the falling element of the rising-falling contour more prominent. In the South Žemaitian Raseiniai and Varniai regions (excluding the latter' s northwestern and northeastern areas) as well as in the West Aukštaitian Kaunas region, the circumflex is a level tone. In diphthongs both components are pronounced with equal intensity. The opposition broken tone vs. circumflex does not occur in syllables that received the ictus as a result of the Žemaitian stress retraction. The distinction between acute and circumflex is nonetheless preserved in the area around Mosėdis and Salantai, the northeastern part of the North Žemaitian Kretinga region.7 Here newly-stressed acute syllables have stumtinė, while newly-stressed circumflex syllables have either tęstinė or vidurinė priegaidė ('middle tone'8), depending on whether the ending is long or short. To the south of this area, around Kretinga, Plungė, and Kuliai, the tonal opposition is lost. Before long endings stumtinė has been generalized, while the middle tone is found before short endings. In the southernmost part of the Kretinga region, around Endriejavas and Rietavas, we find tęstinė before short endings and vidurinė before long endings (Zinkevičius 1966: 40=

6

Cf. Girdenis 1967

(

=

KD l: 76-88), where it is argued that in the dialect of the Mažeikiai the acute is

primarily characterized by pharyngalization. 7 There may be additional North žemaitian areas where the phenomenon is attested, cf. Grinaveckis

1973: 97.

8 The middle tone seems to refer to the quantity of the syllable rather than to a specific tone contour.

8

INTRODUCTION

41, Bacevičiūtė et al. 2004: 259 ) . The situation may be illustrated in the following way: Standard Lith. galva Nsg. galvos Gsg. merga Nsg. mergos Gsg.

Mosėdis, Salantai gali!' ga·lvuos me·ri' merguos

Kretinga, Plungė galv" ga·lvuos mert me·rguos

Endriejavas, Rietavas gii·lv" galvuos me·ri' merguos

It should be noted that Aleksandravičius's description of the prosodic system of the dialect of Kretinga (1957), which thanks to the fact that it features in Stang 1966 has acquired iconic status, falsely pretends that this dialect has a distinction between newly-stressed acute and newly-stressed circumflex syllables.9 A description of the system of the Mosėdis area is Rokaitė 1961. The situation in the area around Mosėdis and Salantai shows that in pretonic syllables the inherited distinction between acute and circumflex syllables was still preserved at time of the retraction of the stress to the initial syllable. In posttonic syllables, too, traces of this distinction are attested (cf. Grinaveckis 1964: 6). ln this respect Žemaitian resembles Latvian. A difference between Žemaitian and Latvian is the fact that in Žemaitian the tonal alternations within a paradigm are usually retained, e.g. su-n6s (sūnus) Nsg. 'son' vs. su·n"s (sanus) Apl. (Bacevičiutė et al. 2004: 1 97). Another characteristic of Žemaitian is the early shortening of unstressed short and circumflex endings, e.g. neš (neša) 'carries', ka-kl" (kiiklo) Gsg. 'neck', že·m(ę) (žemė) 'earth' (ibid.). The apocope of *a seems to have preceded the lengthening of a and e in stressed non-final syllables, e.g. laps (liipas) 'leaf. Examples such as coastal Žemaitian medis 'tree' : Apl. medus (medžius) show that the lengthening occurred prior to the Žemaitian stress-shift. We find no lengthening before a synchronically long ending, e.g. med'Ųu Dsg. (with secondary broken tone), which may be due to a recent development. Lengthening does occur before shortened circumflex endings, e.g. med'u (medžių) Gpl. The lengthening is more restricted in the West Žemaitian area, where the tendency to shorten and eliminate final syllables is particularly strong. 3.2

Latvian

With a few minor exceptions, the Latvian standard language as well as all Latvian dialects have fixed initial stress (cf. Gaters 1977: 23- 24). Long vowels and diphthongs have a tone, irrespective of their position in the word. The most elaborate tone system consists of three tones: the sustained tone, which is slightly rising, the falling tone, and the broken tone, which is characterized by glottal constriction, e.g. mate 'mother', duona 'bread' vs. tas Gsg. f. 'that', ruoka 'hand' vs. azis 'goat', du6t 'give'. ln 9 Sce Aleksandravičius 1961: 125 fn. and Zinkevičius 1966: 40 fn. The original description was apparently adapted at the instigation of a number of unnamed linguists.

INTRODUCTION

9

the case of tautosyllabic sequences of a vowel and a resonant, quantitative oppositions are indicated in the following way: stirna 'roe' : virs 'man', balss 'voice' : bals (or bals) 'pale', ceit 1ift' : vęls 1ate'. Thus, length is indicated by the place of the accent mark in diphthongs10 with a sustained or broken tone, whereas in falling diphthongs length is indicated by an additional macron. Over falling monophthongs the macron is not written because it is redundant, cf. tas (= t&s) vs. bals. In my examples of diphthongs containing a long vowel, the resonant had become tautosyllabic as a result of apocope, cf. Lith. vyras, vėlus. We find a quantitive opposition in original diphthongs as well, e.g. kalt 'forge', vęlns 'devil' vs. dzerve 'crane', bart 'scold', vards 'word', vrrpt 'spin'. Insofar as these diphthongs continue East Baltic * VRC (cf. Lith. kalti, velnias, gervė, barti, vardas, verpti), it appears that length only occurs in the diphthongs a re, erC, are, �rC. we may now formulate the rule that at a certain period in the history of Latvian, a and e were lengthened before a tautosyllabic r under the sustained and falling tones (Endzelins 1922a: 102) . This rule explains such alternations as vilkt, vęlku 'drag' vs. pirkt, prrku 'buy'. Apparent exceptions, such as perve 'paint', pęrsuonisks 'persona!' or tarba 'bag', are recent borrowings or neologisms (ibid.). The marking of length in diphthongs is slightly more complicated than it seems. Since in old diphthongs ending in a resonant we hardly ever find i or ū, length is not marked in falling long diphthongs which result from apocope, e.g. {uns 2 = {ūns (Lith. lianas) vs. lrns 'slow' (Lith. lenas). Short diphthongs resulting from apocope, by the way, automatically receive a falling tone, which is not indicated (Endzelins 1922b: 4). Thus, zęms 1ow' (Lith. žemas) is actually zęms. Fortunately, Endzelins's suggestion to leave out the macron in falling long diphthongs resulting from apocope is not followed in ME: whereas Endzelins proposed to write �ęms 'ghost' instead of �rms (l.e.), ME uses the latter spelling.11 The system with three tones is original, as can easily be demonstrated (see i.3). It has been preserved in two unconnected areas, viz. in Burtneek, W ohlfahrt, Ermes, Walk, Trikaten, Wolmar, Papendorf, Wenden, Arrasch, Ronneburg, Smilten, Serbigal, Palzmar, Drostenhof, Serben, Schujen, Nitau, Jiirgensburg, and a few other places in Vidzeme (Livland), as well as in Neuenburg, Schmucken, Blieden, Kumbern, Lut(t)ringen, and Gaiken in Kurzeme and Zemgale (which together constitute Kurland) (Endzelins 1922a: 22-23). The remaining Latvian dialects possess a system with two tones. W e may distinguish two areas. In the western part of Latvia the falling tone merged with the broken tone, whereas in East Latvia the sustained tone merged with the falling tone. If a form contains a tone which is from a historical point of view ambiguous, it is provided with the sign 2• Thus, we find Central Latvian traūks, draugs, raugs, corresponding to W est Latvian traūks, draugs 2, raugs 2 and East Latvian trauks 2, w The term "mixed diphthong" is usually reserved for tautosyllabic sequences of a short vowel and a resonant. It is convenient, however, to regard tautosyllabic sequences of a long vowel and a resonant as

diphthongs as well. H The vocabulary of Endzelins 1922C is inconsistent, as we fmd m r ms 'stumm' alongside lęns 'langsam, sanft, mild'.

10

INTRODUCTION

draugs 2, raugs (Endzelins 1922e: 58). Note that this division into three areas applies exclusively to the tone systems and that in a geographieal sense it is only roughly aeeurate. I shall not go deeply into the phoneties of the West and East Latvian tone systems, for whieh I refer to Andronov 1996. We eould say that in West Latvian the opposition is between sustained and non-sustained (Zeps 1970: 12-13). The realization of the ambiguous broken tone resembles a broken tone in the Tamian dialeets of Kurzeme but a falling tone in the Tamian dialects of West Vidzeme (Gaters 1977: 24). In East Latvian, the opposition is between interrupted (glottalized) and non-interrupted, though in a part of the East Latvian territory, we find a rising tone instead of the broken tone (Zeps: l.e.). In non-initial syllables, the system with three tones is redueed to an opposition between glottalized and non-glottalized, i.e. the opposition between the sustained and falling tones is neutralized. The result is written as a sustained tone. I must add, however, that some speakers seem to preserve the threefold distinetion in non-initial root syllables. In the native dialeets of P. Sehmidt (between Ronneburg and Smilten) and J. Cirulis (Drostenhof), for instanee, there is a tonal distinetion between pazit 'kennen' and nuoziegties 'sich vergehen' (Endzelins 1922a: 23) , whereas in Wolmar, and therefore in Endzelins' s speeeh, the tonal distinetion between seju 1 sowed' and seju 1 bound' is lost in apseju 1 sowed, I bound up' (l.e.; 1922e: 57). As I oeeasionally pointed out in my dissertation (1996), the material provided by Sehmidt and Cirulis eontains quite a few sustained tones in non-initial root syllables which alternate with a falling tone in other forms. It is implausible that these are all examples of metatonie rude.

In suffixal syllables there is a tendeney towards the generalization of a eertain tone, e.g. Lsg. pupa, vaga (Wolmar, Sehmidt) vs. pupa, vaga (Drostenhof).12 This holds true for dialeets with two tones as well. In the West Latvian dialeet of Neu­ Autz, whieh is represented by Bielenstein, as well as in most dialeets of Southwest Kurzeme, all suffixal syllables have the broken tone (Endzelins 1922a: 27-28). An interesting reeent publieation on tones in non-initial syllables is Seržants 2003. Finally, I would like to return to the subjeet of vowel lengthening before a tautosyllabie r. Lengthening is found in most dialeets13 but under varying conditions. In its most limited form the lengthening exclusively affeeted a and e before a tautosyllabie r in syllables with a sustained or falling tone. Under these eonditions the lengthening operated in most dialeets whieh are situated in the middle part of Latvia, including those on whieh the literary language is based. In the dialeets of this area in whieh the falling tone merged with the broken tone, i.e. in West Vidzeme and the neighbouring parts of eentral Zemgale,14 the original tonal differenee is betrayed " The second broken tone in Lpl. galvas (Lith. galvose) is not analogical after pupas (Lith. pupose), if one takes the view that the broken tone reflects an unaccented acute (cf. 3.3). '' Sorne of the dialects in which there is no lengthening developed an anaptyctic vowel after the r, e.g. in Nieder-Bartau zirags, kurape for zifgs, kurpe (Endzelins 1922a: 105). '4 On page 52 of Derksen 1991, l wrote "centrai Kurzerne (Kurland)" to refer to the sarne area. This is a consequence of the fact that in older publications "Kurland" is used as a designation for an area cornprising both Kurzerne and Zerngale.

INTRODUCTION

11

by a quantative difference in the case of a and e before a tautosyllabic r, e.g. darzs 2 'garden', pert2 'whack' < darzs, pert vs. darbs 'work', dzert 'drink' (Endzelins 1922c: 58). The merger of the sustained and falling tones was therefore posterior to the lengthening. In High Latvian, not only e and a but also i and u have been lengthened ( and often diphthongized) under the same conditions as I have specified above, e.g. ier2, uor2 vs. ir, ur in Marienburg, Schwaneburg, Gr.-Buschhof, etc. (Endzelins 1922a: 104). ln all Tamian dialects and in the dialects of Kurzeme which belong to the central dialect group, we find lengthening of a, e before a tautosyllabic r irrespective of the tone of the syllable. Lengthening or diphthongization of i and u under the same conditions is also quite common in this area, though a little less widespread. In a few dialects only ir and ur have been lengthened (o.e.: 103-104). The above-mentioned rules regarding vowel lengthening before a tautosyllabic r apply to old diphthongs of the structure VrC. In principle they do not apply to diphthongs originating from apocope or to the sequence - Vr in auslaut, cf. ar 'with', gars 'vapour, spirit'. In certain dialects in Kurzeme, we find vowel lengthening in these cases as well, e.g. garš2, turs 2 'there'. Though in ME and EH dialect forms are normalized to a large extent, the presence or absence of lengthening before r is a feature which is usually represented. 3.3

The relationship between the Lithuanian and Latvian prosodic systems

As l stated in section B 2, the relationship between the Lithuanian and Latvian prosodic systems was essentially clarified by Endzelins (1899). He showed that the Lithuanian system must be compared with the Central Latvian system with three tones. The Latvian falling tone corresponds to the Lithuanian circumflex, whereas both the sustained and the broken tone correspond to the acute. As to the distribution of the sustained and the broken tone, Endzelins (1899: 125ff.) observed that, as a rule, the former occurs in nouns and verbs which correspond to Lithuanian words with fixed stress, whereas the latter occurs in nouns and verbs corresponding to Lithuanian mobilia. Thus, in nouns with a monosyllabic stem, the Latvian sustained tone corresponds to Lithuanian AP 1 and the broken tone to AP 3, e.g. Latv. duona, saūle, briilis, ga lva, azis, sirds : Lith. duona 1, saulė 1, brolis 1, galva 3, ožys 3, širdis 3. The Latvian falling tone corresponds to both AP 2 and 4, e.g. Latv. ruoka, draugs, auss : Lith. ranka 2, draūgas 4, ausis 4 (for more examples, see Derksen 1991: 50-51). While it is clear that the Latvian sustained tone is the regular reflex of the acute intonation in stressed syllables, opinions greatly differ as to the origin of the broken tone. According to the classical explanation, the broken tone originated when the stress was retracted to an acute vowel, for instance in the oxytone case forms of a mobile paradigm. The retraction yielded a rising tone, which was preserved in certain High Latvian dialects (the so-called "Selonian dialects") but developed into a broken tone elsewhere (Endzelins 1922a: 21-22, 25-26; 1922c: 62, cf. Stundžia 1981: 62). An attempt to provide a more detailed phonetic explanation for the rise of the broken tone was made by Ekblom. Starting from the traditional view that the Latvian

12

INTRODUCTION

acute was a rising tone, as it was in Old Prussian or Slavic, Ekblom (1933: 69) assumed that a retraction of the ictus onto an initial acute syllable caused an abrupt rise in pitch, which brought about a glottal stop. The rise of the Danish st0d is generally explained along the same lines (o.e.: 49, cf. Rasmussen 1992: 88). I consider the traditional explanation for the rise of the broken tone highly unsatisfactory. I shall confine myself to offering a few arguments against it. Firstly, forms such as gaivas imply that the stress was retracted in two stages, as was pointed out by Stang (1966: 142-143), who basically subscribed to Endzelins's view. Secondly, originally posttonic broken tones are problematic by definition, which forces Endzelins to assume numerous analogies (cf. Young 1994: 103-106). Thirdly, the traditional theory prevents us from establishing a common origin for the connection between the Latvian and the Žemaitian broken tone, as the latter primarily reflects an originally stressed acute. The view that the rising tone of the Selonian dialects represents a more archaic stage than the broken tone has been disputed repeatedly. It was questioned, for instance, by Zeps (1970: 14), who on the basis of the areal configuration of the Latvian tones considered the rising tone to be an innovation. Kortlandt actually establishes the broken tone as an archaism and claims that the Latvian and Žemaitian broken tones continue the original East Baltic acute. ln his view, the East Baltic acute intonation was a glottalic pitch, which arose when the glottal stop resulting from the merger of the laryngeals and the glottalic part of the preglottalized stops became a vocalic feature (1974a: 302, 1975: 25, 1977a: 324). In Latvian, the broken tone was preserved in syllables which were unstressed after the retractions marking the end of the East Baltic period, such as the retraction of the ictus from prevocalic i. The later Latvian fixation of the stress on the initial syllable did not affect syllables with a broken tone (cf. Derksen 1995, 2ooia). 3.4

Old Prussian

Following Kortlandt 1974, I assume that in Old Prussian, to be more precise in the

Enchiridion, there are two indications for the place of the stress. Firstly, a long

stressed vowel and the prominent part of a stressed diphthong are designated by a macron: mūti 'mother', turit 'have', wijrs 'man' (with ij equivalent to i), rankan Asg. 'hand', kaūlins Apl. 'bones'. Secondly, stressed vowels are regularly preceded by a double consonant. This applies to short vowels as well as to long vowels and diph­ thongs, e.g. kadden 'when', gennan Asg. 'woman', semme 'earth', dessimts 'tenth' ettrai 'answer'. The same usage is found in certain Lithuanian publications from Konigsberg where a double consonant indicates that a preceding a or e is short and therefore usually unstressed, e.g. Asg. rasq (=rasą), Gsg. rass6s (=rasos) in the Prayer Book of 1705, or Gpl. padu (=padų), na,ggU ( nagiį) (Illič-Svityč 1963: 20-21 = 1979: 17-18, 152, cf. also Bense 1958: 657). This orthographic convention was first pointed out by A. Baranauskas (1898: 13) with respect to Haack's vocabulary (1730), where we find sukku, lippu, etc. It must be emphasized that double consonants are not to be regarded as a conscious effort on the part of the scribe to mark the place of the ictus (Kortlandt 1999: 76). =

INTRODUCTION

13

Kortlandt's hypothesis that a double consonant can be considered an indication that the next vowel is stressed challenged the traditional assumption that a stressed short vowel is generally followed by a double consonant. It now appears that the debate was postponed until the late nineties, when the topic was addressed in a series of articles (Parenti i998, Kortlandt 1999, 2oooa, Young 1999, Schmalstieg 2001), sometimes in connection with Kortlandt's progressive shift (see below), which was formulated independently of the hypothesis regarding the function of the double consonants. The arguments put forward in favour of the traditional view give me no reason to abandon my earlier agreement with Kortlandt's hypothesis. Old Prussian stress was free and mobile: spigsnii Nsg. vs. spfgsnan Asg. 'bath', mergan Asg. vs. mergūmans Dpl. 'maid', laikūt inf. vs. laiku 3pl. ind. 'hold'. According to Kortlandt, "it can be demonstrated that Old Prussian shared the common Balto-Slavic accentual innovations" (197 4: 299 ). At a recent stage stressed short vowels lost the ictus to the following syllable (o.e.: 302, cf. also Kortlandt 2oooa). This progressive shift is sometimes designated as "Kortlandt's law", e.g. Dybo 1998: 6.15 It is likely that the Balto-Slavic opposition between acute and circumflex intonation in one way or another was preserved in Old Prussian. Unfortunately, only the accentuation of diphthongs offers any information about the existence of such an opposition. In Old Prussian, diphthongs can be stressed on the first or on the second element (Trautmann 1910: 187-192), e.g. iiusins Apl. 'ears', kaūlins Apl. 'bones', liiiskas 'booklet', afnan Asg. m. 'one'. The macron, however, never appears over one of the resonants m, n, l, r, though it is very probable that they were stressable as the second element of diphthongs. A comparison with Lithuanian shows that diph­ thongs with a macron on the first element regularly correspond to circumflex diphthongs in Lithuanian, while diphthongs with a macron on the second element correspond to acute diphthongs or, in the case of ef < *f and oū < *ū, to y and u, respectively (Schmalstieg 1974: 22- 23; Stang 1966: 143-144), e.g.

eit 3sg. subj. 'may go': eiti 'go' imt inf. 'take' : imti 'id.' riinkan Asg. 'hand' : ranką 'id.' pogaūt inf. 'receive' : pagauti 'catch' afnan Asg. m. 'one' : vieną 'id.' boūt inf. 'be' : buti 'id.' gefwans Apl. m. 'alive' : gyvas 'id.' It is therefore quite possible that in Old Prussian the circumflex was falling and the acute rising, as in Latvian and Slavic. Kortlandt (2009a), on the other hand, argues that the language of the catechisms indicates that Old Prussian had a quantitative but not a tonal opposition in the vowel system.

'5 Dybo (1998: 6 fn.) claims that he discovered the shift independently and discussed the law in lectures on Baltic accentology presented in 1973. Furthermore, he subscribes to the view that double consonants are preceded by unstressed short vowels.

14

INTRODUCTION

4. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK16 4.1

General considerations and Proto-Indo-European

Not surprisingly, the ideas about the structure of the Indo-European proto-language underlying this book conform with the theories propagated by Leiden based Indo­ Europeanists such as Beekes, Kortlandt, and Lubotsky. The best introduction to this theoretical framework is Beekes 1995, which is the English edition of Beekes 1990. The existence of this introductory work largely relieves me of the obligation to present an outline of the theories on which my Proto-Indo-European recon­ structions are based. Thus, I shall confine myself to representing some of the main aspects. It is a well-known fact that Leiden Indo-Europeanists tend to deny that there was a Proto-Indo-European phoneme *a (see especially Lubotsky 1989). Nevertheless, it is quite possible that a Proto- Slavic etymon derives from a form containing *a. The Proto-Slavic lexical stock contains numerous elements that do not have an Indo­ European origin. These may have been borrowed from a substratum language, possibly at an early stage. The *a that these words may contain is sometimes called "European *a" because the substratum language was located on European soil. I subscribe to the hypothesis that Proto-Indo-European did not have an opposition between palatalized and plain velars (cf. Meillet 1894, Steensland 1973). The latter arose from depalatalization in certain constellations, in particular after *s (though not before *1) and after *u, where the opposition between the palatovelar and labiovelar series was neutralized. Depalatalization before resonants unless followed by a front vowel occurred in Balto-Slavic and Albanian (cf. Kortlandt 1978a: 240- 242). The latter development is to a considerable extent responsible for the variation between velar stops and sibilants that we observe in both Baltic and Slavic. The traditional Proto- Indo-European system of voiceless, voiced, and aspirated voiced stops has repeatedly been challenged on typological grounds. As an alternative, it was proposed that the unaspirated voiced stops were actually glottalic (e.g. Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1984: 5-84). The glottalic hypothesis was applied to great effect by Kortlandt, who employed it to tackle a diversity of issues in various branches of Indo-European (cf. Kortlandt 1985a). Crucial to the present publication is Kortlandt's interpretation of the Balto-Slavic development known as Winter's law as the merger of the glottalic element of the traditional mediae with the reflex of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals ( see 4.2.2.3). In Proto-Indo-European, the lengthened grade vowels *e and *o occurred in a limited number of categories, which can ultimately be reduced to monosyllables and forms ending in a resonant (cf. Beekes 1990: 204, 1995: 167, Kortlandt 1986: 154-155). Contrarily to what is generally assumed, lengthened grade vowels are regularly circumflex in Balto- Slavic. Forms presented as counter-examples contain either a laryngeal or can be regarded as examples of Winter's law. Another source of

'6

Section 4 is largely identical with section 2 of the introduction of Derksen 2008a (2-15).

INTRODUCTION

15

circumflex long vowels is contraction. A special case is the constellation *eH (*oH ), where according to Kortlandt the laryngeal was lost (Kortlandt 1985b: 115, 118-120). As can be gathered from the preceding paragraphs, I adhere to the view that there once existed a Balto-Slavic linguistic unity. It can be demonstrated that Baltic and Slavic underwent a sequence of common developments, a number of which relate to the place of the stress. In view of its complexity as well as the important role it plays in this dictionary, Balto-Slavic accentology will be the subject of a separate section. 4.2

Balto-Slavic accentology

4.2.1

Introduction

As stated above, Kortlandt's theory about the origins of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumfle�. intonations significantly increases the relevance of Balto-Slavic accentology for etymological studies. This is reflected in numerous publications by Indo-Europeanists from Leiden, for instance in several monographs that appeared in the Leiden Studies in Indo-European series. A good example is Schrijver 1991, where a conscious effort is made to take the Balto-Slavic accentual evidence into account.17 My own book in the series, Derksen 1996, is a slightly different matter, as it deals with an accentological subject, the problem of metatony in Baltic. It contains a brief survey of Balto-Slavic accentology,18 which partly coincides with Derksen 1991. I shall here repeat some of the points I tried to make in these two publications. 4.2.2

Balto-Slavic developments

Over the years Kortlandt has devised a detailed relative chronology of developments ranging from Proto-Indo-European to disintegrating Slavic. It was first published in a Serbo-Croation translation in 1989. The English version, which was marred by many misprints, appeared in 1994, to be followed by a corrected version on the World Wide Web (2002), which finally ended up in Kortlandt 2011a (157-176). Articles reproducing and discussing large parts of the relative chronology are Kortlandt 2005a and 2006a. Kortlandt's chronology might be called the backbone of my investigations in the field of Balto-Slavic historical linguistics, which is not to say that it will be treated as if it were carved in stone. The Balto-Slavic section of Kortlandt's relative chronology contains a number of developments that concern accentology. These are conveniently listed in Kortlandt 2006b (349): "i. Loss of PIE accentual mobility, of which there is no trace outside the nominal flexion of the consonant stems, e.g. Lith. dukte 'daughter', piemuo 'shepherd', and the flexion of the athematic verbs, e.g. duodij.s 'giving' (cf. Kortlandt 1985b on the latter). 2. Pedersen's law: the stress was retracted from medial syllables in mobile accent paradigms, e.g. acc.sg. dukterį, piemenį, Greek thugatera, poimena.

17 We may draw a comparison with the thematically similar dissertation Beekes 1969, where Balto­ Slavic accentology did not yet play any role of significance. '8 A recent introduction to Balto-Slavic accentology is Sukač 2013.

16

INTRODUCTION

3. Barytonesis: the retraction of the stress spread analogically to vocalic stems in the case forms where Pedersen's law applied, e.g. acc.sg. avį 'sheep', srinų 'son', dievq 'god', žiemq 'winter'. 4. Oxytonesis: the stress is shifted from a medial syllable to the end of the word in paradigms with end-stressed forms, e.g. inst.sg. sūnumi, inst.pl. žiemomis. 5. Hirt's law: the stress was retracted if the vowel of the pretonic syllable was im­ mediately followed by a laryngeal, e.g. duona 'bread', vyras 'man', damai 'smoke', Vedic

dhands, viras, dhūmas.

6. Winter's law: the PIE glottalic stops dissolved into a laryngeal and a buccal part. The former merged with the reflex of the PIE laryngeals and the latter with the re­ flex of the lenes stops, e.g. Latvian pęds 'footstep' < *ped6m, nuogs 'naked' < *nogw6s, duomu 'I give' < *dodH3mf. 7. Retraction of the stress from final open syllables of disyllabic word forms unless the preceding syllable was closed by an obstruent, e.g. Lith. gen.sg. vilko 'wolf', dat.sg. vilkui, galvai 'head', neša 'carries', Serbo-Croatian vCtka, vCtku, gliivi, nese 'carried', neuter pila 'drank', but Lith. gen.sg. avies, gen.pl. vilkų < * -om, nom.sg. galva < * -aH, Russian pila 'she drank' < *-aH, neuter nesl6, infinitive nesti, where syllable-final consonants (including word-final laryngeals) prevented the retraction of the stress." 4.2.2.1

The rise of the mobile paradigm

The developments 1-4 and 7 are intended to account for the accentual curve of the Balto- Slavic mobile paradigm. Here a few words on the historical background of the problem are in order. According to Saussure (1896), the Lithuanian opposition between barytona and mobilia continues an Indo-European opposition between barytona and oxytona. As the identity of the Lithuanian and Proto-Slavic mobile paradigms is beyond doubt, this implies that the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigm arose from an oxytone paradigm. Saussure's explanation for the origin of the Lithuanian mobile paradigm started from consonant stems of which the number of syllables did not remain constant within the paradigm. In Kortlandt's chronology it appears under the name Pedersen's law in view of Pedersen's effort (1933: 25) to reformulate the law proposed by Saussure. The prehistory of the Balto-Slavic accentual system has been the subject of much debate (see Olander 2006 and 2009 for an overview). Kortlandt's development (1) places him at the same starting-point as Saussure: the early Balto-Slavic system mainly had an opposition between barytona and oxytona. The few traces of original accentual mobility that survived only played a modest role. The question is if it is possible to strengthen the link between the Balto-Slavic accentual mobile paradigm and Proto-Indo-European accentual mobility. We may note that Illič-Svityč, when he set out to provide comparative proof for Saussure's hypothesis on the Indo-European background of the Balto- Slavic barytone and mobile paradigms (1963, English translation 1979 ) , tried to gain a better understanding of Pedersen's law by suggesting a link with the survival of mobile root nouns. With respect to the Indo-European situation he preferred the term "mobile-oxytone" to "oxytone''.

17

INTRODUCTION

It so happens that Kortlandt himself (2009b) has recently modified his account of the rise of the Balto-Slavic mobile paradigm. Instead of assuming an early loss of Proto-Indo-European accentual mobility, he now starts from the Late lndo-European hysterodynamic and proterodynamic paradigms. The first step is the replacement of the isolated root stress of the Nsg. of the hysterodynamic paradigm by final stress. The sigmatic Nsg. of the proterodynamic paradigm then underwent the same development, creating a dear accentual opposition between end-stressed masculines and feminines on the one hand and root-stressed neuters on the other. The medially stressed case-forms, viz. the Asg., Lsg., Apl., and Npl. forms of the hysterodynamic paradigm and the Dsg. and Npl. forms of the proterodynamic paradigm, subsequently retracted the stress to the initial syllable. Kortlandt's objective here is to reformulate Pedersen's law as a phonetic development. Furthermore, the scope of the barytonesis has been limited: "The barytonesis did not affect acc.sg. avį 'sheep', sunų 'son', which had preserved Indo-European radical stress, nor žiemq 'winter', which was built on the original nom.sg. form *gheim (cf. Beekes 1985: 44), but did yield tlie retraction in dievq 'god', cf. Vedic devcim, because the o-stems had fixed stress from the outset:' (Kortlandt 2009b: 77) Finally, the existence of oxytonesis as a Balto-Slavic development is put into doubt. The accentuation of Lith. sunumi Isg. and žiemomis lpl. may be old because it replaces the end-stressed instrumental in *-bhi. On the whole, the new scenario links the Balto-Slavic state of affairs more dosely to Late Indo-European nominal accentuation. The retraction listed as number 7 was first formulated by Kortlandt in 1975 (5-7). Since it was inspired on a retraction formulated by Ebeling, it was baptized "Ebeling's law", but in recent publications by Kortlandt this designation tends to be avoided. An interesting consequence of the condition that the stress was not retracted to syllables ending in an obstruent is the rise of a dass of oxytone neuters. In Slavic, these oxytona ended up in AP (b ) If the root contained the reflex of a laryngeal or the laryngeal part of a PIE glottalic stop, it was lost in pretonic position. ln Baltic, the oxytone neuters became barytone when the stress was retracted from final *-a, yielding metatony (Derksen 1996: 96-128, 229-232, see also 2004: 87-89, zona). Words belonging to this dass were occasionally misinterpreted by Illič-Svityč (1963). The effects of what The Late Balto-Slavic retraction, as we may now call this development, can also be observed in masculine o-stems (Derksen 2009 ) .

.

4.2.2.2

Hirt's law19

Hirt's law, which is listed above as development 5, was proposed in order to account for the large number of correspondences between Baltic and Slavic barytona and nouns which considering the Sanskrit, Greek, and Germanic evidence had

19 The sections on Hirt's law and Winter's law as well as section 2.2.3.2 on progressive shifts in Baltic and Slavic are adaptations of the corresponding sections in Derksen 2004.

INTRODUCTION

mobile/oxytone accentuation in PIE. In Hirt's original formulation ( 1895) the stress was retracted to long root syllables. Since then the law has been reformulated a remarkable number of times, among others by Hirt himself ( 1899 ) . An important observation was made by Bonfante ( 1935, 1937) , who showed that the stress was only retracted to non-apophonic long vowels, i.e. to sequences of a short vowel and a laryngeal. After a thorough investigation of the "Hirt-Bonfante hypothesis': Illič-Svityč ( 1963: 80 1979: 63) concluded that the retraction was indeed limited to non­ apophonic long syllabic elements, i.e. to non-apophonic long vowels, long resonants and long diphthongs. He contrasts syllables containing "new length" from laryngeal loss after a syllabic element with syllables containing apophonic length or an original sequence of a short vowel followed by a resonant and a vocalized laryngeal, e.g. *tenaų6s < *tenHų6s, cf. Gk. wva6c; 'outstretched, tall', Latv. tievs 'thin'. This invites the conclusion that at the time of the retraction the laryngeals were still present, as has indeed been argued by some scholars (cf. Kortlandt i975: 2, Rasmussen 1985: passim). In that case one might simply say that the stress was retracted to an immediately preceding syllable containing a vocalic element followed by a laryngeal. That the position of the laryngeal plays an essential role was demonstrated by Kortlandt in connection with the accentuation of the Slavic 1-participle ( 1975: 2-4). He suggested that in instances such as Ru. pila f. 'drank' the laryngeal must originally have preceded the i of the root. His reconstruction *pHilaH is supported by full grades of the type *pe/oh)- or *pe/oh3- e.g. Skt. payayati. An opposition between *-HI- and *-IH- can also be demonstrated for Greek and Italo-Celtic, where we find indications that pretonic *-HI- yielded a short reflex (Schrijver 1991: 512-536) . ln Balto-Slavic, *-HI- seems to have yielded the same reflex as *-IH-, which suggests that posterior to Hirt's law, *-HI- was metathesized. It may be clear that Hirt's law is a strong argument for a Balto-Slavic linguistic unity. =

4.2.2.3

Winter's law

Winter's law, which in its original formulation is vowel lengthening before PIE unaspirated voiced stops (Winter 1978) , is without doubt a sound law of major importance. So far, however, it has not quite received the recognition it deserves. The main reason for this is probably the fact that a number of appealing examples seem to violate the law. Since a survey of the evidence clearly indicates that the law is essentially correct (cf. Young 1990, 2008, Rasmussen 1992, and especially Dybo 2002) , the next logical step is to look for special circumstances which might provide an explanation for the apparent exceptions. For 'water' (cf. OCS vada vs. Lith. vanduo 3•) and 'fire' (cf. Lith. ugnis, OCS ogn'b) , Kortlandt has proposed that the law did not affect the clusters ndn and ngn ( 1979: 61, 1988: 388-389) . The nasal infix which may be reconstructed for Balto-Slavic must have developed from a nasal suffix in PIE times already (cf. Thurneysen 1883 ) . Another major exception is Slavic *xod'b 'going, course'. Here the absence of Winter's law may originate from a reduplicated present stem *sizd-, where the law was blocked by an intervening z (Kortlandt 1988: 394) .

INTRODUCTION

19

This is not the place to discuss the various attempts to modify the formulation of Winter's law, for which l refer to Derksen 2003a, 2004, and 2007. l would like to elaborate, however, on Kortlandt's interpretation of Winter's law and its relationship to the Balto-Slavic prosodic system. According to the traditional doctrine, the Balto­ Slavic acute intonation, which is usually reconstructed as a rising tone, reflects length, i.e. original length or length resulting from the loss of a laryngeal. If Winter's law is interpreted as vowel lengthening, the fact that the law yields acute long vowels and diphthong is only to be expected. The regular reflex of a lengthened grade, however, is circumflex in Balto-Slavic, as Kortlandt has argued on numerous occasions (e.g. 1985b, 1997a). The main reason why this is not generally recognized is the ease with which some Indo-Europeanists postulate lengthened grades, thereby obscuring the original situation. Since both the presence of a laryngeal and Winter's law generate acute syllables, one may try to link this observation to the hypothesis that the PIE voiced unaspirated stops were actually (pre)glottalized (Kortlandt 1978b ). In Kortlandt's interpretation, Winter's law is the merger of the laryngeal element of the glottalic stop with the reflex of the Indo- European laryngeals, which had become a glottal stop in Balto-Slavic. An advantage of Kortlandt's interpretation of Winter's law is the possibility to regard the Latvian and Zemaitian broken tones as direct continuations of a Balto­ Slavic glottal element (Derksen 1995, Kortlandt 1998a). This does not imply that already in Balto-Slavic glottalization existed as a vocalic feature. l am not aware of any indications that in the Balto-Slavic period the glottal stop lost the status of a segmentai phoneme which it must still have had when Hirt's law operated ( see 4.2.2.2), though Kortlandt (2010: 37) now assumes that syllable-medial and syllable­ final glottal stops developed into a syllable-final feature of constriction. The Balto­ Slavic distinction between acute and circumflex syllables, which was clearly independent of the place of the (free and mobile) ictus, was originally the distinction between the presence and absence of a glottal stop. It most certainly was not a tonai distinction originating from PIE (cf. Kortlandt 1985b, Nassivera 2000 ). The rise of tonai distinctions must probably be dated to the separate branches of Balto-Slavic, as will be argued in the next sections. 4.2.3

The rise of the Bast Baltic tones

In Kortlandt's view (1977a: 324), the Balto-Slavic glottal stop became a vocalic feature in the East Baltic period. This may have been simultaneous with the monopthongization of stressed *ai and *ei to *ę and the rise of nasalized vowels. Distinctive tone arose when the stress was retracted from prevocalic *i and from *a in finai syllabes (o.e.: 325-326, cf. Derksen 1996: 374-376, 2011d: 17).20 The retraction yielded a rising tone on both plain syllables and syllables with glottal constriction. In Lithuanian, the newly stressed constricted syllables lost the glottalization, while in Latvian the glottalization was weakened and developed into a creaky voke quality, "' Kortlandt (2011b: 93, cf. 2012) has occasionally referred to the retraction from *-a as "Derksen's law", a designation which, for obvious reasons, will not be adopted in this dictionary.

20

INTRODUCTION

which resulted in a falling tone (Kortlandt 2010: 240). The unconstricted newly stressed syllables remained rising in Latvian but acquired a middle (or level) tone in Lithuanian. In Aukštaitian, the middle tone merged with the falling tone which had developed from a creaky voice quality in originally stressed constricted syllables. Originally stressed unconstricted syllables acquired a rising tone, which merged with the metatonical rising tone. ln Latvian, originally stressed constricted syllables acquired a stretched or sustained tone when glottalization was lost, while originally stressed unconstricted syllables became falling, as was the case in Žemaitian (ibid.). As can be gathered from the above, the rise of distinctive tone and the phenomenon of metatony originate from the same process. Glottal constriction has been preserved as the so-called broken tone in Žemaitian syllables that were stressed and Latvian syllables that were unstressed after the East Baltic retractions of the ictus. There are several indications for a long-lasting preservation of glottalization in Lithuanian unstressed syllables (see 3.1). In Aukštaitian, glottalization was ultimately lost altogether. In Latvian, the fixation of the stress on the initial syllable led to a three-way tonal opposition. Developments such as the generalization of mobility in neuter o-stems ( cf. Derksen 1995) or the secondary presence of the broken tone in sta-presents (cf. Derksen 2011b) must have preceded the rise of the sustained tone. 4.2.4

Slavic accentology

4. 2.4.1

Introduction: Stang 1957

The starting-point of modern Slavic accentology is the publication of Stang's

Slavonic accentuation (1957). 21 In this study Stang effectively did away with a number

of concepts of what is often called "classical accentology'; though in particular the interbellum witnessed many unrealistic theories. Stang ends his book with a list of conclusions (1957: 179), which l shall now try to rephrase and provide with com­ ments (cf. Derksen 1991: 53-55). Stang established three (Late) Proto-Slavic accent paradigms, each with its own prosodic characteristics: (a)

Fixed stress on the stem. If the stem is monosyllabic, the stressed syllable is "acute'; i.e. we find a short rising tone on a historically "long" syllable, which is equivalent to saying that the nucleus of the root syllable is not constituted by monophthongal *e, *o, *'b, or " b . A special class is formed by nouns of the so­ called *voĮa type, where the root has neo-acute intonation. Stang discusses these nouns within the context of (j)ii-stems belonging to AP (a), but there are good arguments to classify them as belonging to AP (b ), which is what will be done in this dictionary.

21

See espccially Vcrmeer 1998, which deals with the place Stang's monograph occupics in the history of the field.

INTRODUCTION

21

If the stress is on a medial syllabe, there is a greater number of possibilities regarding the prosodic qualities of the root. Since these cases are not crucial for understanding the three basic types, I shall not go into the matter here. (b) The stress alternates between the last syllable of the stem and the first syllable of the ending. Stem-stressed forms have a rising tone with retention of the old quantity of the syllable. This tone is called "neo-acute''. Forms with stress on the ending have a short rising tone.

(e) The stress alternates between the first syllable of the stem and the ending.

Stem-stressed forms have a falling tone and lose the stress to a clitic. End­ stressed forms usually have a short rising accent, but in some cases a long rising accent. The falling tone is sometimes referred to as "circumflex''. This is potentially confusing because the same designation has been used to refer to any non-acute long syllable or even to any non-acute syllable (cf. Derksen 1991:

55). In classical accentology, an acute or a circumflex tone changed under certain conditions into a neo-circumflex and a neo-acute tone, respectively. This process, called metatony, yielded four distinctive tones (Kortlandt 1978c: 271). In Stang's system there are three tones, which are all connected with a specific accent paradigm. Stang now showed that the neo-acute originated from a retraction of the stress. 22 He also showed that the neo-circumflex is an innovation of Slovene and the Kajkavian dialects of Serbo-Croatian rather than a Proto-Slavic tone. 23 The next question that we must address is the relationship between the Slavic and the Baltic accent paradigms. 4.2.4.2

Progressive shifts

As mentioned in section 3.1, Lithuanian nouns belong to one of four accent paradigms, of which 1 is barytone, while 2, 3, and 4 are mobile. Monosyllabic stems are acute in 1 and 3, while they are circumflex or short in 2 and 4. If the stem is polysyllabic, the situation is slightly more complicated, but that need not concern us here. The four accent paradigms can be reduced to a barytone and a mobile paradigm if one takes into account the progressive shift which is commonly referred to as Saussure's law. Employing the method of internal reconstruction, Saussure (1896) demonstrated that at a certain point in the history of Lithuanian accentuation the stress shifted from a circumflex or short syllable to an immediately following acute syllable. This development was independently discovered by Fortunatov (1897), who applied the law to Slavic as well. Hence, Saussure's law, when applied to both Baltic and Slavic, is sometimes referred to as Fortunatov's law. Propagated by none other than Meillet,24 Saussure's law came to occupy an important place in classical 22 Cf. Ivšic 1911. 23 The neo-circumflex also occurs in Northwest Čakavian (cf. Vermeer 1982). 24 Actually, Meillet had already suggested the operation of the progressive shift in Slavic at the very same session where Saussure presented his discovery (CIO 1894).

22

INTRODUCTION

accentology. The law was often considered a Balto-Slavic innovation, though Meillet regarded the progressive shifts in Baltic and Slavic as parallel developments (1900: 350-351, 1924: 145). The decline of Saussure's law as a Balto-Slavic development may be said to have started with Kurylowicz (1931: 75ff, 1952), who denied its operation in Slavic, albeit basically without addressing the facts. A much heavier blow, one might argue, was delivered by Stang (1957: 15-20), who by presenting a series of factual arguments undermined the at the time prevailing view that Saussure's law had also operated in Slavic. Now as we have seen, Stang reconstructed three Proto-Slavic accent paradigms, whereas the Lithuanian situation points to a system with two paradigms, one of them barytone and the other mobile. Since AP (a) corresponds to Lithuanian AP i, while AP ( e) corresponds to 3 and 4 (see the next section), the core of the problem is the relationship between AP (b) and AP 2. As shown by Stang, the neo­ acute tone originates from a retraction of the stress, a development now generally referred to as Stang's law. This means that AP (b) was originally oxytone. AP 2, however, is a mobile paradigm originating from a barytone paradigm as a result of Saussure's law. Stang did not have an answer for this discrepancy, but he made it clear that the answer most certainly was not Saussure's law. A solution was proposed by Dybo and Illič-Svityč, who argued that the oxytone paradigm which must have existed prior to Stang's retraction had been generated by a progressive stress shift that cannot be identified with Saussure's law ( see especially Dybo 1962, Illič- Svityč 1963: 157-161 1979: 140-144). According to Dybo's law, also known as Illič-Svityč's law,25 a syllable which was neither acute nor falling lost the stress to the following syllable, causing a split of the Proto-Slavic immobile paradigm. The syllable that received the stress became falling, which provided the input for Stang's law, the retraction of the stress from long falling vowels in final syllables. •6 The scenario proposed by Dybo and Illi č-Svityč allows us to derive the Baltic and Slavic accentual systems from a stage when there were only an immobile barytone and a mobile or oxytone paradigm. As later publications from the Moscow accentological school have shown (see especially Dybo 1968a), it is possible to distinguish between dominant ("strong") and recessive ("weak") morphemes at this stage. The place of the stress is governed by the valency of the morphemes that constitute a given form (cf. Dybo 1981: 260-262, 2000: 10-14, Lehfeldt 2001: 67-69). Whether a morpheme is dominant or recessive cannot be predicted on the basis of its phonological structure: the distribution of morphemes over the two classes is =

•5 The designation Illič-Svityč' s law is also used to indicate the transfer of masculinc o-stems belonfing to AP (b) to the mobile accent paradigm. This is actually the formulation of Stang's law as it appears in publications of Dutch accentologists. Stang himself did not limit the retraction to finai syllables. In order to account for the •va/a type, he also assumed that the stress was retracted from semi-vowels. For Kortlandt's solution, which is connected with a dcvelopmcnt that he baptized "Van Wijk's law", see Kortlandt 1975: 30-32. •

INTRODUCTION

23

"traditional" (Dybo 2000: 10, but cf. Lubotsky 1988, which makes a case for the opposite view) .27 4.2.4.3

Illič-Svityč's law and the neuter o-stems28

In his monograph on nominal accentuation in Baltic and Slavic, Illič- Svityč tried to explain why so many PIE neuter o-stems appear to have become masculine in Slavic, an observation which was first made by Hirt. A comparison with accentual data from Baltic, Greek, Sanskrit and Germanic led Illič-Svityč to conclude that PIE barytone neuter o-stems correspond with Slavic masculine o-stems belonging to the barytone class in the case of "long" roots and to the oxytone class in the case of "short" roots (in Stang's terminology to accent paradigms a and b, respectively) . As we have seen, AP (a) and (b) continue a single barytone paradigm, which allows the conclusion that PIE barytone neuter o-stems became barytone masculine o-stems in Slavic. This shift of gender must be rooted in Balto-Slavic ( see below). In originally masculine mobile o-stems with a non-acute root, accentual mobility has been generalized (Illič­ Svityč 1963: 109-119 1979: 94-104) , a development that is sometimes called Illič­ Svityč's law. Thus, Slavic masculine o-stems belonging to AP ( b) in principle continue old neuters. I consider it possible, however, that masculine o-stems that were oxytone in Late Balto-Slavic, i.e. after the Late Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress (formerly known as Ebeling's Law), escaped the transfer to the mobile class (cf. Derksen 2009 ). Whereas the barytone neuter o-stems became masculine, PIE oxytone neuter o­ stems remain neuter in Slavic. According to Illič- Svityč, the majority of the Slavic neuter o-stems belong to the oxytone class, Stang's AP (b). Mobile neuter o-stems ( e) contain, as a rule, a historically long root or have a įo-suffix. In my opinion, the distribution between AP ( b) and ( e) is not completely clear. We can say with a high degree of certainty, however, that originally oxytone neuters of the structure CVC1 Cr6 (where C, is an obstruent) belong to (b), in conformity with the Late Balto-Slavic retraction (see 4.2.2.1) . Proto-Slavic neuter o-stems belonging to AP (a) originate from the retraction generally known as Hirt's law, which generated a new class of neuter o-stems with fixed root stress in Balto-Slavic times already. It is remarkable that Illič- Svityč, who reaches the conclusion that the Baltic and Slavic accent paradigms were identical, does not make an attempt to connect the Slavic NAsg. -o with the Lithuanian ending -a, which now only occurs in adjectives, participles and pronouns but must have been the East Baltic NAsg. ending of neuter o-stem nouns, as is evident from Baltic borrowings in Finnic. While he follows =

27 It should not be left unmentioned that in the last few decades the concepts of the Moscow accentological school have undergone significant modifications, on which see Vermeer 2001. Since at present it is doubtful whether these modifications can be regarded as improvements, a discussion of the relevant issucs fall outside the scope of this dictionary. l shall confine myself to the remark that the ncw scenario of for the rise of AP (b) comes close to a rehabihtation of Saussure's law for Slavic. As to Dybo's claim (1998) that Old Prussian offers evidence for a modified version of Saussure's law, l refer to Andronov and Derksen 2002: 215-217. 28 This section derives from a paper that was presented at the Fachtagung of the Indogermanische Gesellschaft in Cracow (Octobcr 2004) and eventually gave rise to Derksen 2011a.

24

INTRODUCTION

Nieminen (1922) in deriving the East Baltic ending from pronominal *-od, Illič­ Svityč assumes that Slavic -o continues stressed * -om, a development advocated by Hirt (1893). In my opinion, it would be natural to look for a common origin. Since l do not believe that * -om ever yields Balto-Slavic *-o, the best option would be to assume that in Balto-Slavic the ending * -om was replaced by * -od in oxytone neuters (cf. Kortlandt 1975a: 45. In that case one would expect Old Prussian neuter o-stems to correspond to Slavic neuter o-stems and end-stressed neuters in other Indo­ European languages. The evidence seems indeed to point in that direction (cf. Kortlandt i983: 183). Illič-Svityč's law implies that barytone neuter o-stems were still distinct from masculine o-stems. Though the above-mentioned bifurcation of neuter o-stems seems to be Balto-Slavic, suppletive neuter plurals may have existed both in Baltic and Slavic. The existence of suppletive neuter plurals may also explain why we find so much vacillation between neuter and masculine o-stems belonging to (a) and (b). Illič-Svityč's law must have preceded the rise of distinctive tone in mobile paradigms because the transfer to the mobile class was based on the identity of the barytone case forms. For the same reason, Illič-Svityč's law must have preceded Dybo's law. The above-mentioned developments may be illustrated with the following examples: PSl. *tyl-b (a) 'back of the head, back' (e.g. Ru. tyl, Cz. tfl) < *tuHlom, cf. Skt. tdla­ n. 'tuft, reed, panicle'. Secondary *tylo in Slk. tylo. PSL *dvoib (b) 'courtyard, door' (e.g. Čak. dvor, Cz. dvur) < *dhu6rom, cf. Skt. dvara- n. 'door, gate, passage'.29 PSL * zpb11 (e) 'tooth' (e.g. Čak. zub, Sln. zpb) < *g6mbhos, cf. Skt. jambha- m. 'tooth', Gk. y6µcpoc; 'pin, nail', Lith. žambas 'sharp edge' 2/ 4. PSL *jato (a) 'flock, herd' (e.g. SCr. j a to) < *jaHto < *jeh2 t6d « *jeh2 t6m, cf. Skt. yata- n. 'course, motion'. Secondary *jat'b in Ru. jat (dial.) 'shoal of fish'. PSL *pero (b) 'feather' (e.g. Ru. pero, SCr. pero) < *pero < *pero < *per6d « *perH6m (*tper6m?), cf. Gk. rrn:p6v 'feather, wing'. PSL *męso (e) 'meat, flesh' (e.g. SCr. meso, Pl. mięso) < *mems6 < *mems6d « *mems6m, cf. Skt. marrzsa- n. 'id.'. 4.2.4.4

The Ja te of the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex in Slavic

As I explained in the section on Winter's law, the Balto-Slavic opposition between acute and circumflex syllables is in Kortlandt's framework equivalent with the respective presence or absence of a glottal stop. Before discussing the fate of the glottal stop in Slavic, I would like to present a concise account of the rise of the East Baltic tones (see also 4.2.3 above).30 The crucial point is that the broken tone is an archaism. '' One could argue, however, that Skt. dvara- is a !ate replacement of a root noun dvar-.

30 Since our knowledge of West Baltic is based on a limited number of Old Prussian documents, the

accentual developments in this branch of Balto-Slavic cannot be determined in detail (see 3-4· above).

INTRODUCTION

25

In East Baltic, the glottal stop became a feature of the neighbouring vowel, yielding the laryngeal pitch that in Baltic linguistics is known as "broken tone". Tonal oppositions arose when the stress was retracted from prevocalic *i and word-final *-a. In the Aukštaitian varieties of Lithuanian, retraction onto glottalized syllables yielded a rising tone and loss of the laryngeal feature, e.g. edis 'food, fodder', cf. i!sti 'eat (of animals)'. In originally stressed syllables, the glottalic pitch changed into a falling tone, e.g. si!ti 'sow', whereas the non-glottalic pitch merged with the new rising tone, e.g. dukte 'daughter'. Retraction of the stress onto non-glottalized syllables yielded a middle tone, which later merged with the falling tone, e.g. vilkė 'she-wolf', cf. viikas 'wolf: In unstressed syllables, glottalization was eventually lost. In Žemaitian, the broken tone was preserved under the old ictus, e.g. Ųmii9s (Kretinga) 'age, century' amžius. In Latvian, the retractions of the stress yielded a rising tone on both plain and glottalized vowels. The other stressed vowels became falling per oppositionem. Subsequently, glottalization was lost under the falling tone. The result was a stretched tone, which later merged with the rising tone, e.g. set 'sow' with the same tone as sniedze 'snow-bunting', cf. sniegs 'snow'. The remaining glottalized stressed vowels, which had lost their distinctive tone when the glottalic feature was lost under the falling tone, lost their glottalization as well and became falling, e.g. dęsts 'plant', cf. destit 'plant', dėt 'lay ( eggs)'. In originally unstressed syllables, glottalization was preserved as a broken tone, e.g. gaiva 'head', Lpl. gaivas, cf. Lith. galva, Lpl. galvose. This scenario is in conflict with the widespread view according to which the broken tone results from retraction of the ictus. The system with a threefold tonal opposition only survives in certain Central Latvian dialect areas (see 3.2) . =

Apart from the fact that it is not always easy to tell if the tone of a given syllable is metatonical, the way in which the Balto-Slavic acute and circumflex are reflected in East Baltic is fairly straightforward.3' It is often insufficiently realized that this is not the case in Slavic. A common misapprehension, for instance, is the idea that the "Serbo-Croatian" short falling tone indicates that the syllable was originally acute. In reality, the situation is much more complex. If the form belongs to the neo-Štokavian variant of Serbo-Croatian, the short falling tone indicates that the syllable was already stressed before the neo-Štokavian retraction of the ictus and that it is short. The quantity may be related to the fact the syllable was originally acute, but it may also have been originally short or originate from a comparatively Iate shortening, for instance the shortening of long falling vowels in forms counting more than two syllables. The fact is that the history of Slavic quantity is immensely complicated. Both the vowels that on qualitative grounds are considered "historically long" and the ones considered "historically short" may be reflected as either long or short. In order to establish the origin of a morpheme in terms of acute and circumflex, one must evaluate the information offered by the individual Slavic languages regarding stress, 31 In this account the term "circumflex" refers to non-acute long vowels and diphthongs. In my description of the Balto-Slavic situation I, strictly speaking, used the term as a designation of every non­ acute syllable. It may be clear, however, that there is no distinction between acute and circumflex short vowels.

26

INTRODUCTION

tone and quantity within the context of the Proto-Slavic accent paradigms, which is by no means simple (cf. Vermeer 1992, Kortlandt 2005a). In the classical view, sequences of vowel plus laryngeal merged with lengthened grade vowels. Subsequently, long vowels acquired an "acute" tone movement, probably a rising tone.32 Thus, the Balto-Slavic acute is about vowel length. As one might expect, Winter's law, insofar as the law is accepted, is interpreted as vowel lengthening. The difficulties raised by the classical scenario are numerous (cf. Vermeer 1992: 125-126). In Kortlandt's theory, sequences of vowel plus laryngeal (including the glottal stop that arose from Winter's law) remain essentially distinct from lengthened grade vowels up to the end of the Proto-Slavic period. With the exception of certain positions where the distinction was lost (see below), the original contrast is reflected by a quantitative difference. l shall now give an overview of the fate of the laryngeals in Slavic (cf. Kortlandt 1975: 21-37, Vermeer 1992: 127-130) : (1) The laryngeals were lost in pretonic and postposttonic syllables with compen­ satory lengthening of the adjacent vowel. In mobile paradigms the loss of the laryngeals gave rise to an alternation between long vowels and sequences of vowel plus laryngeal. In root syllables the long vowel was generalized. This is Kortlandt's explanation of Meillet's law, according to which mobilia with an acute root under­ went metatony (Meillet 1902). (2) The laryngeals were lost in the first posttonic syllable without compensatory lengthening. In stressed syllables the glottal stop became a feature of the adjacent vowel. Since the new short vowels had the same timbre as the long vowels and the glottalized vowels and therefore did not merge with the old short vowels, the timbre distinction became phonemically relevant. In pretonic syllables, where the laryngeals had been eliminated at stage (1), quantitative oppositions were rephonemicized as qualitative oppositions. In other words: pretonic long vowels were shortened. At a later stage, Dybo's law reintroduced phonemic length in pretonic syllables. (3) Glottalized vowels lost their glottalic feature and became distinctively short rising. This development must have been posterior to Dybo's law because the progressive shift only applied to non-acute non-falling syllables. Summarizing, we could say that originally acute syllables are reflected as short vowels in syllables which prior to Dybo's law were stressed or immediately followed the stressed syllable. In originally pretonic or postposttonic position acute and non­ acute long syllables merged. Non-acute long vowels and original diphthongs are long in AP (b), whereas in AP (e) they often fell victim to the widespread shortening of falling vowels. Length was preserved in monosyllabic and disyllabic word-forms in Serbo-Croatian and in Slovene monosyllables.

32 Note that in the traditional view the distinction between the rising acute and falling circumflex must have existed in unstressed syllables as well.

INTRODUCTION

4.3

27

Substratum borrowings

The Indo-Europeans who populated Europe must have come into contact with speakers of non-Indo-European languages, who to a certain extent were assimilated to the invading tribes. Consequently, we expect to find traces of non-Indo-European substrata in the attested Indo-European languages. In Leiden, the study of substratum influences received an impetus from Kuiper 1995, where mainly on formai grounds three substratum layers were distinguished (see also Beekes 1996: passim, Boutkan and Siebinga 2005: xm-xvn). What these layers have in common, is the frequent occurrence of the vowel *a, which did not belong to the Proto-Indo­ European phoneme inventory (see 2.1). One of the layers, labelled A3, is the language of Krahe's hydronymy and is usually called "Old European''. It is, among other things, characterized by the vocalism *a and the high frequency of continuants and *s. Substratum A2, qualified as "European': only had aspirated voiced stops in antevocalic position, or rather the antevocalic stops were identified with the traditional mediae aspiratae. Furthermore, there seems to have been variation between labial and velar stops. The vowel *a was frequent and there probably was no distinctive vowel length. Another characteristic feature are vowel alternations of the type *a :*ai and *a : * au. Substratum A1, which is mainly reflected in Germanic, but also left traces in Italo-Celtic and Balto-Slavic, is claimed to have had *a : *i : *u vocalism, prenasalization, initial consonant clusters *Kn- and *Kl-, as well as a remarkable alternation of root-finai stops, including geminates. While A3 did not prove to be a fruitful subject of investigation, one might say that as far as Kuiper's substratum layers A1 and A2 were concerned, the hunt was on, e.g. Beekes 1996, Schrijver 1997, Boutkan 1996, 1998, 2003, Derksen 1999, 2000. Kuiper's criteria for identifying substratum borrowings were applied to various Indo-European languages and attempts were made to establish more phenomena indicative of non-Indo-European origin, of which Schrijvers prefix *a- (1997: 307312) is among the most spectacular.33 At the same time, Kuiper's distinction between A2 and A3 was called into question by Beekes (1996: 217), who proposed to group these two together under the name "European''. l am inclined to agree with him that in this respect Kuiper's classification seems premature. Beekes (ibid.) also suggested the designation "Helladic" for the non-IE substratum language that left so many traces in Greek, but he himself now seems to prefer "Pre-Greek''. Without question, Beekes deserves great credit for his attempt to reconstruct Pre-Greek through a careful analysis of the Greek material (see now 2010: XIII-XLII, cf. Furnee 1972). A different approach is applied by Schrijver (2007), who tries to link the Pre-Greek substratum to "Minoic" (attested in Linear A) and Hattic. In his view, we are dealing here with the language of the first agriculturalists, who migrated from Asia Minor to Centrai Europe through Greece and the Balkans and whose language left traces in Anatolian, Greek, Albanian, Germanic, Balto-Slavic and Italo-Celtic.

33 Interestingly, this type of prefixation seems to occur both in Greek (and possibly Anatolian) as well as in "North European".

28

INTRODUCTION

Undeniably, it makes perfect sense to look for formai characteristics of non-Indo­ European elements in the vocabulary of the individual Indo-European languages. Within a couple of years after the publication of Kuiper's article, however, the limitations and inherent dangers of this new line of research became apparent, in particular with regard to the Pre-Germanic substratum, where there was a tendency to pay insufficient attention to the role played by specifically Germanic develop­ ments, such as Kluge's law (see Kroonen 2011a, 2011b). Though it seems to me that the Indo-European origins of Balto-Slavic etyma which in view of their Germanic cognates seem to violate Winter's law are suspiciously often unclear, it cannot be denied that the typically Germanic alternation of root-finai consonants may at least partly result from Proto-Germanic sound laws. Nevertheless, the question why Germanic underwent these specific developments (the rise of geminates, for instance) is still legitimate. 5. STRUCTURE OF THE ENTR!ES

5.1

Headword

For practical reasons, the headwords have been left unaccented. In principle the headwords are Lithuanian, but in those cases where a Latvian form does not have a Lithuanian counterpart the headword is Latvian. Old Prussian headwords have neither a Lithuanian nor a Latvian counterpart. The three types of headwords belong to separate sections. The alphabetical order of the Lithuanian forms conforms with the order that is used for the standard language. For Latvian, I have maintained the alphabetical order as well as the orthography used in the dictionaries by Miihlenbach and Endzelins (ME) and Endzelins and Hausenberg (EH), which is a, a, b, e, č, d, dz, dž, e, e, g, g, i, l, ie, j, k, �, l, /, m, n, i;i, p, r, f, s, š, t, u, ū, uo, v, z, ž. Old Prussian forms are arranged according to the alphabetical order used in Trautmann 1910. 5.2

Lithuanian

Headwords that also occur in modern Standard Lithuanian forms are quoted according to the fourth edition of the DLKŽ, in which case l provide no additional information on the attestations of these forms. The most important source for Lithuanian, however, is the LKŽ, which has incorporated data from older periods and dialect data. The abbreviations used to indicate particular dialects and old texts are generally the same as in the LKŽ (see also 6.1), which is not to suggest that I reproduce all attestations of a given form. I have kept the grammatical information to a minimum. It is clear, for instance, that a noun in -as is a masculine o-stem or that a form in - ti is an infinitive. In the case of a noun in -is, which could either be a masculine io-stem or a masculine or feminine i-stem, I follow the common practice that in the absence of any specification the noun is to be taken as an io-stem. The first number (or numbers) indicating the accent class refers to the immediately preceding form and. In the case of a headword that is not marked as Old Lithuanian or as a dialect form this is the normative accentuation. Accentual variants are given between square brackets and

INTRODUCTION

29

include the accent class belonging to the cited form. I have only specified the accentuation of the nominative connected with the accentual variants if it is not entirely evident. In the case of verbs, accentual variants of the infinitive are given between square brackets. Note that the alternative stress and tone also apply to the finite forms, even though here the accentual variants are not explicitly mentioned. If the infinitive does not reveal the tone of the root, I also give the present and the preterite of the accentual variant, but in that case I do not use square brackets. Following the form that is also the headword I often mention variants, such as forms that belong to a different flexion class. If the meaning is the same, the gloss is not repeated. The variants are separated by a semicolon. 5.3

Latvian

Latvian data are quoted from the dictionary by Muhlenbach and Endzelins (ME) and the supplement by Endzelins and Hausenberg (EH). The orthography used in these works deviates from modern Standard Latvian orthography but is still customary in the scholarly literature. No attempt has been made to indicate whether a form belongs to the modern standard language or not. Abbreviations referring to dictionaries, old texts, and placenames are in principle the same as in ME and EH. Forms followed by 2 originate from a dialect with two tones (instead of three), where the tone of that particular form is ambiguous from a historical point of view (see 3.2 above). Tonai variants are given between square brackets and include the tone of the form that is actually presented. The variants almost exclusively originate from the above-mentioned dictionary. Though I also include conflated tones that may continue the same tone as the one found in the area with three tones (in order to obtain a completer picture I do not confine myself to variants that do not correspond with each other), I have not looked actively for West and East Latvian tonai variants, with the exception that I have occasionally added a variant from the East Latvian dialect of Kalupe (see Rel}ena 1998) or the West Latvian dialect described by Bielenstein (1863-1864). Thus, if for a centrai Latvian form with, for instance, a sustained tone, no variant with a conflated falling tone is listed, this does not imply that it does not exist. With respect to grammatical information and the presentation of variants, the principles mentioned in the preceding section apply to Latvian as well. Note that forms in -is are masculine io-stems. The Nsg. of i-stems has the ending -s. If a noun in -s is not provided with grammatical information, it is an o-stem. 5.4

Old Prussian

The Old Prussian evidence stems from the Enchiridion (or Third Catechism) unless indicated otherwise: I write 'T' for the First Catechism, "II" for the Second Catechism, "III" for the Enchiridion, "EV" for the Elbing Vocabulary, and "Gr:' (GrG, GrA, GrF) for Simon Grunau's Vocabulary. The forms are quoted from Trautmann 1910 and Mažiulis PKEŽ. Emendations are mentioned between square brackets.

30 5.5

INTRODUCTION

Balto-Slavic

Since l adhere to the view that there was a Balto-Slavic proto-language, l found it atttractive to include a field "Proto-Balto-Slavic" in order to obtain a modernized version of Trautmann i923a (cf. Derksen 2011c). As l explained above, l follow Kortlandt in not reconstructing any Balto-Slavic tones. The stage represented by my reconstructions is posterior to Winter's law. The reflex of the laryngeals and the glottal element of the (pre)glottalized stops is indicated by ?, the IPA symbol for a glottal stop. The phonological system is as follows (cf. Kortlandt i994a): p

b d

s

i

k (

g

s

m n

r w

e a

a

u o

ū.

With respect to morphology, it is important to note that the barytone neuters have a Nsg. in *-um < *-om, while the originally oxytone neuters have *-o < *-od aštis and assume that the s of akstis is seeondary (ef. also -akstinas). The alternative is BSL *ak-stis, with depalatalization of *k as in -akmuo. The depalatalization ean hardly be regular here, ef. -ašis, PSI. *6sb 'rude, axis' < *h2 eks-i-. The s of the suffix may originate from an old s-stem, cf. Lat. acus n. 'husks, ehaff', Go. ahs n. 'ear: A completely different analysis applies if we eonneet akstis and PSL *ostb with Skt. asthi, Gsg. asthnal:z, and Gk. 6CHfov 'bone' from PIE *h3esthr (e.g. Maehek 1971: 419-420, Karaliūnas 1974: 201-203). Sinee akstis ean hardly be separated from sueh forms as -akuotas and -OPr. ackons, l do not find this etymology attraetive. akuotas LITH LATV

akuotas i [1/3/3b] 'awn, (Ds.) fishbone, (Lz.) eyelash, (dial.) blade' akuots [u o, UO, uo 2] 'awn'; VAR akuota; akuote

This may be a substantivized adjeetive, cf. akuotas (dial., SD) 'priekly, sharp', Latv. akuots (BW) 'the priekly one (epithet of barley)'. The adjeetive may derive from a

alkas

49

noun * akas 'prickly, sharp object' (cf. Skardžius 1941: 349 ). In any case, the root is *h2 ek- 'sharp' (-+aštrus). ald.ra

LITH

aldra (dial.) l 'heavy storm, noise, racket'; VAR aldras l 'storm'

Drawing attention to the fact that the hydronyms Aldra and Audra occur side by side, Fraenkel (LEW: 6) contends that aldra is a "Hypernormalismus" for -+audra 'heavy storm, usually accompanied by rain or storm'. l tend to agree with Būga (RR III: 391) that etymologically we are dealing with two different roots, even though a distinction on semantic grounds is hardly possible, cf. Latv. aldaris 'restless person, fool', alderis 'fool', audrums 'exuberant, uncontrollable child'. alga LITH LATV OPR

alga 4 'salary'; VAR eiga alga [ai, al 2) 'salary' algas Gsg. 'salary'

PIE IE

Skt. argha- m. 'worth, value, price'; Gk. e-. More evidence for e- is provided by -+elgeta 'beggar', elgtis 'act, (lih e.) beg' unless we consider these forms unrelated, in which case contamination seems possible (cf. Būga RR l: 121, III: 250-251). l am inclined to assurne secondary ablaut, however. alkanas LITH LATV OPR

alkanas 3• [1/3•] 'sober' aikans 'hungry, avid, tasteless, flat'; VAR ęlkans (Mane.) alkins 'sober'

BSL PSL SL

* olrkino* Olčbn 'b adj. o (a) 'hungry' OCS alcen'b (Supr.); CS alčbn'b (Christ.) 'hungry'; lačna (Freis.) Asg. m. 'one who is hungry'; Ru. alčnyj 'greedy, grasping, (obs.) hungry'; alošnoj (dial.) 'greedy'; alašnyj (dial.) 'greedy'; ORu. al('b)čbn'b 'hungry, greedy'; alčen'b

'hungry, greedy'; lačbn'b 'hungry, greedy'; Cz. lačny 'hungry, greedy'; Slk. lačny 'hungry, greedy'; OPI. laczny 'hungry, thirsty (for)'; SCr. liičan 'hungry'; Čak. liičan (Orb.) 'hungry'; Sln. lač;m 'hungry', f. lačna; Bulg. alčen 'greedy'

For the reconstruction of the root, see -+alkti. The anlaut of the Slavic forms is discussed in Derksen 2008c. alkas

LITH

alkas 2 [2/4] '( holy) grove on a hill, idol' (Illič-Svityč (1963: 36) notes that the dialects show variation between AP 2 (E. Aukšt.) and AP 4 (NW. Žem.));

alksna

50

LATV

IE

VAR elkas 'id:; alka (Jušk., dial.) 'place on a hill where sacrifices are performed, sacrifice' ęlks [ęl, ęž] 'idol' (cf. ęlka dievs 'idol', ęlka kalns 'holy mountain where pagan rites are performed, temple hill')

Go. alhs f. 'temple'

This noun, which is limited to Baltic and Germanic (cf. Stang 1972: 13), may very well have a substratum origin. The generally accepted etymology, however, is *h2 elk-eh2 , cf. Gk. a.\K� 'strength, defence', from *h2 elk- 'ward off, defend: alksna

LITH

alksna l [1/ 4] 'alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale'; VAR elksna

LATV

alksna [ai, al2] 'alder thicket, swampy place'; VAR ęlksna (E. dial.); alksne; aluksna

l

PSL SL

* olbsa f. a; * olbs'b m. o Ru. Ol'sa (Upper Dniepr) top. f.; ales (Smol., Dniepr basin) m. 'alder thicket, swampy place'; Bel. al'sa (Upper Dniepr) f., ales (dial.) m. 'alder thicket, swampy place'; Ukr. ol'os (dial.), oles (dial.) m. 'alder thicket, swampy place'; Pl. olesie n. 'swampy place in forest'

See ->aŽksnis. alksnis

LITH LATV

alksnis 2 [2/ 4] 'alder'; VAR elksnis 2; aliksnis (E. dial.) 2 alksnis [ai, aŽ2, al2] 'alder'; VAR e/ksnis [e[, ei, ež2, e/ 2] (the variant with ef (Aahof, see FBR 4: 43) appears to be isolated)

BSL PSL

SL

*a!elisa(; *a/el(i)snio*olbxa f. a; *elbxa f. a; *olbša f. ja; *elbša f. ja 'alder' Ru. ol'xa; elxa (dial.) 'alder, spruce'; elxa (dial.) 'alder, spruce' (in Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. el6xa (Kostr.), alex (Voron.), olex (Rjaz.) 'alder', cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39 ); Cz. olše; jelše (dial.); Slk. jelcha (dial.); Pl. olcha; olsza (dial.); USrb. w6lša; SCr. jelha (dial.); jelša; Sln. plša (dial.); Sln. jęlša; Bulg. elha

IE

Lat. alnus m. 'alder'; Span. aliso m.; OHG elira f.; erila f.; OE alor m.; Olc. plr m.; jplstr f.; Mac. CiAi f. i SerbCS pkot1:> f.(i) 'hook'; ORu. ukott> f.(i) 'claw, anchor' Skt. anka- m. 'hook, clamp'; Gk. oyKo num. (b) 'eight' OCS osm1>; Ru. v6sem'; vosem' (dial.); Cz. osm; Slk. osem; Pl. osiem; OPI. osm; Slnc. vuęsem; USrb. w6som; LSrb. wosym; wosom (dial.); SCr. osam; Čak. osan (Vrg., Orb.); osam (Novi); Sln. psam *h3ekteh3 Skt. a?ttiu; Lat. acto

While the Baltic forms have apparently been enlarged, the Proto-Slavic form has been reshaped after the ordinai on the analogy of other numerals. See also: iišmas

ašutas

LITH BSL PSL

SL

ašutas 3h 'hair of a horse's tail or manes' *a.Sutos *os'btb m. o 'thistle' OCS osot'b (PsDim.) 'thistle, sow thistle'; Ru. os6t; Cz. oset; Pl. oset; USrb. w6st; LSrb. woset; Sln. osat; 6sat

Derivative of the root found in -+aštrus. ašva

LITH LATV OPR PIE IE

ašva (obs.) 2 'mare'; VAR ešva (Bretk.) 'mare'; Ašva 2 'name of a river' Asva 'place-name, name of a lake' aswinan (EV) 'mare's milk' *h1 ekuehr Skt. asva- f. 'mare'

The form ašva has no AP in the LKŽe. Skardžius (1941: 13) gives AP 2 for the river­ name. The oldest attestations of the etymon occur in Bretke's Bible translation and the first edition of Sirvydas's dictionary. Other Lithuanian river-names containing this root are Ašvija and Ašvinė, cf. the Old Prussian hydronyms Asswene and Asswaylen In Latvian, there is also a place-name Asvenieks. We are dealing with a derivative of a noun *ašvas 'horse' < *h1 ekuos, cf. Skt. asva-, Lat. equus, Olr. ech, OE eoh. The variant with a- < e- seems to have ousted the original form ešva. According to Kloekhorst (2008: 237ff.), there is Anatolian evi­ dence for an original u-stem, e.g. HLuw. asu- e. 'horse'. See also: ašvienis

ašvienis

LITH

ašvienis (Žem.) 1 [1/3h] 'workhorse'

See -+ašva. at

LITH LATV

at- pref. 'back' at- pref. 'back'

atkarus

66

OPR BSL PSL SL

at-, et- pref. 'back, away' *ot * ot('b) prep. 'from' OCS ot'b; Ru. ot(o) ; Cz. od(e) ; Slk. od(o) ; Pl. od(e) ; SCr. od(a) ; Sln. od

PIE IE

*h1 eti Skt. eiti prep. 'beyond, over'; Gk. fn adv. 'yet, still, besides'; Lat. et conj. 'and'; Go. ip conj. 'but, if' Beekes (1990: 264) reconstructs *h1 oti alongside *h1eti, but the latter is predominant. Perhaps the first element of Go. appan 'but, however' may be compared directly with

the Balto-Slavic forms. atkarus

LITH

atkarus 4 [3b/4] (AP 4 is not mentioned in the LKZe) 'turned back (of a scythe), obstinate'; VAR atkaras 3b

See -+kairinti. atkusti

LITH LATV

atkusti 'come off ( crust, rind), recover, become more prosperous again', 3 pres. a tkunta, 3 pret. atkilto atkust 'grow, increase, get better'

See -+kusti atlaikas

LITH

atlaikas 3b 'remainder, remnant'; VAR atlaika 3b 'remainder, remnant, spare time'

BSL PSL SL

* otloiko(s) (otloikum ?) *ot'blek'b m. o OCS ot'blek'b 'remainder, remnant'

See -+at and -+laikas. Cf. atlikti 'remain'. atolas

LITH LATV OPR

atolas l [ 1/3] 'after-grass, aftermath'; VAR atolis (Donel.) m. l atals [ a, a, a2, a2] 'after-grass, aftermath'; VAR attais; atals; attais attolis (EV) 'after-grass, aftermath'

Gaters (1954: 113ff) suggests that atolas continues *atvolas, cf. volai Npl. 'wall-like rows of hay that has been raked together', Latv. vals [a, a, a2, a2] 'swath'. I consider this unlikely because the loss of the v would be irregular and because the tonal distributions of the Latvian forms do not match. Endzelins (ME I: 149 ) claims that for semantical reasons Latv. ataleties 'revive, recover' cannot be a derivative of atals and connects the verb with Lat. alere 'feed < *h2 el-. This does not account for the vocalism of the root, however. I consider the etymology of atolas unknown.

atverti atsailė

LITH LATV PSL SL IE

iitsailė I 'cross-bar between beam and axle' saiklis 'string, band' *sfdlo n. o (b) 'noose, snare' OCS silo; Ru. sil6 (dial.); Ru. si/o ( dial.); ORu. silo; Pl. sidlo 'snare, trap' OHG seil n. 'rope, snare, fetter'

I have grouped these forms together because they are semantically similar derivatives of the same root. The formations are actually quite different. PSI. *sfdlo may reflect *sh2 i-dhl6m (with *i resulting from loss of the laryngeal in pretonic position) or a form with a secondary e-grade *sei- (cf. Derksen 2008a: 448). For the reconstruction of the root, see -+sieti. atsala

LITH

atsala I 'sand-bank, shallow, creek, backwater'

Possibly cognate with -+salti 'trickle, flow'. See also -+sala. atšankė

LITH

atšanke (dial.) 3 h 'barb, funnel- shaped part of a fishing-net', iitšankė (Būga) I 'branch, bough'; VAR atšanka (Ness.) 'barb'

BSL PSL SL

*fonk-

PIE IE

*s(Jk'b m. o (e) 'bough, knot (in wood), splinter' OCS s9h 'splinter'; Ru. suk 'bough, knot (in wood)', Gsg. sukti; Ru. suk (arch.), Gsg. suka; Bel. suk, Gsg. sukti; Bel. suk, Gsg. suka; Ukr. suk 'knot (in wood)', Gsg. sukti; Cz. suk 'knot (in wood)'; Slk. suk; Pl. sęk; Slnc. siįk; Kajk. souk (Bednja) 'knot (in wood)', Gsg. souka; Sln. s(Jk *konk-u-s

Skt. 5anku- m. 'peg, wooden nail'; Oic. htir m. 'thole pin'

atverti

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

atverti 'open', 3 pres. atveria, 3 pret. atvi!rė atvert 'open' etwerreis 2sg. imper. 'open!' *otwer?* ot(1')verti v. 'open' Cz. otevfiti 'open', isg, otevfu, isg. otevru; Sln. odvręti 'remove an obstruction, open', ISg. odvrem

The root-final laryngeal seems to be a Balto-Slavic enlargement (cf. Derksen i996: 8182). Synonymous prefixed verbs of the same root are Skt. apavnwti and Lat. aperire 'open'. According to Lubotsky (2oooa), the Sanskrit evidence points to an inital laryngeal.

au-

68 au-

LITH LATV OPR

au- 'away' au- 'away' au- 'away'

BSL PSL SL

*au*u prep./pref. 'from, by, at, (pref.) away' OCS u 'from, at'; u- 'away'; Ru. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'; Pl. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'; SCr. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'; Sln. u- 'away'; Bulg. u 'by, at'; u- 'away'

PIE IE

*h2 eu

Skt. ava prvrb./prep. 'off, away'; Lat. au- pref. 'away'; Olr. 6 (ua) prep. 'from'

Examples of this prefix are Lith. auliflk 'in due course', Latv. auma/iim 'in streams, in abundance', O Pr. aumūsnan Asg. 'ablution', aulaūt 'die' audra

LITH

a u dra 1 [1/4] 'heavy storm (usually. accompanied by rain or snow)'; VAR a u dras (Pruss. Lith.) 1

Etymology unclear. From a purely formai point of view, the root could be *h2 euhr against *h2 uehr in -+vetra. There is a variant-+aldra 'heavy storm, racket', however. auginti

LITH LATV OPR

auginti 'raise, bring up', 3 pres. augina, 3 pret. augino audziniit 'raise, bring up, educate' auginnons ptc. pf. act. 'raised'; poaugints ptc. pf. pass. 'raised'; poauginneiti

2pl. imper. 'raise' ! Causative to -+augti. augmuo

LITH

augmuo m.(n) 3• [3•/3b] 'plant, sprout'

PIE IE

Skt. ojman- m. 'strength, power'; Lat. augmentum n. 'increase, growth'

"h2 eug-men-

See -+augti. augti

LITH LATV

augti 'grow', 3 pres. auga, 3 pret. augo augt 'grow', 1sg. pres. augu, 1sg. pret. augu

PIE IE

"h2 eugLat. augere 'increase, augment (tr.)'; Go. aukan 'increase'

The acute tone of the root results from Winter's law. See also: augmuo; auginti; aukštas; ugis

auksas auka

auka 4 'saerifiee, vietim, offering' Aeeording to Girdenis (2006a), auka arose from *aųika 'sheep', cf. OCS ovbca 'sheep', Skt. avik&- 'ewe' (see -+avis, avikiena). He draws a eomparison between the alleged syneope in this form and -+ožka 'goat', whieh form he assumes to have been in eompetition with *ožika, cf. Žem. ošika (aetually, the LKŽ also has an entry ožika, but the attestations are rather unspeeifie), but whieh Mažiulis (2008: 92 fn.) derives from *ožuka, ef. OPr wosux (EV). Semantieally, the transition from 'sheep' to 'saerifieial sheep' to 'saerifiee' seems plausible (pace Mažiulis o.e.: 92), even more so beeause the syneopated form auka was less likely to be assoeiated with avis. It has been assumed that auka is a neologism that was introdueed into the LITH

.

literary language by Daukantas (1793-1864) (cf. LEW: 25-26, Smoezynski 2007: 33), but the word is apparently attested in a text from the early i8 th eentury and a North Žemaitian manuseript from the mid-19 th eentury (Palionis 1989). Būga (RR l: 355357) suggests that Daukantas interpreted aūka kalns, whieh in his native dialeet eould refleet alko kalnas 'saered hill' e -+alkas), as analogous to apieras kalns 'saerifieial hill' (apiera 'saerifiee' OPL ofiera). Though it appears that Daukantas did not ereate auka, it is still possible that we are in faet dealing with the word alka, but at least for the North Žemaitian evidenee Girdenis (2006a: 375 fn.) argues against this. Mažiulis (o.e.: 92-93), on the other hand, suggests that alka and alkas were transformed into auka and aūkas for reasons of taboo. The advantage of Girdenis's proposal is that it aeeounts for the fate of a form that onee must have existed in Lithuanian. auksas. The variant ausinas, which just like auskalis 'goldsmith' is limited to Bretke's writings, is probably a Prussianism. aukštas

aukštas 3 'high' augsts 'high' *h2 eugPIE IE Lat. augustus 'exalted, lofty' In Old Prussian, we find auckstimiskan Asg. f. 'authority'. The root is the same as ->augti.

LITH LATV

in

aulas

LITH

aūlas 4 [2/4) 'leg of a boot, pipe in a mill for pouring grain to the millstones'

LATV OPR BSL PSL SL PIE IE

aūls (aū, au2] 'leg of a boot'; VAR aūle aulis (EV) 'shin' *aul* ulica f. ja (a) 'street' Ru. ulica; ORu. ulica 'square, street, passage'; Cz. ulice; Slk. ulica; Pl. ulica; SCr. Ulica 'yard, street'; Sln. ulica 'alley, street'; Bulg. ulica 'street' *h2 eulGk. auA6c; m. 'pipe, flute'; UUAWV m. 'hollow, channel, strait'; Olc. hvannj6li m. 'stalk of angelica' (with secondary e-grade, cf. Kroonen 2013: 42).

See also: aulys

aulys

LITH LATV

aulys (Zem.) 4 '(bee)hive'; VAR avilys 3b aūlis '(bee)hive'

*aulio*ulbjb m. io '(bee)hive' RuCS ulii; Ru. ulej, Gsg. ul'ja; Cz. ul; Slk. ul; Pl. ul; Čak. ūlj (Orb.), Gsg. ūljii; Sln. ūlj 'hollow tree, (bee )hive'; Bulg. ulej 'pipe, opening' For the etymology, see ->aūlas.

BSL PSL SL

austi

71

aumuo

LITH

aumuo m.(n) 3h 'mind'

BSL PSL SL

*aum(en)*umo m. o (b) 'mind' OCS umo; Ru. um, Gsg. urna; Cz. um (lit.); Slk. um; Pl. um; SCr. um, Gsg. urna; Sln. um 'mind, wrath'; um 'mind', Gsg. urna

A derivative of the root *h2 eu-, which underlies such forms as Skt. avi? 'evidently' < *h2 ouis and Gk. aia9avoµm 'perceive' < *h2 euis-dh-. In view of its accent paradigm the Slavic form must reflect an old neuter. aure

LITH

aure ptcl. 'there, over there'; aure adv. 'there, then, approximately'

According to Fraenkel (LEW: 26), the root is the demonstrative pronoun *h2 eu-, cf. OCS ovo. With respect to the suffix, he draws a comparison with Gk. 6evpo (*de-u­ ro?) 'here'. ausčioti

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

ausčioti 'gossip, talk nonsense', 3 pres. ausčioja, 3 pret. ausčiojo aušat [aū, au2] 'chatter, talk nonsense' *OU?t- (au?t- ?) *ustiti v. OCS ustiti 'incite, persuade'; Sln. ustiti 'say, talk, agitate'

A derivative of a word for 'mouth', for which see -+ uostas. ausis

LITH LATV OPR

ausis f.(i) 4 'ear' auss f.(i) [au, au2] 'ear' iiusins Apl. 'ears'

BSL PSL SL

*au�*uxo n. o (e) 'ear' OCS uxo n.(s/o), Gsg. ušese, Gsg. uxa, Ndu. uši; Ru. uxo, Npl. uši; Cz. ucho; Slk. ucho; Pl. ucho; SCr. uho, Npl. f. uši; uvo, Npl. f. uši; Čak. uho (Vrg„ Hvar), Gsg. uha, Npl. m. uši; uho (Novi), Npl. ūši; uho (Orb.), Gsg. aha, Npl. f. uši; Sln. uh{) n.(s), Gsg. ušęsa; Bulg. ux6, Npl. uši

PIE IE

*h2 eus-

Lat. auris f.; Olr. au n.; Go. auso f.

austi

LITH LATV

austi 'weave', 3 pres. audžia, 3 pret. audė aust 'weave', isg. pres. aužu, isg. pret. audu

aušra

72

The Baltic root * aud- seems to be an enlarged variant of the root *Heu-, cf. Skt. vciyati 'weave' < *Hu-eie (LIV: 224). In view of the acute tone of the root, the enlargement must be *-d (Winter's law). If Beekes (1969: 67), basing himself on Myc. e-we-pe-se-so-me-na, is correct in claiming that Gk. ucpa[vw continues *h1 ubh-, one might assume that this root, too, contains an enlargement, in which case * aud- would have to reflect *h1 oud-. aušra

LITH LATV

aušra 4 [2/4] 'dawn'; VAR auštra (S. dial.) 4 austra [au, aū] 'dawn'

BSL PSL SL

*au?(t)ro *utro n. o (a) 'morning, dawn' OCS (j)utro 'dawn, morning, tomorrow'; zaustra (Ps. Sin.) 'in the morning' (cf. Bulg. zcistra, Mcd. dzastra); Ru. utro 'morning'; Cz. jitro 'morning'; Cz. jutro (dial.) 'tomorrow'; Pl. jutro 'morning' (in Old Polish we find such forms as justrzejszy 'tomorrow's', justrzenka 'dawn'); SCr. jutro 'morning'; Sln. jutro 'morning, east'

PIE IE

*h2 eus-rom

Gk. auptov adv. 'tomorrow'; Lat. auster m. 'south wind'; Olc. austr m. 'East'

The loss of s in PSl. *justro is irregular. According to Nieminen (1956), the s was lost as a result of dissimilation in syntagms such as *za ustra and *s'b ustra. The main problem of the etymology *h2 eus-ro-, however, is the PSl. acute intonation of the root, which might be linked to the Latvian variant aūstra. It is possible that we are dealing with an instance of contamination here, but for the time being a proper candidate seems to be lacking. Here Kortlandt's hypothesis (1977b) that stressed *(H)u- yielded *u(- comes to mind. In Derksen 2007 (511), l noted that the zero grade from which the acute may have spread seems to be lacking, without mentioning the rare Lithuanian form --+Ctšra. The latter form may be traced to the original hysterodynamic paradigm of this s-stem, but this still does not provide a convincing explanation for the fact that the root is acute. See also: apYūšra; auksas; aūšti; iišra; ūšti

aušti

LITH LATV

aūšti 'dawn, break (day)', 3 pres. aūšta, 3 pret. aūšo aust [au, au 2] 'dawn, break (day)', 3 pres. aust, 3 pret. ausa

In view of the full grade, this verb must be of nominal origin (-+aušra), cf. Skt. ucchciti 'dawn, break (day)' < *h2 us-ske!o-. The verb --+ūšti may be denominative as well. autas

LITH LATV

aūtas 2 'foot-cloth, rag' auts [au, au 2] 'cloth, bandage'; VAR aute

A derivative in *-to- of --+aūti.

avinas

73

auti

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL PIE IE

aūti 'put on footwear', 3 pres. aūna, 3 pret. iivė aut [au, au 2] 'put on footwear', isg. pres. aunu, aitju, isg. pret. avu, avu *ou*obuti v. 'put on footwear' OCS obuti; Ru. obUt"put on someone's boots or shoes for him, provide with boots or shoes'; Cz. obouti; Slk. obuf; PI. obuc; SCr. obuti; Sln. obUti *h3eUHitt. unu-zi 'adom, decorate, lay (the table)'; Lat. induere 'put on'

LIV (275) reconstructs the root as *h2 euH-. In view of the plausible connection with Hitt. unu-zi (see Kloekhorst 2008: s.v.), I have opted for a reconstruction with *h3• The root-finai laryngeal reconstructed by LIV is clearly in conflict with the Balto­ Slavic evidence. See also: aūklė; aūtas; aveti avėti

LITH

avi!ti 'wear (shoes )', 3 pres. iivi, 3 pret. avifj o; avifti, 3 pres. avifj a, 3 pret. avifjo

A stative verb in -eti belonging to _.aūti. avikiena

LITH BSL PSL SL

avikiena (Jušk., Šlap.) l 'mutton'; VAR avikifna (Žem.) *owikeii'nai' *ovvčina f. a (a) CS ovvčina 'sheepskin'; Ru. ovčina 'sheepskin'; Cz. ovčina 'mutton'; Sln. ovčina 'mutton'

A derivative of a noun corresponding to OCS ovbca 'sheep' < *h3euikehr (_.avis), cf. Skt. avika- 'ewe', W ewig 'hind', which Girdenis (2006) identifies with Lith. _.auka 'sacrifice'. In the Lithuanian standard language, substantives in -ikas!-ikė are for the greater part agent nouns. The diminutive suffix - ikas is rare, but -ikė is still productive in Žemaitian and the neighbouring West Aukštaitian dialects (Ambrazas i993: i37). In Zietela, we find a variant -yka, e.g. avyka. For the suffix -ienė, cf. aviene 'mutton', kiaulienė 'pork'. avinas

LITH LATV OPR

iivinas 3b 'ram' auns 'ram'; VAR avins; avęns awins (EV) 'rarn'

BSL PSL SL

*owinos *ovbn'b m. o (b) 'rarn' ocs OVbn'b; Ru. oven 'Aries, (obs.) ram'; OCz. oven; OPI. owien; SCr. ovan, Gsg. 6vna; SCr. 6van, Gsg. 6vna; Sln. 6van

74

avynas

A derivative of -+avis. For the suffix, cf. Lith. antinas 'drake', stirninas 'roebuck', gervinas 'male crane'. Metatonie douce is common in this formation (cf. Derksen 1996: 151-152, 157). avynas

LITH OPR

avjnas 1 'uncle on mother's side' awis (EV) 'uncle'

BSL PSL SL

* aur(i)o*ujb m. jo 'uncle on mother's side' Ru. uj, Gsg. uja; vuj (dial.); Cz. ujec; Pl. wuj; SCr. ujak; ujac, Gsg. ujca; Sln. ujac, Gsg. ujca *h2 euhr Hitt. bubba- e. 'grandfather'; CLuw. buba- 'grandfather'; Lat. avus m. 'grand­ father'; Olr. aue m. 'grandson'; Go. awo f. 'grandmother'; Arm. haw 'grand­

PIE IE

father'

For the reconstruction of the root-final *h2, see Kloekhorst 2008: 352f., where a root noun *h2 euhrl*h2 uhr is advocated. For the semantics, cf. Beekes 1976a. avis

LITH LATV

avis f.(i) 4 'sheep' avs f.(i) 'sheep'

BSL PSL SL

*owis; *owikar *ovbctH. ja (c) 'sheep' ocs OVbCa; Ru. ovca, Asg. ovcu (In Old Russian we find indications for AP's (b) en (e) . According to Illič-Svityč (1963: 85), ovca has mobile accentuation in 181h and 19 th century poetry as well as in dialects.); Cz. ovce; Slk. ovca; Pl. owca; SCr. 6vca, Npl. 6vce; Sln. 6vca; Bulg. ovca

PIE IE

*h3eu-i-

Skt. avi- m.ff. 'sheep, ram'; avikd- 'ewe'; Gk. ore; m./f 'sheep'; Lat. avis f. 'sheep'; Toch. B awi Npl. f. 'female sheep'

Evidence for AP 2 is limited to the Gpl. awių (2x) in Daukša. Latv. avs was ousted by aita, which is a back-formation based on the diminutive aiti1}a < aviti1}a. See also: auka; aukoti; avikiena; avinas

aviža

LITH LATV OPR

aviža 3b 'oats' auzas Npl. [au, au2] 'oats' wyse (EV) 'oats'

PSL SL

* ov1's11 m. o (b) 'oats' Ru. oves; ORu. OVbS1'; Cz. oves; Slk. ovos; Pl. owies; SCr. ovas, Gsg. 6vsa; Sln. 6vas; Bulg. oves

PIE

*h2 eu-if'(s)-

badyti

IE

75

Lat. avena f.

According to Schrijver (1991: 46-47), the Balto-Slavic and Latin forms can be derived from *h2 eu-ig"- (with a suffix *-snehr in Latin), except for the fact that Slavic has a voiceless sibilant. A substratum origin seems more probable. The Old Prussian form may have been influenced by the name of a similar plant, cf. OPr. wisge (GrG), wyszge (GrF) 'oats' vs. Lith. vizgė, visgė 'oatgrass, false oats: Daukantas uses vizgė in the meaning 'oats'. ąžuolas

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

qžuolas 3• (1/3•] 'oak'; VAR aižuolas (dial.) 3•; a užuolas (Ness., dial.) 3•; qržuolas (dial.) 3• u6zuols [u6, u6 2] 'oak, thunder-cloud'; VAR u6zals; u6zuls ansonis (EV) 'oak' *on (ž-(6)1pzl'b m. o (a) 'knot' SerbCS 9zl'b; v9z/'b; Ru. uzel, Gsg. uzla; Cz. uzel; Slk. uzol; Pl. węzel; SCr. uzao, Gsg. uzla; Sln. v6ul, Gsg. v6zla; 6zbalnas 11. balsas

LITH LATV

baisas 4 [2/4] 'voice' balss [al, af2, al 2] 'voice'; VAR balss f.(i) [al, af2, al 2] ; balse

The circumflex of this noun, which has a suffix * -so-, is an argument in favour of a root *bhol- (seel also ->bilt1). baltas

LITH LATV OPR

baltas 3 [1/3] 'white' baits [ai, al2] 'white' Namuynbalt top.

BSL PSL SL

*bol?to *balto n. o (a) 'swamp' OCS blato; Ru. bol6to; Cz. bltito 'mud'; Pl. bloto 'mud'; Slnc. blwęte 'swamp'; USrb. bl6to 'mud'; SCr. blato 'mud, lake'; Sln. bltito 'mud, swamp'

PIE IE

*bholfl-toAlb. balte f. 'mud, swamp'; MoGk. �ahoeiti (Stang 1966: 310, 312). beigti

LITH LATV

beigti (K., MT, dial.) 'end, finish, stop', 3 pres. beigia, 3 pret. beigė beigt 'end, finish, stop, kill', lsg. pres. beidzu, lsg. pret. beidzu See -+beiigti. In my view, the root beig- is an East Baltic formation.

belsti

LITH

belsti 'knock, make a noise, (coll.) speak with animation', 3 pres. beldžia, 3 pret. beldė LATV belzt [el, el, el2] 'strike', lsg. pres. belžu, lsg. pret. belzu See -+baldyti. The z of the Latvian verb is analogical (in the present tense ž may continue *zj or *dl). Endzelins (ME l: 278) suggests that the verb telzt 'beat' may have played a role. This is possible, but not required. In ME, telzt is recorded with the meanings 'beat severely' and 'chatter', by the way.

bengti

LITH

beiigti (OLith., Žem.) 'end, finish, stop', 3 pres. beiigia, 3 pret. beiigė

On the basis of Irish and Armenian forms without a nasal, LIV (66-67) reconstructs PIE *bheg-. The root *bheng- attested in Sanskrit, e.g. bhanakti 'break, shatter' (V bhaiij-), and Baltic is thought to have originated from the nasal present. The main problem with this etymology is the fact that there is no trace of the effects of Winter's law. The circumflex is regular in the sta-present of -+biiigti (cf. Derksen 1996: 166-168, 2011b, Dybo: 2002: 492-496), but it is not very plausible that this is the origin of what is to all appearences a circumflex root, not to mention the fact that with a root of this structure the sta-present must be recent. Smoczynski (2007: 40-41) starts from a secondary zero grade *big- (created alongside *beg- on the analogy of roots with *iR < *JJ.. : *eR), which gave rise to both the verb -+baigti and a nasal present *bi-n-g-, which in turn provided the basis for the root beng-. In this scenario the absence of the effects of Winter's law is even more conspicuous. l agree with Smoczynski that the vocalism of baigti is secondary. l assume that the East Baltic root *beng- was inherited, however, cf. Skt. bhaiij- and OPr.

bergždžias

pobanginnons 'moved', and that *baig-, *beig-, and *big- (cf. Lith. bigas 'short, small') are based on the zero grade *bing-. ln this way the absence of forms reflecting *bheg­ or *bhog- is accounted for. The circumflex tone of the root remains to be explained. See also: banga; baigti; beigti bėras

LITH LATV

beras 3 [1/3] 'bay, reddish brown' bęrs 'bay (usu. said about horses)' *bherH-oOic. bjprn m. 'bear'; OHG bero m. 'bear'; OE bera m. 'bear'

PIE IE

l assume that the long root vowel is secondary. The structure CVR-V- is not uncommon and the acute tone may have been adopted from the position before consonant. See also: bebras bergždė

LITH See

.....

bergžde ( dial.) 4 ( 2/ 4) 'barren cow or sheep' bergždžias.

bergždžias

LITH

bergždžias 4 'barren (of animals, trees)'; VAR berždžias (SD, dial.) 4; berždus ( KN) 'barren (of trees)'

BSL PSL

*berrdios *berdjb adj. (a) 'with young, pregnant' CS brežda f. 'pregnant'; RuCS brež(d)a f. 'pregnant'; Ru. berežaja (dial.) f. 'in foal'; berežaja (dial.) f. 'mare in foal'; Ukr. bereža f. 'with young'; Cz. bfezi f. 'with young, pregnant'; SCr. breda (W. dial.) f. 'pregnant, (Cr.) in calf'; Čak. breja (Orb.) f. 'pregnant (of a cow), with young'; Sln. bręja f. 'with young'

SL

PIE IE

*bher-d-iehr Lat. forda f. 'in calf'

Both *bh(o)rdhiehr and *bh(o)rHdhiehr would have yielded **forba in Latin (see Nussbaum 1999 for the development of *rdh originating from syncope). Nussbaum, who considers the connection with OCS brežda possible, suggests that an original noun *bhori- > *Jori 'birther' was expanded to *Jori-d- and then hypercharacterized as a feminine (1999: 406). For the Balto-Slavic forms, the *-d- suffices to provide an explanation for the acute tone of the root, which must be identified with *bher- 'carry, bear' ( ..... berti). There are, however, instances of an enlarged root *bherH-, such as PSL *bermę (a), e.g. Ru. beremja (dial.) 'armful, bundle, burden', SCr. breme 'weight, load, pregnant woman'. See also: bergždė

88

bernas

bernas

LITH LATV

bernas 3 '(coli.) fellow, lad, (arch.) hired worker, (OLith.) child, boy' brrns [rr, rr2J 'child'

PIE IE

Go. barn n. 'child'; Olc. barn n. 'id:; OHG barn n. 'id:

*bher-no-

See -+berti. berti

LITH LATV

berti [ei'; er] 'scatter', 3 pres. beria, 3 pret. berė b�rt [�r, er, ei', �r2] 'scatter', isg. pres. beru, ISg. pret. beru

BSL PSL SL

*ber*bbrati v. 'take' OCS bbrati 'gather, select', isg. ber9; Ru. brat' 'take', ISg. beru, 3sg. beret; Ukr. braty 'take', ISg. beru; Cz. brati 'take'; Slk. braf'take'; Pl. brac 'take'; USrb. brac 'take, steal'; LSrb. bras 'take'; SCr. briiti 'gather', ISg. berem; Sln. brati 'gather, take', ISg. berem

PIE IE

*bher-e/oGk. epw 'bear, carry'; Skt. bharati 'bear'; Lat. ferre 'bear, carry', ISg. fero; Go. bairan 'bear, carry'

The acute tone of E. Lith. berti (beria, bere) and Latv. bert (or bert) probably originates from the intransitive Lith. birti, Latv. birt, cf. Derksen 1996: 285. See also: bernas; birti beržas

LITH LATV OPR

beržas 3 [1/3] 'birch' bęrzs [ęr, ęr2, rr2J 'birch'; VAR bęrza; berze berse (EV) 'birch'

BSL PSL SL

*berrž-o-; *berrž-ar *berza f. a (a) 'birch' CS breza; Ru. bereza; Bel. bjar6za; Ukr. bereza; Cz. bfiza; Slk. breza; Pl. brzoza; Slnc. bfilęza; USrb. braza; LSrb. breza; SCr. breza f.(a); brez m.(o); Sln. bręza f.(a); bręz m.( o); Bulg. breza; Mcd. breza

PIE IE

*bherHg-oSkt. bhūrja- m. 'kind of birch' (*bhrHg-o-)

Since the Sanskrit form has zero grade, one may be inclined to start from a root noun (cf. Schrijver 1991: i86ff.). See also: biržis; biržlis; biržtva besti

LITH LATV

besti 'stiek, drive (into), pirrri p m. 'member of a brotherhood'; Lat. friiter m. 'brother'; Go. bropar m. 'brother'

The noun br6tis is mainly attested in dainos. Additional evidence for East Baltic forms with - t(r)- are the diminutive -+broterelis and the verbs broterauti, brotauti 'fraternize'. broterėlis

LITH LATV OPR

broterelis 2 'brother (dim.)' brataritis 'brother (dim.)' bratrikai Npl. 'brother (dim.)'

See -+brolis. brožti

LITH LATV

br6žti 'wipe, scrape, scratch', 3 pres. br6žia, 3 pret. br6žė brazt [a, ii, a 2] 'rage, make noise, rush', 1sg. pres. bražu, 1sg. pret. brazu

PIE

*bhrog-

Possibly cognate with Lat. frangere, Go. brikan 'break'. The acute vocalism of the root must be due to Winter's law. See also: brašketi; brežti brūkis

LITH LATV OPR

brukis 2 'tug, stroke, line, (Žem.) while, period' britce [it, u] 'scratch, wound'; VAR bruce (Lange) brokis (EV) 'stroke' A derivative of -+brukti. The long vowel of brukis and Latv. britce must be connected with the metatonie douce in East Baltic nomina actionis, which ultimately originates from a retraction of the ictus from prevocalic *i. The vocalism of OPr. brokis points to *u. bruknė

LITH LATV

britknė 2 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis­ idaea)'; VAR bruknis f.(i) 4 brūklene [it, u, it 2, u 2] 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis-idaea), (u2) reddish brown cow'; VAR brūkne; britkline 2; britkliene 2; brukline 2 ecf. britklęniijs, britkleniijs 'red whortleberry bush')

BSL PSL

*br(o)us!k*brusbnica f. ja 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry'

bruvis

SL

103

Ru. brusnika; Cz. brusnice; Slk. brusnica; Pl. brusznica; brusnica ( dial.); SCr. brusnica 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis­ idaea), bilberry, whortleberry (Vaccinium myrtillus)'; Sln. brusnica 'mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry (Vaccinium vitis-idaea)'; Bulg. brusnica 'measles, mountain cranberry, cowberry, red whortleberry

(Vaccinium vitis-idaea)'

See -+braukyti. brukti

LITH LATV

brukti 'poke, thrust, press, scutch (flax)', 3 pres. bruka, 3 pret. bruko brukt 'crumble, fall down, collapse, slide down'

BSL PSL SL

*brus/k*bT"bsn9ti; *brbkn9ti RuCS bT"bsnuti 'shave'; Ru. brosnut' (dial.) 'squeeze, pick berries'; SCr. bfknuti 'throw'; Sln. bfsniti 'kiek, poke, rush'; bfkniti; bfcniti; Bulg. br&sna 'shave'

See -+braukyti. brunė

LITH

PIE IE

brunė (Žem.) 2 'eyebrow, back of a knife or razor'; VAR brunys (Ness.) 4 'eyebrow'; brunas (Ness.) 'eyebrow'; brunis (dial.) f.(i) 4 'dull edge of a scythe' *h3bhruH- ?

Olr. bru f. 'edge, bank'; Olc. brun f. 'edge, side'

Possibly cognate with bruvė or bruvis 'eyebrow', where *uH is reflected as a short vowel (cf. buvo 'was'). This may ultimately be the origin of the short vowel of brunė (-vė >> -nė) . On the other hand, brunė and briauna 'edge' seem to have Germanic and Celtic cognates with -n-. See also: briauna bruvis

LITH BSL PSL SL

bruvis (OLith., dial.) f.(i) 4 'eyebrow'; VAR bruvė ( dial.) 2; bruvis (C.) m.(io) *bru(s *bry f. ū 'eyebrow' OCS brbVbmi (Supr.) Ipl. 'eyebrows(?), eyelids?'; Ru. brov' f.(i) 'eyebrow'; Cz. brva f.(a) 'eyelash, (pl.) eyebrows'; OCz. brev f.(i) 'eyebrow', Gsg. brve; Slk. brva f.(a) 'eyebrow, eyelid'; Pl. brew f.(i) 'eyebrow', Gsg. brwi; SCr. bfv (13th e.) f.(i) 'eyelid'

PIE IE

*h3bhruH-s Skt. bhrd- f. 'eyebrow'; Gk. opūc; f. 'id:; Olr. bra f. 'id:; OE brū f. 'id:

104

bruzduklis

bruzduklis

LITH BSL PSL SL

brilzduklis (dial.) i (1/2) 'bridle'; VAR bruzdiklis 2; bruzdukulis l *bruzd*brbzda f. a 'bit' OCS brbzdami (Ps. Sin.) Ipl. 'bit'; Cz. brzda 'brake'; Slk. brzda 'brake'; Sln. bfzda 'bridle'; brazda; bruzda (161h -181h e.)

PIE IE

*bhrus-dhOlc. broddr m. 'spike, shaft'; OHG brart m. 'edge'

bruzdus

LITH BSL PSL SL

bruzdus 4 'agile, busy'; VAR burzdus 4; bruzgils 4; burzgils 4 *burzd*bwzd'b adj. o 'fast' RuCS borzdo adv.; ORu. borzdo adv.; Bel. borzdyj (OBel.) adj.

Since the regular Slavic form is *b'brZ'b, e.g. SCr. bfz, one may suspect that the sequence * -zd- is due to Baltic influence. On the other hand, we find a form brzdica (Vuk) 'rapid, strong current' in Serbo-Croatian. budėti

LITH OPR BSL PSL SL

PIE

budi!ti 'be awake, keep watch', 3 pres. budi, 3 pret. budi!j o bude 3pl. 'watch over' *bude?*b'bdeti v. (e?) 'be awake' OCS b'bdeti 'be awake, keep watch', isg. b'bžd9, 2sg. b'bdiši; Ru. bdet' (arch.) 'keep watch, keep vigil', 2sg. bdiš'; Cz. bditi 'awake, keep watch'; Slk. bdief 'awake, keep watch, follow'; LSrb. bžes (Jakub.) 'awake, keep watch'; SCr. bdjeti (arch.) 'be awake, keep watch'; Sln. badęti 'be awake, keep watch', isg. badi m; bdęti 'be awake, keep watch', isg. bdim; Bulg. bdja 'awake, keep watch' *bhudh-ehr

See -baudyti. budinti

LITH LATV

budinti 'awaken (tr.)', 3 pres. budina, 3 pret. budino budinat 'awaken (tr.), incite, excite'; VAR budit, isg. pres. budu, isg. pret. budiju; budzit

Causative to -+busti (cf. Skardžius 1941: 542). See also -+baudyti. budrus

LITH BSL PSL

budrus 4 'vigilant' *budros *b1'drb adj. o; *b1'dfb adj. jo (b) 'alert, cheerful'

buožė

105

SL

OCS b'bdT'b 'eheerful'; bbždrejų (Supr.) Isg. f. 'eheerful'; Ru. b6dryj 'eheerful'; bodr 'eheerful', f. bodra, n. b6dro (AP (b) in Old Russian); SCr. badar 'eheerful, alert'; bodar 'eheerful, alert'; bodar 'eheerful, alert'; Sln. bod a-. The Lithuanian e- is puzzling. elenis

LITH BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

elenis (Bretk.) 'deer' * elenias *elenv m. jo; *elen'b m. o 'deer' OCS jelenv (Ps. Sin., Supr.) 'deer'; Ru. alen' 'deer, stag-beetle'; elėn' (dial.); Ukr. 6len"deer'; jėlen' (dial.); Cz. jelen 'deer, stag-beetle'; Slk. jeleii 'deer, stag­ beetle'; Pl. jelen 'deer'; SCr. jelen 'deer, stag-beetle'; Čak. jelen 'deer, stag­ beetle'; Sln. jėlen 'deer, stag-beetle', Gsg. jelęna; Bulg. jelėn 'deer' *h1 el-h1 en(-i)Gk. iiveA.oakiičios), though their distribution over the Balto-Slavic territory (South Slavic + Lithuanian) is remarkable. ėras

LITH LATV

eras 3 'lamb'; VARjeras 3; geras; veras jiįrs [ ę, ę] 'lamb'; VAR jere 'one-year-old sheep, half-year-old sheep, mother lamb'

OPR BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

eristian (EV) 'lamb' *je?ro* Črbka f. a Cz. jarka 'spring wheat, sheep bom in spring'; jarka ( dial.) 'spring rye, ewe that had young in spring'; Slk. jarka 'one year old sheep'; Pl. jarka 'increase or harvest of this or last year's spring, barren sheep'; SCr. jiirka 'spring com, hen that has laid eggs for the first time'; jarka 'spring maize'; Čak. jiirka (Orb.) 'species of grain'; Sln. jarka 'summer fruit (e.g. of spring rye or wheat), young hen'; Bulg. ja rka 'young chicken' *Hieh1 -r-

Skt. paryarit:ii- f. 'cow which has its first calf after a year'; Gk. wpa f. 'time, season'; Av. yar- n. 'year'; Go. jer n. 'year'; OHG jiir n. 'year'

Cf. also PSI. * čro (*era, Črb) , e.g. RuCS jara f. 'spring', Cz. ja ro n. 'spring'; Pl. jar (dial.) m., OPI. ja ro 'spring, spring com', SCr. jiira f. 'great heat, mirage, spiri t', jar m. 'spring'.

ernis

155

erdus

erdus (dial.) 'fragile, loose (earth)'; VAR ardus 4 LITH LATV ęrds 'spaeious, eomfortable, fluent'; VAR ards See -+erdvas. Fraenkel ineorreetly provides both Latvian forms with a sustained tone. erdvas

LITH LATV

erdvas 4 'spaeious, loose, wide'; erdvus; VAR ardvas (OLith., dial.) 4 d rdavs 2 'agile, fluent, spaeious, eomfortable'; VAR ęrdavs

This adjeetive is based on a stem that was abstraeted from forms sueh as -+ardyti, cf. erdeti 'disintegrate', Latv. erst 'separate'. The adjeetive --+ertas derives from the orig­ inal root. --+

erelis

erelis 2 'eagle' (the forms aras and eras (Pokorny IEW: 326) are neologisms) erglis [ er, er2] 'eagle' arelie [arelis] (EV) 'eagle' *or-il-o-; *er-el-io* orbl'b m. o ( b) 'eagle' OCS orbi'b; Ru. orei, Gsg. oria; Cz. orei; Slk. orai; orei; Pl. orzel, Gsg. orla; USrb. worjol, Gsg. w6rla; LSrb. jerjol; jerjel; herjol ( dial.); herjel (dial.); horal (areh.); SCr. orao; Sln. ardi, Gsg. oria; Bulg. orei PIE *h_,erIE Gk. opv1� m. 'bird'; Go. ara m. 'eagle'; Ok. 9rn m. 'eagle'; Olr. irar m. 'eagle'; Hitt. bara(n)- e. 'eagle' The variant arelis is limited to the area where e- beeomes a- (Būga RR II: 508). Thus. all East Baltie forms seem to refleet initial *e-. Sinee this is unexpeeted, these forms may be labelled as examples of "Rozwadowski's ehange" (see --+aki!čios). It does not LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

seem very plausible that within Slavie only the Low Sorbian forms would show the effeet of this phenomenon. erkė

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

erkė l 'tiek' erce 'tiek'; VAR ercis 2 (Klp.) *6r?k-; *er?k*ork'b m. o (a) 'erayfish' Ru. rak; Cz. rak; Slk. rak; Pl. rak; Slne. rak; SCr. rak; Čak. rak (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. rak, Gsg. raka; Bulg. rak O Pr. rakis (EV) 'erayfish' and Lith. rakis ( dial.), rakis ( dial.) 'id: must be borrowings from Slavie (pace Mažiulis PKEŽ IV: 31). ernis

LITH

ernis 2 'wolverine'

eršketas

BSL PSL SL

. *er-n-1*ernb f. i ORu. renb f.(i) 'hatred, malice, spite'

Young (2001: 163-164) links Lith. ernis 'wolverine' to ORu. renb 'hatred, malice, spite' and derives these words from Pokorny's root *er- 'sich in Bewegung setzen, erregen (auch seelisch argern, reizen)' (IEW 326-327). LIV distinguishes between *h1er­ 'wohin gelangen, geraten' (238, 303) and *h3er- (299) 'sich in (Fort-)bewegung setzen', cf. Kilmmel 2000. Formally *ernb may only belong to the former root, which is semantically less attractive, but it should be noted that the distinction between the roots is not always clear. eršketas

LITH OPR BSL PSL SL

eršketas 2 'sturgeon'; VAR eršketras Prussianism) esketres (EV) 'sturgeon'

1

(ešketras (Bretk.) 'whale' is probably a

* esetros * esetro m. o; esetra f. a (b) 'sturgeon' Ru. osetr m„ Gsg. osetra; oseter (dial.) m.; ORu. jesetro m.; osetro m.; Cz. jeseter m.; Slk. jeseter m.; Pl. jesiotr m.; OPI. jesiotr m.; jasiotr m.; USrb. jesetr (arch.) m.; jasotr (arch.) m.; LSrb. jesotr m.; SCr. jesetra f.; Sln. jeset"7' m.; Bulg. esetra f.

It seems highly plausible that eršketas is cognate with -+ešerys 'perch' and that in spite of the initial *e- both etyma belong to PIE *h2 ek- 'sharp', cf. Lat. acipenser 'sturgeon' < *hzeku-. The Baltic forms are not without problems, however. Forms like eršketas and eršketras were probably influenced by -+eršketis 'thorn' (though it must be admitted that a development eršketas < ešketras is plausible in itself, cf. Toporov PJ II: 89 ), but it is clear that the original form contained a k, cf. OPr. esketres, which is absent in Lith. ešerys. This may be the familiar intrusive velar which in Baltic frequently arose before s or z. In that case we would have to start from a Baltic proto-form *eksetras. erškėtis

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

erškltis 2 [1/2/3•/3b] (i.e. erškėtis 1, erškėtys 3•/3b) 'thorn-bush'; VAR eršketis 2 [1/2/3•/3b] (i.e. eršketis l, eršketys 3•/3b) erš�is [er, er2] 'thorn-bush, thorn, prickle'; VAR erkšis; erkš�is *er?k$*erx'bk'b m. o Sln. ręšak 'sow thistle' ( *erš-bcb < *erx-iko- ?, cf. Andersen 1996: 140, Derksen 2008a: 143)

The etymological connection with Skt. anrk?ara- 'thornless (path)' - if reliable - is attractive, but the fact that the Baltic forms seem to require a laryngeal (* HerHks-) is problematic.

ėsti

157

ertas

ertas (Žem., WP) 4 'spacious, wide'; VAR ertus (dial.) 4 LITH ęrts [ėr, er, er2] 'spacious, comfortable, fluent' LATV See -+erdvas. eržilas

eržilas 3b 'stallion'; VAR aržilas 3b LITH LATV ęrzelis 'stallion' See -+aržus. esmi

LITH esmi (OLith.) isg. 'am' LATV ęsmu isg. 'am' asmai isg., asmu isg., asmau isg. 'am' OPR *esmi BSL PSL *esmb isg. 'am' OCS jesmb; Cz. jsem; OPL je5m; SCr. jesam; sam.; Sln. sJm SL PIE *h1 es-mi Skt. asmi isg. 'am'; Gk. dµ[ isg. IE See -+ėsti. esti

LITH OPR BSL PSL SL PIE IE

ėsti 'is' ast (l, Il, Ill), ;est (Il), est (Il) 'is' *esti *estb 3sg. 'is' OCS jest'b; Ru. est'; Cz. jest; je; Pl. jest; SCr. jest; je; Sln. je; Bulg. e *h1es-ti Skt. asti 'is'; Gk. ten:[ 'is'

See also: esmi

ėsti

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

čsti 'eat (of animals), (dial., OLith.) eat', 3 pres. čda, 3 pret. čdė; VAR ėsti (OLith.), isg. pres. ėmi, 3 pres. ėsti, 3 pret. ėdė ėst 'eat', isg. pres. ędu, isg. pret. ėdu; VAR ėst, isg. pres. ęmu, isg. pret. ėdu istwei (III), lst (III), ist (III) 'eat', 2pl. imper. edeitte (l), ydieti (II), ldeiti (III), idaiti (III) 'eat!' *ei'sti; *ei'd* �sti v. 'eat' OCS jasti, isg. jamb, 3sg. jast'b; Ru. est', isg. em, 3sg. est; Cz. jisti; Slk. jesf; Pl. ješC; Slnc. jięsc; SCr. jesti, isg. jedem; Sln. jfsti, isg. jfm

ešerys

158

PIE IE

*h1 ed-mi etc. Skt. atti 'eat'; Hitt. ed-zi l ad-; Gk. e ierC. This is conceivable, cf. jierbę in the East Latvian dialect of Gr.­ Buschhof (Endzelins 1922a: 169) corresponding to irbe 'partridge' (--+irbė). For jierbė, LITH

Būga mentions attestations in Kupiškis and Vadokliai (E. Lith.). Perhaps this hypothesis may be extended to jerbė, which considering the data in the LKŽ ( and Būga: l.e.) seems to be an East Lithuanian form as well. We cannot exclude the possibility that the full grade is original, however.

212

jerubė

jerubė

LITH

BSL PSL SL

jerube 3b 'hazel-grouse'; VAR jerumbe (dial.) 3b; jerubė 3b (also 'spotted cow'); arubė i; jčrubė 3b; jėrube 3b ierube 2 'partridge' (cf. ierubinatiės 'fiir eine kurze Zeit zu kollern od. falzen beginnen'); VAR irube (BW) ( quantity of the initial vowel uncertain) *eru(m)b-; *erimb*erębb m. jo; *eręb'b m. o; *eręb'bk'b m. o RuCS jarębb m. 'partridge'; ORu. erjabb; orjabb m. 'partridge'; Cz. jerab 'rowan-tree; crane, (arch.) 'partridge'; jerabek 'hazel-grouse'; Slk. jerab 'rowan-tree'; Pl. jarzqb (arch., dial.) 'rowan-tree (dial.), hazel-grouse (OPI.)'; jarzqbek, jerzqbek (dial.) 'hazel-grouse'; USrb. jerjab 'hazel-grouse'; SCr. jiireb ( dial.) 'partridge'; Čak. oreb (Vrg.) 'partridge'; Sln. jeręb 'partridge'; jaręb 'partridge'

IE

Olc. jarpi m. 'hazel-grouse'; jarpr 'brown'

LATV

Būga (RR II: 537) doubts the existence of (j)ėrubl, which he traces to Ruhig's dictionary, where one also finds Jerublė (for Jerubbė?). The LKZ's attestations of jerubė, however, include the dialect of Gargždai in the Klaipėda area. According to Būga (RR II: 538), the variation u(m) : ū may be accounted for if we assume that these forms are borrowings reflecting Slavic *jerpb'b. This seems implausible to me. Firstly, the Slavic evidence points to a medial vowel *ę. Secondly, there are forms such as --+Latv. rubenis 'black grouse', which can hardly be explained as a borrowing. The irregularities connected with these etyma are best viewed within a substratum context. We seem to be dealing with a root *(e)ru(m)b-, with a variant *(e)r(m)b-, of undoubtedly non-Indo-European origin (cf. Derksen 2000) . See also: irbė; irbėnis; jerbė jis

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

jis 'he', f. ji jis (E. Latv.) 'he', Nomsf] ji 2

PIE

*h1 e (f. hi ih2 ), *i o-

*(j)is, *jo*jb(že) prn. OCS i 'that, he, who', f. ja, n. je; ORu. ože conj. 'how, that, because'; Cz. že conj. 'that'; (j)ež (arch.) conj. 'that'; jenž (arch.) prn. 'who', f. jež, n. jež; Slk. že conj. 'that'; Pl. že conj. 'that'; že prn. 'who'

If we start from a Nsg. *is, the j- must stem from the oblique cases, the Asg. *im excepted (cf. Stang 1966: 233) . For Slavic, a reconstruction *io-(g w) h) would suffice, but l prefer to assume that both in Baltic and Slavic the demonstrative pronoun *h1e (traditionally *is, cf. Beekes 1983) and the relative pronoun were conflated. joti

LITH

joti 'ride', 3 pres. joja, 3 pret. jojo

jungti

LATV BSL PSL SL PIE IE

213

jat 'ride', lsg. pres. jaju

*jai'* eti v. 'go, ride'

Cz. jeti 'ride, drive', lsg. jedu ; OPL jal 3sg. pret. 'rode'; USrb. jec 'ride'; LSrb. jėš 'ride' *ieh,Skt. yciti 'go, travel, move'

In Slavic, *eti was ousted by *exa ti, e.g. Ru. exa t' 'go, ride, drive', SCr. jahati 'ride', where the *x may originate from the s-aorist. jovalas

LITH LATV

jovalas 3b 'pigswill, mess' javais 'pigswill'

Related Latvian forms are javs, javs 'water mixed with flour, swill, dough'. We are dealing with derivatives of jau ti Latv. ja u t. -+

,

judus

LITH BSL PSL SL

j udu s 4 'active, mobile, (SD, Ness.) belligerent'

*jud*ojbmin'b m. o OCS oimi (Supr.) Npl. 'soldiers'

The Slavic noun is a prefixed derivative of *jbd-m-, cf. Skt. yudhma- 'warrior'




kal- is correct (Schrijver 1991: 427), the rare

kalnas

kalnas 3 [1/3] 'mountain, hill' kains 'mountain, hill' *kalH-nGk. KOAWVT] 'hill'; Lat. callis m. 'hill'; OE hyll m.!f. 'hill' The evidence points to an original n-stem containing the root of --+kelti.

LITH LATV PIE IE

kaltas l

kaltas l [1/3] 'chisel' kalts [a{, al2] 'chisel, small hammer' *kal?t6 *kalto m. o.; *kalta f. a; *kalto n. o (b) Ru. k6lot (dial.) m. 'wooden sledge-hammer, heavy dub'; kal6ta (dial.) f. 'flail, threshing floor'; ORu. kaloto m. 'instrument for ramming'; Bel. kalat m. 'pole for rousing fish'; Cz. klat m. 'bee-hive, piece of wood around the neck of a mean dog, (dial.) log'; Slk. klat m. 'log, block, primitive bee-hive'; Pl. klota (dial.) m. 'boot-tree, last'; SCr. klata n. 'log around the neck or feet of livestock'; Čak. kliito (Orb.) n. 'dapper, tongue ( of a bell)', Npl. kliita; Sln. klata f. 'log around the neck of a pig' l assume that the mobile a-stems found in East Slavic are secondary (l wonder if the East Slavic variant k6lot may be analogical after malat 'hammer') and that the root­ final laryngeal was lost in pretonic position in an end-stressed noun kalrto or kalrti>. Note that due to the transfer of the original barytone neuter a-stems (in * -am > * -um > * - b ) to the dass of the masculine a-stems, there was widespread vacillation between the N sg. endings * - b and *-a (cf. Illič-Svityč 1963: 49, Derksen 2009: LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

passim). The East Baltic forms do not show metatony, which is regular in the case of ta-derivatives of dominant acute roots. The final stress reflected by the Slavic etymon may be due to the productivity of the neuter suffix *-to ( *-ti>). In view of the numerous Old Prussian derivatives in -tan (e.g. dalptan 'punch' ), the spread of the suffix may have been a Late Balto-Slavic development, in which case the East Baltic state of affairs results from redistribution according to the accentual praperties of the root (-kalti). See also: kalti; kalvis; kulti

kaltas II

222 kaltas 11

LITH LATV

kaltas 4 'guilty, indebted' kalts (Memelshof) 'guilty'

Related forms are kalte 4 (kaltė 2) 'guilt, debt', kaltybė i (kaltjbė 2), Latv. kaltiba 'id: and the denominative verb kaltinti 'accuse, indict: It is possible that we are dealing here with the root of --+skeleti 'owe', in which case we must reconstruct *(s )kel-. kalti

LITH LATV

kalti 'beat, forge', 3 pres. kala, 3 pret. kalė; VAR kalti, 3 pres. kala, 3 pret. kalo kalt [aŽ, al 2] 'beat, forge', isg. pres. kafu, isg. pret. kalu

BSL PSL SL

*kol?*kalti v. (b) 'stab, sting' OCS klati 'kill', isg. kolj9; Ru. kol6t' 'prick, stab, chop', isg. kolj u, 3sg. k6ljet; Cz. klati 'stab, beat, kili'; Slk. klaf 'stab, butt, kill'; Pl. kluc 'sting, prick'; Slnc. klbięc 'sting, prick'; SCr. klati 'chop, cut', isg. koljem; Čak. klati 'chop, cut', 2sg. kofeš; klat (Orb.) 'slaughter', 3sg. kolje; Sln. klati 'sting, bite, slaughter, split, beat', isg. k(iljem; Bulg. k6lja 'slaughter, kili'

PIE IE

*kolHLat. calamitas f. 'damage'

See also: kaltas; kalvis; khlti; kuolas kalva

LITH LATV

4 'elevated spot, (small) hill, (dial.) plot between meadows, clearing, shallow spot in the sea' kalva [aŽ, al 2] 'hill, small island'

kalva

This is another derivative of the root found in -+kelti. As for the semantics, we may compare Olc. holmr m. 'small island', OE holm m. 'sea, water, land rising from the water, an island in a river' < *kolH-men-. kalvis

LITH LATV

kalvis i 'blacksmith, hammersmith' kalvis [aŽ, al 2] 'smith'

This noun derives from -+kalti 'forge'. The word for 'smithy' is kalvė (kalva), Latv.

kalve 2 (kalva).

kamanė

LITH LATV OPR

kamanė 2 [2/3b] 'bumblebee'; VAR kamune (Žem.) 3b; kamana; karninė 2 kamene 'bumblebee'; VAR kamine; kamane camus (EV) 'bumblebee'

It is likely that the Baltic root *kam- continues the o-grade of the root *kl'fl(H)- that we find in OHG humbal, hummel, ME humbul-be 'bumblebee' < PGmc. *humela-

kamanos

223

m., and Ru. čmel ( dial.), Sln. čmęlj, Pl. czmiel 'id.' < PSL * Čbme/b. Like Fraenkel (LEW: 254), I am seeptieal about the appurtenanee of Lith. kimti 'beeome hoarse'. kamanos

LITH LATV PSL SL

IE

kamanos Npl. l [ 1/3b] 'leather bridle' kamanas Npl. 'sledge, sleigh'; VAR kamanes Npl. *xom9to m.o 'horse eollar' CS xom9to 'yoke, seales'; Ru. xomut 'horse eollar, clamp, (dial.) wooden hames'; Cz. chomout 'horse eollar'; Slk. chomut 'horse eollar'; Pl. chomqt (areh.) 'horse eollar, clamp'; SCr. homūt 'bundle, buneh'; hOmot (dial.) 'support of a vine'; Sln. hom(it 'horse collar, seine' MoDu. haam n. 'horse-collar'; MoE hame m. 'one of two eurved supports attaehed to the eollar of a draft-horse'; OHG hamo m. 'net'; MHG ham(e) m. 'bagshaped fishing-net'

Būga (1922: 270 RR II: 295-296) convineingly argues that kamanos and Latv. kamanas are one and the same word. The original meaning of kamana was 'dug out tree-trunk together with its roots' (cf. -->kamienas 'trunk, stem', Latv. kamans 'thiek end of a bearu'), whieh could be used as a sledge runner. Būga presents Ru. kok6ra (as well as kopan} as a perfect parallel. Next, Būga shows that originally bridles were made of wood, cf. žaboti 'bridle, eurb' from žabas 2/ 4 '(long) switeh, (long) dry braneh, (dial.) bit'. It seems to me that the meaning 'fishing-net, seine' attested in South Slavie and Germanic ean be explained in a similar way, cf. Lith. varžas 'fishing­ trap made of osiers'. In order to explain the initial *x-, Mongolian origin has been assumed for the Slavie word, cf. Mong. khom, pl. khomut 'yoke, cushion under a eamel saddle' (ef. Maehek 1971: 203, ESSJa VIII: 69-70, Bari.kowski 20ooa: 143). As it is generally assumed that horse collars entered Europe from the East, this is plausible enough. Unfortunately, it also presents serious difficulties. While Lith. kamafltai Npl. 2 'wooden part of a horse collar, horse eollar' and MoHG Kummet 'horse collar' ean be explained as borrowings from Slavie, the other Baltic and Germanic forms eannot. Būga (l.e.) even suggests that *xom9to is of Germanie origin. For formal (*kom-on-) and semantic reasons, I consider it preferable to assume that the Baltie, Slavic and Germanie forms are eognate. The origin of the PSL *x- is unclear to me. This is not one of those instanees where *x- eorresponds to Baltie sk- and I see no reason to start from a root *(s )kam- 'eompress, tighten' (pace ESSJa VIII: 70 ). Semantieally attraetive is the conneetion with Gk. KaµaĘ f./m. 'pole to support the vine, bar, shaft of a spear' and K1iµ6c; m. 'muzzle, plaited lid of the balloting urn, fyke for fishing, eover for nose and mouth'. With respeet to the latter word, Beekes (2010: 687- 688) notes that the basic meaning 'wieker' is ineompatible with the meaning 'press ete.', whieh is supposed to underlie the Balto-Slavic and Germanie forms that he mentions. As for kamanos, this reasoning is eertainly incorreet. Another possible eognate is Skt. samya- f. 'stiek, staff, (esp.) a wooden pin or peg, wedge, pin of a yoke', in whieh ease we must assume depalatalization for the Baltie forms (see also --- k amienas). =

224

kamienas

kamienas

LITH

kamienas l 'trunk, stem, (Jušk.) butt'; VAR karniena 1; kamčnas (dial.) i; kamčna (Ness.) i 'end of a tree-trunk, butt of a felled tree'; kamienis 'potato

top'

PSL SL

*k11my m. n OCz. kmen 'trunk, stem, generation'; Cz. kmen 'trunk, stem, bough, tribe'; Slk. kmen 'id.'; USrb. krhen 'branch, bough, trunk, twig'

I agree with Berneker (SEW I: 663) and Būga (1922: 270 RR II: 295-296) that these West Slavic forms are cognate with kamienas and therefore -+kamanos, which implies that I object to an analysis *k'b-men- (pace ESSJa VIII: i96). PSl. *k'bnb, as in Pl. kien (arch.) 'stump, stub', Gsg. knia may originate from *k'bm-n- < * ktp -n- . The zero grade *k'bm- apparently spread to forms with full grade of the suffix. With a view to Skt. samya- (see -+kamanos), it is unfortunate that depalatalization before a syllabic tp does not appear to be regular (Kortlandt 1978a: 242). =

kampas

LITH LATV

kampas 4 'corner, angle, heel of a loaf, hunch, (dial.) bend'; VAR kampas 2 'shaft-bow, handle'; kampa 1 'cross-bar of a sledge, coachman's seat, curved

woorden or iron bar' kampis [am, am 2] 'curved piece of wood, hook'; VAR kampa 'curved piece of wood (as part of a harness)'

BSL PSL SL

*kamp*kpt'b m. o (b) 'corner' OCS kpt11; Ru. kut (dial.); Cz. kaut; Slk. kut; Pl. kqt; Slnc. koyt; SCr. kūt; Čak. kut (Novi), Gsg. kūta; Sln. k(!t; Bulg. kat 'corner, angle' IE Lat. campus m. 'field'; Go. hamfs 'mutilated, Iame' According to ME (II: 151), kampa 2 (kamps) 'big piece, hunch' is probably a borrowing from Germanic, cf. MoHG kampen (Pruss.) 'hunch of bread'. The same is argued for kampis 'iron collar', cf. MHG kamp 'wooden collar of a pig'. It seems to me that in the case of the etymon under discussion it is not easy to distinguish borrowings from inherited forms. The root may be kamp- (with "European" *a), cf. Gk. Kaµmw 'bend, curve, turn' (--+kumpt1). PSl. *kpt'b may continue *kamp-tom. See also: kumpas; kumpti

kančia

LITH

kančia 4 'suffering, pain, torture'

The root of this noun is kant-, for which see -+kęsti. kandis

LITH

kandis f.(i) 4 (1/4] 'moth, (dial.) small snake'; VAR kandis m.(io) 1; kande 4

LATV

kuode [ uo, uo2] 'moth, cockroach'; VAR kuods m.( o); kuods f.(i); kuoda

(1/4]

kapoti

225

A derivative of -+kqsti, cf. kandis 'bite'. kandus

LITH kandus 4 [314] 'biting, stinging, sarcastic' LATV kubšus (LP) 'biting' See -+ kqsti. kanka

LITH kanka (Sirv., Jušk.) 4 'torment' A verbal noun derived from -+kenkti. kankinti

LITH LATV

kankinti [an, an] 'torture, torment', 3 pres. kankina, 3 pret. kankino kancinat 'irritate, pravoke' This verb is a causative to -+kenkti.

kapas

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

kiipas 4 [ 2/4] 'grave, burial mound, ( pl.) cemetery' kaps 'grave, burial mound, ( pl.) cemetery'; VAR kapa (Mane., Fiir.) Auctakops top. *(s)kop*kopa f. a 'heap, shock' Ru. kopa 'heap of hay or rye'; ORu. kopa 'monetary unit, shock (group of sixty units, group of sheaves)'; Cz. kopa 'shock (group of sixty units), heap, pile, (dial.) hay-stack'; Slk. kopa 'shock (group of sixty units ), heap, pile, hay­ stack'; Pl. kopa 'shock (group of sixty units, group of sheaves), hay-stack'; SCr. kopa (Vuk) 'hay-stack'; kopa 'hay-stack'; Čak. kopa (Vrg., Orb.) 'hay­ stack'; Sln. kopa 'hay-stack'; Bulg. kopa 'heap' *(s )kopPIE See -+kapoti. A plural kiipai 2 is attested in the dictionaries of Ruhig, Miekke and

Nesselmann (Illič-Svityč i963: 36). The LKŽe only mentions AP 4. kapoti

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

kapoti 'chop, hew', 3 pres. kapoja, 3 pret. kapojo kapat 'chop, hew', isg. pres. kapiiju *(s )kop*kopati v. 'dig' OCS kopati, isg. kopajr; Ru. kopat', isg. kopaju; Cz. kopati; Slk. kopat; PI. kopac; SCr. kopati, isg. kopiim; čak. kopati ( Vrg.) , 2sg. kopaš; Sln. kopati, isg. k(ipljem; kopati, isg. kopiim; Bulg. kopaja *(s )kopGk. K6mw 'strike, beat, hit'

kapti l

226

We may be dealing with a Balto-Slavic iterative here (cf. Skardžius 1941: 509-510). LIV is inclined to assume a denominative origin for both the Slavic and the Baltic forms. See also --+kapti l. See also: kapas; kapti II; kopa; kopti; kuopti kapti l

LITH OPR

kapti (dial.) 'chop, hew a little', 3 pres. kapa, 3 pret. kapė enkopts ptc. pf. pass. 'buried'

Mažiulis (PKEŽ l: 270) reconstructs a Baltic verb with *kap- in the preterite and *kap- in the present and the infinitive. Lith. --+kopti and Latv. kapt are assumed to originate from the generalization of *kiip-, while in the case of kapti it is the stem variant *kap- that is supposed to have been generalized. An alternation *kap­ (preterite and infinitive) : *kap- (present) can still be found in Lithuanian dialects and, by the way, in the East Latvian dialect of Liepna (EH l: 601) . In view of the connection with Gk. x6mw (-kapoti), East Baltic *kiip- rather than *kop- (for which see --+kuopti) must result from the productivity of the new ablaut grade *a (Kortlandt 1977: 323 ) . kapti 11

LITH

kapti (dial.) 'get tired', 3 pres. kampa, 3 pret. kapo

This verb contains the same root as --+kapti l. Fraenkel (LEW: 218) points out that Gk. x6mw 'strike, beat, hit' is also attested with the meaning 'tire out, weary'. karas

LITH LATV OPR

karas 4 'war, (K., Ness.) army'; VAR karias (obs., a.o. DP) 2 'war, army, regiment'; karis (obs.) 2 'army, regiment'; karė 2 'war'; karia (obs.) 2 'war' karš 'war, (H. Latv.) army'; VAR kare kragis [kargis] (EV) 'army; caryago (EV) 'military campaign'; caryawoytis (EV) 'military review'

PIE IE

*korio-

Gk. xo(pavoc; m. 'commander, lord'; OP kara- m. 'army, people'; Mlr. cuire m. 'troops'; W cordd m. 'army'; Go. harjis m. 'army'; Olc. herr m. 'army'; OHG heri m. 'army, crowd'

The etymological connection with CS korb 'contumely, OCS kara 'quarrel' seems quite uncertain ( cf. LEW: 220 ). karbas

LITH LATV PSL SL

karbas (dial.) 4 'basket, big basket to carry hay' k&rba [ar, ar, &r2] 'basket or box (from birchbark), fishing-boat' *korb'b m. o; *korba f. a 'basket' Ru. k6rob 'box, basket'; ORu. korob?J 'box, basket'; Cz. krabuše 'wicker basket'; Pl. kroba (dial.) 'wicker box'; Sln. kraba box'

karšinti

IE

227

Lat. corbis f. 'basket'; OHG korb m. 'basket' (Fi. karpas m. 'basket')

Possibly an early borrowing from Germanic. The Germanic word was in turn borrowed from Latin. In Slavic, we also find *korbi f., e.g. OCS krabii (Supr., Ass.) 'casket, basket'. karenti

LITH

karenti 'tremble, save, be stingy, (refl.) be hungry, fast', 3 pres. kqra, 3 pret. kiiro LATV karinatiės (Dond.) 'be hungry, fast' The etymological connection with ->Latv. kiirs 'greedy' (cf. Lat. ciirus 'dear'), which would require *krhr alongside *kh2 r- ( but cf. Schrijver 1991: m-113), is far from secure. See also: karti II

karpas

LITH

karpas 4 [2/4] 'notch, cut, (Jušk.) torn piece of cloth, rag'; VAR karpa 'notch'; karpis 2 'notch' PIE *(s )korp-oThis noun derives from -kirpti. AP 2 occurs in the card files of the Lithuanian dialect atlas (Illič-Svityč 1963: 34). The LKŽ has only AP 4. Illič-Svityč ( l.e.) draws a direct comparison with MLG scharf'potsherd' < *skarfaz, which he uses as evidence for original barytone accentuation. karšatis

LITH

karšatis f.(i)

l

[1/3•/3b] 'old age, (dial.) illness, epidemic'; VAR karšatė l 'old

age' See _,karšti 11 karšė

LITH karšė (Ness.) l 'old age'; VAR karša l; karšii 4 See _,karšti 11 karšėti

LITH

karšeti [ar, ar] 'reach the end of one's life, become frail with age, die', 3 pres. karščja, 3 pret. karščjo See _,karšti 11

karšinti

LITH LATV

karšinti 'incite', 3 pres. karšina, 3 pret. karšino karsinat 'heat, burn, provoke'

For the etymology of the root of this causative verb, see ->karštas.

228

karšis

karšis

LITH

karšis m.(io) 2 [1/2/ 4] 'bream (Abramis brama)'; VAR karšis (OLith„ dial.) f.(i) 4; karšė (dial.) 2 [1/2]

SL IE

Ru. xarius m. 'grayling' Sw. harr m. 'grayling'; Nw. harr m. 'id.' (cf. also Fi. harju(s), Veps. harjus, hard'uz 'id.')

This fish-name derives from a colour adjective meaning 'variegated, spotted', for which see -+keršas. With respect to the bream, the name does not seem particularly apt (though its fins are greyish to black), but for the grayling, Lith. -+kiršlys, it is. Vasmer (Vasmer-Trubačev IV: 224, s.v. xariuz), who mentions a plethora of Russian dialect forms, claims that the Russian word is a borrowing from Finnic, which in turn borrowed the word from Germanic. karštas

LITH LATV

karštas 3 'hot, quick-tempered' karsts 'hot, quick-tempered, quick'

The etymology of this evidently acute root is unclear. If it is to be identified with the root of -+kurti, we must assume an extension * -s. I cannot accept Smoczyiiski's suggestion ( 2007: 278) that we are dealing with the root *kers- of Lat. currere 'run'. See also: karšinti; karšti; kerštas; kiršti karšti l

LITH LATV PIE IE

karšti [ar, ar] 'card, comb', 3 pres. karšia, 3 pret. karšė karst [ar, ar2] 'card, comb', lsg. pres. karšu, lsg. pret. karsu *(s )korsLat. carere 'card', lsg. caro (probably for older carrere)

karšti 11

LITH LATV PIE IE

karšti [ar, ar] 'reach the end of one's life, become frail with age, die', 3 pres. karšta, 3 pret. karšo; VAR karšti, 3 pres. karšia, 3 pres. karša 3 pret. karšė karst2 [ar(?), ar2] 'grow old, ripen', lsg. pres. karstu 2, lsg. pret. karsu 2; VAR karst (Bers.), lsg. pres. karstu, lsg. pret. karsu *k(wlarkSkt. krsa- 'slim, thin, weak'; kfšyati 'grow thin'; cakar5a 'be thin'; Ok. horr m. 'thinness'

LIV (355) suggests that the acute of karšti, lsg. karšiu is analogical after the inchoative karšti, lsg. karštu. It is correct that the sta-present is an important source of metatonie rude, but this phenomenon is uncommon in the case of verbs that do not have zero grade (Derksen 2011b: 34- 35). As a matter of fact, it is metatonie douce that became productive in Lithuanian verbs of this type (cf. karšti III). In spite of the apparent opposition with nuokarst 'card, comb', the sustained tone of Latv. nuokiirst

kartus

229

'grow old, ripen' may very well be due to the merger of the falli ng and the sustained tone in non-initial syllables. The lemma II karst has a2 in ME, but simply a in EH. See also: karšatis; karšė; karšeti karšti III

LITH karšti (dial.) 'become hot', 3 pres. karšta, 3 pret. karšo LATV karst 'becom e hot, hurt', lsg. pres. karstu, lsg. pret. karsu The metatonie douce in the Lithuanian verb, cf. --+karštas, is particularly common in denominative verbs with a sta-present. Its origin lies in the fact that Winter's law did not operate before *s. In Latvian, the metatony was obscured by later developments (Derksen 1996: 166-168, 2011b: 35). karta

LITH LATV

karta 4 'generation, bed, row, line, (OLith., dial.) time' karta 'bed, layer, row, line, order'

See the semantically related --+kanas. kartas

LITH BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

kaftas '2 once, time' *kart-o-m *korto (b) 'once, time' OCS krato m. l adv. 'once, time'; Cz. krat m. l adv. 'once, time'; Slk. dvakrat adv. 'twice'; SCr. kriit (arch.) m. l adv. 'onee, time'; Sln. krat 'onee, time', Gsg. krata *(s )kart-o-m Skt. kftvas adv. ' - time(s) '; sakft adv. 'onee'

See --+kirsti for the etymology of the root. karti I

LITH LATV

karti 'hang', 3 pres. karia, 3 pret. korė kart 'hang' [ar, a r2] , lsg. pres. karu, lsg. pret. karu The root *kerH- 'hang' appears to be more or less isolated. The Baltic verb is traditionally connected with OE heorr m., Oic. hjarri m. 'hinge', but this is possibly a different root ( cf. Kroonen 2013: 221). karti II

LITH

karti 'be hungry, starve', 3 pres. kqra, 3 pret. karo; VAR karti, 3 pres. karsta, 3 pret. karo

See --+karėnti kartus

LITH

kartus 3/4 (1/3/4] 'bitter'

karvė

230

OPR BSL PSL SL

kartai Npl. 'bitter' *kortus kort'bh adj. o (b) 'short' OCS krat'bkb; Ru. kor6tkij; Cz. kratkj; Slk. kratky; Pl. kr6tki; SCr. kratak, f. kratka; Čak. kr&tak (Vrg.), f. kr&tka, n. kr&tko; kratak (Vrg.), f. kriitka, n. kratko; Sln. kratkresti. kraujas

LITH OPR

kraūjas 4 'blood' crauyo (EV); krawia (III) 'blood', Asg. kraugen (l), krawian (III), Dsg. krreuwiey (11)

BSL PSL SL

*kru(s; *krowio *kry f. ū (e) 'blood' OCS kry (Ps. Dm.) f.(ū); OCS kT'bvb f.(ū), Gsg. kT'bve; Ru. krov' f.(i), Gsg. krovi; Cz. krev f.(i), Gsg. krve; Pl. krew f.(i), Gsg. krwi; OPI. kry f.(i); Slnc. krd f.(i), Gsg. kriivjię; SCr. kfv f.(i), Gsg. krvi; Čak. krv (Vrg.) f.(i), Gsg. krvi; krij (Cres) f.(i), Gsg. krija; Sln. kri f.(i), Gsg. krvi; Bulg. kriiv f.(i)

PIE IE

*kruhrs; *kreuhr Skt. kravis- n. 'raw meat'; Skt. kravya- n. 'raw meat'; Gk. Kpfoc; n. 'meat'; Lat. cruor m. 'raw blood'

The Baltic forms represent a derivative in *-jo- of the root noun reflected in Slavic. The Lithuanian form underwent resyllabification (cf. Kortlandt 1995: 142). See also: kruvinas kraupus

LITH BSL PSL SL

kraupus 4 'terrible, dreadful, (Ruh., K., dial.) cowardly, craven, (dial.) rough'; VAR kraupas (Kos.) 'rough' *kru(s; *krowio *krupbn-b adj. o 'coarse' Ru. krupnyj 'big, tall'; ORu. krupnyj 'consisting of large parts, big'; OCz. krupnf 'coarse'; Pl. krupny 'coarse'; SCr. krupan 'coarse-grained, coarse, big, high'; krupan 'id.'; Čak. krūpan (Orb.) 'large, heavy, bulky'; Bulg. krupen 'great'

PIE IE

*kroup-

Olc. hrjufr 'rough, scabby'

A derivative of this root is ---> Latv. kraūpa.

krauti krauti

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

krauti 'heap, pile', 3 pres. krauna, 3 pret. krovė; VAR krauti (K., Sirv.), 3 pres. krauja, 3 pret. krovė; krauti (Ruh.), 3 pres. krauja, 3 pret. kraujo; kriauti (Jušk., Jabl., dial.), 3 pres. kriauna, 3 pret. kriovė kraūt [aū, au2] 'heap, pile', lsg. pres. kraūju, kraūnu, lsg. pret. kravu *kr(o) ur*kryti v. (a) 'cover, hide' OCS kryti 'cover, hide', lsg. kryj{J; Ru. kryt' 'cover', lsg. kroju, 3sg. kroet; Cz. kryti 'hide, keep'; Slk. kryf 'cover, hide, keep'; Pl. kryc 'cover, hide'; SCr. krl'ti 'hide, keep'; Sln. kriti 'cover', lsg. krijem; Bulg. krija 'hide, cover' *kr(o)uH-

OE hreodan 'cover'

In view of *krehr attested in -Latv. krat, the root may perhaps be analyzed as *krehru- (cf. Kabašinskaitė and Klingenschmitt 2006: 177-179) . According to LIV (371) , the *dh of the Old English form was originally a present suffix. See also: krūtis kreisva

LITH

krhsva (BZ, Jušk.) l 'deficiency, defect'; VAR kreisa (Jušk.) l

This noun is based on an adjective kreivas, cf. -+Latv. kreiss 'left'. For metatonie rude in ii-stems that are adjectival derivatives, see Derksen 1996: 251-253. The root is discussed s.v. -+kreivas. kreivas

LITH

LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

kreivas 4 'crooked, curved, wrong'; VAR kraivas (SD, Ness., Jušk.) (according to Vitkauskas ( 2006: 142 ), the variant kraivas, which Fraenkel labels East Lithuanian, is just a matter of orthography, as its spelling reflects the depalatalization of the r) krievs (Elger) 'crooked, curved' greiwakaulin Asg. 'rib' *kreiwos *kriV'b adj. o (e) 'crooked, bent' CS kriv11 'crooked, bent'; Ru. krivoj 'crooked, (dial.) cripple' (AP (e) in Old Russian); Cz. kfivy 'crooked, bent, wrong, (dial.) cripple'; Slk. krivy 'crooked, bent'; Pl. krzywy 'crooked, bent'; SCr. kriv 'crooked, bent, wrong, guilty', Nsg. f. kriva; Čak. krif (Orb.), Nsg. f. krivii, Npl. m. krivi; Sln. kriv 'crooked, wrong, guilty', N sg. f. kriva, N sg. n. krivo; Bulg. kriv 'crooked, wrong, guilty'

The Balto-Slavic evidence could continue PIE *krei-uo-, but unfortunately there is little evidence supporting this reconstruction. The connection with Gk. Kpo16c; 'sickly, feeble' does not seem very convincing and is rejected by Beekes ( 2010: 781) . Interestingly, his alternative etymology for the Greek word ( *krow-jo-) involves the meaning 'cut off, broken off', which could be assigned to BSI. *(s )kr-ei- alongside PIE

kriauklas

257

*(s )ker-. The problem is that to explain BSL *kreiwos 'crooked, bent' and Lat. curvus 'id: from *(s )kr-ei- and *(s )ker-, respectively, one would definitely prefer a PIE root meaning *(s)ker- 'turn, spin'. Reconstructing such a root on the basis of the forms discussed above would seem rather ad hoc. See also: kaire; kairys; kreisva; Latv. krails; Latv. kreilis; Latv. kreiss krėslas

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

krčslas 3 'arm-chair' kręsls 'chair' creslan (EV) 'arm-chair' *krerslo *krJslo n. o (a) 'chair' Ru. kreslo 'arm-chair, (dial.) flooring for the slaughter of livestock'; Cz. kfeslo 'arm-chair'; Slk. krieslo 'arm-chair'; Pl. krzeslo 'chair'; krzaslo (dial.) 'chair'; OPL krzaslo 'chair'; Bulg. kresl6 'seat'

Etymology unclear. The Latvian broken tone is regular in Balto-Slavic neuters that acquired fixed stress as a result of Hirt's law (cf. Derksen 1996: 121-122). krėsti

LITH LATV

kristi 'shake, jolt, search, scatter', 3 pres. krečia, 3 pret. krltė krėst [ė, e, ėZj 'fall, drop, die', lsg. pres. krešu, lsg. pret. krėtu (alternative forms are an inf. krest and a lsg. pres. krešu)

PIE

*krJt-

LIV (370) connects kristi with Gk. Kpo-rtw 'rattle, beat, stamp', which is possible but not particularly convincing, and OHG redan 'sieve'. The latter form (*hrepan) is probably better derived from *kri-t-, however (Kroonen 2012: 248). Much more plausible is the connection with Olc. hrata 'stagger, fall, tumble', hraor 'fast' (-+kratus), Oir. crothaim 'shake' < *krot- (cf. LEW: 295, Kroonen 2013: 243). See also: kraryti; kreteti; kristi kretėti

LITH

kretčti (coll.) 'tremble (with old age), walk shakily', 3 pres. kreta, 3 pret. kretčjo kretet (Fiir.) 'clot'

LATV See -+kristi. kriauklas

LITH

kriauklas 3 [1/3] '(Zem.) rib, (pl.) skeleton, carcass, (E. Lith.) shell, rind, (dial.) snail, sheaf used for covering a shock'; VAR krauklas 1/3 'rib'

See -+kriauklC.

kriauklė kriauklė

LITH PIE IE

kriaukll 4, kriaūklė 2 'snail, snail-shell'; VAR kraukll 4 [2/4] ; kriauklys 4 'snail, snail-shell, rind, rib'

*kreuk-!*kroukOlr. cruach f. 'stack of com, riek'; Olc. hryggr m. 'backbone, spine, mountain ridge'; OHG hrucki m.; rucki m. 'back'

kriauklys

LITH LATV

kriauklys (Jušk., Jabl., Dauk.) 'raven'; VAR krauklys (Ness., dial.) 4 krauklis (au, aū, au 2, au 2] 'raven, toad'; VAR krauklis (au, au 2] 'id:; kraū�is

BSL PSL SL

*kr(j)ouk*kruk'b m. o 'raven' CS kruk'b; Ru. kruk (dial.) 'raven'; Bel. kruk 'raven'; Ukr. kruk (dial.) 'crane'; Slk. kruk; Pl. kruk; Slnc. krek

'rook'

No doubt the root is of onomatopoeic origin. There are no Lithuanian forms sup­ porting the acute suggested by the Latvian evidence, cf. also Lith. kraūkti (Ness., Būga) 'croak (like a crow)'. krienas

LITH LATV

krienas 'bride-price, tribute which a peasant girl that is getting married must pay to her master'; VAR kriena kriens 'bride-price'; VAR krienis 'bride-price'; kriena 'bride-price'

PIE IE

Mlr. tochra n. 'bride-price' (*to-kwrihro-)

*kwreihrno- ( *kwroihrno-)

The oldest (or rather only?) attestation of Lith. kriena(s) is "( ...) sponsis pretium, quod Krieno a Samagitis vocatur" in Michalonis Lituani de moribus Tartaorum, Lituanorum et Moschorum (1615). krieti

LITH

krieti 'spread out, fish', 3 pres. krieja, 3 pret. kriejo; VAR krieti (Jušk.) 'spread out', 3 pres. kreja, 3 pret. kriejo (Fraenkel mentions Zem. kryti, which is not in the LKZ, as a synonym of krieti. As Vitkauskas ( 2006: 146) points out, the lemma 2kryti in the LKZ is merely a dialect variant of krieti that has not

LATV

kriet [ie, ie 2] 'skim', 1sg. pres. kreju, 1sg. pret. kreju; VAR kriet, 1sg. pres. krienu, 1sg. pret. kreju; kriet (Kalzenau), 1sg. pres. kriemu, 1sg. pret. kreju *kreh1 iGk. Kplvw 'separate, distinguish, decide', Lat. cernere 'distinguish, decide', 1sg. cerno; W gogrynu 'sieve'

been normalized.)

PIE IE

The verb krieti is only sparsely attested. For the meaning 'spread out (cloth)' the LK'.Ž mentions Juskevič's dictionary. The only source for the meaning 'fish' is ME, which

kristi

259

leaves the verb unaccented. Semantically, the Lithuanian counterpart of Latv. kriet 'skim' is -+grieti. The Latvian verb is usually connected with the root that LIV (366367) reconstructs as *kreh1 (j)- 'sieve'. Many forms assigned to this root do not warrant the reconstruction of a laryngeal, but l consider it easier to trace these forms to the nasal present *kri-ne/n-h1 or other zero grades where the laryngeal is lost than to find a solution for forms pointing to a laryngeal, such as Lith. -+krytis. (cf. Derksen 1996: 271-272, 317). l agree with LIV that we must reckon with secondary full grades *kre/oihr that are based on zero grades with laryngeal metathesis. An example is PSL *krojiti 'cut' vs. *kraj11 (a) 'edge', e.g. SCr. krojiti vs. kriij, Gsg. kriija (see Derksen 2008a: 244-255, 248). See also: krijas; Latv. kriens; Latv. krijat krijas

LITH LATV

krijas 4 'brim of a sieve or hat, sifter, bottom of a bed (made of strings)'; VAR krija 2/4 krija 'lime tree, brim (made of bark) of a sieve, basket (made of bark)'; VAR krijs; krijš; krijis

See -+krieti. krykti

LITH

krykti 'cry (of birds), quack', 3 pres. krykia, 3 pret. krykė; VAR krykšti 'cry, shout', 3 pres. krykščia, 3 pret. krykštė

PSL SL

*kričati v. (e) 'cry, scream' OCS kričati, ISg. krič9, 2sg. kričiši; Ru. kričat', 1sg. kriču, 3sg. kričit; Cz. kfičeti; Slk. kričaf; Pl. krzyczee; SCr. kričati 'scream', isg. kričim; Sln. kričati 'scream', isg. kričim

Apparently, we are dealing with an in origin onomatopoeic root *kreik-. The Lithuanian verb has lengthened zero grade, while Slavic has *krik- < *kreik-. kriokti

LITH LATV

kriOkti 'wheeze, grunt, snoar, growl, roar, (Zem.) weep aloud', 3 pres. krokia, 3 pret. krokė; VAR krokti (Ness., K., dial.) 'wheeze, grunt, scream, weep', 3 pres. krokia, 3 pres. kroka, 3 pret. krokė kriikt2 [a, a 2, a 2] 'snort, grunt repeatedly, croak, roar', tsg. pres. kracu 2

See -+krok6ti. kristi

kristi 'fall, drop, die', 3 pres. krinta, 3 pret. krito; kristi 'fall, drop, die', 3 pres. krefi ta, 3 pret. krito LATV krist 'fall, drop, die', isg. pres. kritu, isg. pret. kritu See -+kresti for the etymology of the root. As we would expect kirt- < *krt-, tlte sequence ri must be analogical. LITH

krytis

260 krytis

LITH

krytis f.(i) l 'fishing-sack, wooden brim of a sieve'; VAR krytis (K.) m.(io) l 'fishing-sack'

LATV kritis 'crab net, scoop net' See ->krieti. Full grade of the root is found in Latv. kriėtis, kriėti1}Š kritis. Lith. krytis has a variant grytis f.(i) (->grieti). =

krokoti

LITH LATV

krok6ti (Ness., K., dial.) 'groan, wheeze', 3 pres. krokoja, 3 pret. krokojo; VAR krokuoti (dial.), 3 pres. krokuoja, 3 pret. krokiivo; kriokuoti (dial.), 3 pres. kriokuoja, 3 pret. kriokavo kriikat [ii, a2] 'snort, groan repeatedly', lsg. pres. kriikiiju; VAR kpikuot (or kraku6t)

PSL SL

*krakati v. 'croak' RuCS krakati; ORu. krakati, lsg. kraču; Cz. knikati; Slk. krakaf; Pl. krakac; SCr. krakati; Sln. kriikati

IE

Lat. crocire 'croak'

The full grade of this onomatopoeic root may be found in kriikė (dial.) 2, O Pr. kracto (EV) 'black woodpecker'. krosnis

LITH LATV

krosnis f.(i) l 'oven, stove, pile of stones'; VAR krosnis (K.) m.(i) l; krosnis (Ruh., Jušk.) m.(io) l; krosnė (dial.) l krasns f.(i) 'oven, stove'; VAR krasnis; krasns m.(o); krasne [a, a2] ; kriists (Bers.)

The etymology of this noun was correctly explained by Būga (1922: 178-180 RR II: 202-203). It can be shown that krosnis refers to an oven made of stones. As a matter of fact, the meaning 'pile of stones' is abundantly attested. l may add that ME and EH give attestations of kriisne 'pile of stones' in Wessen and Zvirgzdine. In Berzgale, a krasne is an oven in a bathroom made of stones that have not been cemented together (EH I: 645). In view of kr6.snis 'pile of stones', which derives from -+krauti 'heap, pile', Būga links krosnis to ->Latv. krat 'collect, save, stack', which is cognate with PSL *krasti 'steal', e.g. Ru. krast; SCr. kriisti. =

krūmas

LITH LATV

kr6.mas l 'bush, shrub' krūms 'bush, shrub, bundle, heap'

l am inclined to endorse Leskien's hypothesis (1891: 192, cf. ME II: 292) that kr6.mas derives from -+krauti 'heap, pile'. The connection with PSL *gn,m'b 'bush, shrub', e.g. OCS gn,m'b 'bush(es), shrubbery', Ru. grom 'hummock', which would be formally irregular in two respects, seems implausible.

kūjis

261

kruša

LITH LATV

kruša 4 [2/ 4] 'hail, (Ness., K.) ice-floe' krusa 'hail'

BSL PSL SL

*kru?a( *klbxa f. a; *krbXb m. o (b/c) 'lump' CS kibxa 'grain'; Ru. kroxa 'crumb', Asg. kr6xu; Slk. krh 'bar, touchstone'; krch 'id:; Pl. krech 'piece, lump'; Sln. krh 'crack, notch, scar', Gsg. kfha

PIE IE

*krusOE hruse f. 'earth, ground'; OHG rasa f. 'crust, ice'

Full grade is attested in PSL *krux11 'chunk' < *kraus-o-, e.g. Cz. kruch 'piece, lump', SCr. kruh 'bread'. For the meaning of the root, see -+krušti. krušti

LITH

krušti (coli.) 'grind, crush, smash', 3 pres. kruša, 3 pret. kritšo

Full grade is attested in PSl. *krušiti, e.g. OCS s11krušiti 'crush, smash, shatter, destroy', Ru. krušit' 'shatter, destroy'. LIV (371) reconstructs a PIE causative-iterative *krous­ eie-, but the verb may be a more recent denominative (-+kruša, cf. ESSJa XIII: 49). In Greek, we find Kpouw 'strike, smite'. krūtis

LITH LATV

krūtis f.(i) 4 [2/3/ 4] 'breast'; VAR kriūtis kritts f.(i) [ it, it2] 'hill, heap, breast'; VAR krūte [u2] 'hill, heap'

The root of this noun is the zero grade of -+krauti. The Lithuanian variant with AP 3 (from Kvėdarna) is mentioned by Būga (RR II: 419 ). The LK:Že only has AP 2 and 4. kruvinas

LITH

kritvinas 3b 'bloody'

BSL PSL SL

*kru(w)inos *klbvbn'b adj. o 'bloody, blood(-)' OCS kibvbn'b 'bloody, of the blood-'; Ru. kr6vnyj 'blood(-)'; Cz. krevni 'blood(-)'; krevnj 'blood(-)'; Slk. krvnj 'blood(-)'; Pl. krewny 'sanguineous, bloody, blood(-)'; SCr. kfvnl 'bloody, sanguineous'; krvnl 'bloody, sanguineous'; kfvan 'blood(-)'; Sln. kfvan 'blood(-), sanguineous'; Bulg. kr&van 'blood(-), sanguineous'

PIE IE

*kruhr

Skt. kravya- 'bloody'; OE hreaw 'raw'

See also: kraūjas kūjis

LITH OPR

kiljis l 'hammer' cugis (EV) 'hammer'

kūla

262

BSL PSL SL

*kurios *kjjb m. jo 'stiek, club' RuCS kyi 'hammer, club'; kii 'hammer, club'; Ru. kij (dial.) 'stiek, wooden hammer, pestle'; Cz. kyj 'stiek, club'; Slk. kyj 'stiek, club'; Pl. kij 'stiek, eane'; SCr. kij (15 th e.) 'hammer'; Sln. kij 'big wooden beetle, eorn-eob'

A derivative of -+kauti with zero grade of the root. kūla

LITH

kala (dial.) 1 [1/4] 'lump, hernia, stalk'; VAR kdlas 'lump, hernia'

BSL PSL SL

*ku({a( *kyla f. a (a) 'outgrowth, hernia' CS kyla, kila 'hernia'; Ru. kilti 'hernia, outgrowth on plants'; Ukr. kyla, kyla 'hernia'; Cz. kyla 'hernia'; Slk. kyla 'id:; Pl. kila 'id:; SCr. kl'la 'hernia, oedema, outgrowth (on plants)'; Sln. kila 'serotal hernia, outgrowth (on plants)'; Bulg. kila 'hernia'

PIE IE

*kh2 u-l-ehr

Olc. haull m. 'hernia'; OHG hola f. 'hernia'

For the eolour of the laryngeal ef. Gk. KauA6 a after a pure velar) for this word, but considers it more likely that it is non-Indo-European.

kuolas kulnas

LITH LATV OPR

kuinas 4 'heel, (dial.) knee, ankle(-bone)'; VAR kulnis f.(i) 4 'heel'; kulnl kulna 'heel'; VAR kulne kulnis (EV) 'ankle'

If the root is *kwlhr (--- kulkšnis), Latv. kulne may reflect the original accentuation. kulšis

LITH LATV OPR

kulšis f.(i) i 'hip'; VAR kulšė i; kulšas (Chyl.) kulša 2 [ul 2, u [2] 'hip, loin'; VAR kulkša 2 culczi (EV) 'hip'

l reconstruct kulš- as *kwlhrk- (see --- k ulkšnis). Toch. A kolye, which is a hapax, may not mean 'hip' but 'paw' (Adams i999: 2005). Pl. kulsza is a Lithuanianism (Smoczynski 2007: 322 ). kulti

LITH LATV

kulti 'thresh, beat', 3 pres. kulia, 3 pret. kulė kult 'thresh, beat', isg. pres. kuf u, isg. pret. kūlu

This verb is in an apophonic relationship with --kalti. A Balto-Slavic root *kul?- may also be assumed for PSL *hl'b 'fang, tusk', e.g. Ru. kol (dial.), Pl. kiel, SCr. kiil. kompas

LITH LATV

kumpas 4 'crooked, bent, hooked' kumps 2 'shrivelled, deformed, hunchbacked, crooked'

If we are dealing with the root of Gk. Kciµmw 'bend, curve, turn', which seems to have non-ablauting "European" *a, the variant kump- must be secondary. The vocalism may have been influenced by semantically similar roots containing u, cf. --kupra. kumpti

LITH LATV

kumpti 'become crooked, become bent', 3 pres. kumpsta, 3 pret. kumpo kumpti [urh, um2] 'become crooked, become bent, become deformed, shrivel', isg. pres. kumpstu, isg. pret. kumpu

This is a denominative verb to --- k umpas. kuolas

LITH

kuolas 4 'stake'

BSL PSL SL

*kol-/*kol-? *kol'b m. o (b) 'stake' OCS kol'b (Supr.); Ru. kol; Cz. kul; Slk. kol; Pl. kol Gsg. kalu, Gsg. kala; Sln. kOl 'pole, stake', Gsg. kala; Bulg. kol 'pole, stake'

Originally a neuter o-stem derivative of --kalti.

kuopa kuopa

LITH LATV

kuopa 1 [1/3) 'company, regiment, (dial.) heap, dune, large number' kuopa [uo, uo2) 'heap, grave mound, bundle, large number'

Kortlandt (1988: 392) connects kuopa 'company' with Gk. KW7tTJ 'handle' and Kamw 'gulp' from PIE *keh2p-. ln my dissertation (1996: 238-239) I mentioned the possibil­ ity that kaūpas 'pile' arose from the same root through secondary ablaut. I now find it much more likely that kuopa and kaūpas both derive from an acute root containing *u (see -+kaūpas). kuopti

LITH LATV

kuopti 'clean out, muck out, (obs.) reap, (dial.) take honey out of a bee-hive, pile, bury', 3 pres. kuopia, 3 pret. kuopė kuopt [uo, uo, u6 2] 'clean, take care of cultivate, muck out, take honey out of a bee-hive', 1sg. pres. kuopju, 1sg. pret. kuopu

The root kuop- is the regular reflex of *kop-, cf. -+kopti. Karaliūnas (1969) argues against the possibility that kuopti is connected with kaūpti through secondary ablaut. kūpėti

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

PIE

kūpeti 'boil over', 3 pres. kupa, 3 pret. kūpejo; kūpeti, 3 pres. kupi, 3 pret. kūpejo kupet (Ruj.) 'seethe' *kup*kyphi v. (e) 'boil, seethe' OCS kypeti (Euch., Supr.) 'seethe'; Ru. kipet' 'boil, seethe', 1sg. kiplju, 3sg. kipit; Cz. kypeti 'boil, overflow'; Slk. kypief 'boil, overflow'; Pl. kipiee 'boil'; SCr. kipjeti 'boil, overflow'; čak. kipet (Orb.) 'boil', 3sg. kipi; Sln. kipęti 'boil, overflow', 1sg. kipim; Bulg. kipja 'boil, overflow' *kwh2 up-

In my opinion, Schrijver (1991: 260-263) correctly separates kūpeti from -+Latv. kupėt 'smoke, steam', Lat. vapor 'steam, heat', etc., which he derives from a root *kCwlh2 up­ (-+kviipas). An analysis of the East Baltic material alone nearly suffices to establish the roots *kup- 'smoke, steam' and *kup- 'boil, seethe', e.g. Latv. kupt, kupėt 'smoke, steam' vs. kupėt, kupu6t 'seethe'. The latter root may go back to PIE *kup-, cf. Skt. kupyati 'swell, heave or boil with rage or emotion, be angry, be angry with', Lat. cupere 'desire', 1sg. cupio. LIV (359, 374, 376) distinguishes between *keųp- 'innerlich beben', *kųeh1p- 'sieden', and *kuep- 'hauchen'. The root *kųeh1p- is mainly posited on the basis of forms that do not or not necessarily require a laryngeal, such as. Lith. kūpeti 'boil over' (cf. Lith. kupti, Latv. kupt 'rise (bread)' and OCS kypeti. The forms that do require a laryngeal, viz. Latv. kupt and kupėt 'smoke, steam', have a different meaning and can be linked to the forms mentioned under *kųep- if we adopt Schrijver's reconstruction.

kurmis kupra

kupra 2/4 'hump, hunch, back' kuprs 'hump, hunch'; VAR kupris 'hump, hunch' OHG hovar m. 'hump, hunch'; MHG hover m. 'id:; OE hofer m. 'id: See -+kaūpas. Since the root appears to be acute, cf. Latv. kaūpra [aū, au 2] '(infertile)

LITH LATV IE

hill, pile', the short vowel of both the Baltic and the Germanic forms must be analogical. A long ū occurs in kūpa 'heap', but this form is not very well attested. kur

kur 'where' kur [ur, ur] 'where'

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

*ku *kode adv. 'where' OCS kode; Ru. gde; Cz. kde; Slk. kde; Pl. gdzie; SCr. gdje; Sln. kję *kwu-dhe Skt. kuha adv. 'where?'; Lat. necubi conj. 'lest somewhere'

PIE IE

The -r is common in adverbs, e.g. kitur 'elsewhere', visur 'everywhere'. kurčias

kurčias 4 'deaf'; VAR kurtas 4

LITH

The East Baltic word for 'deaf' occurs with a variety of suffixes. The root may be reconstructed as *kwr- (see -+Latv. kurns). kurlas

LITH LATV

kurias (Žem.) 'deaf' kuris [ur, ur, ur2] 'deaf'; VAR kursls 2

See -+Latv. kurns for the etymology of the root. A t-suffix is attested in -+kurčias. In Latvian, the sustained and falling tones are both widely attested (cf. Derksen 1996:

226-227). kurmis

LITH LATV

kurmis 1 [1/3] 'mole'; VAR kurnys 4 kurmis [ur, ur2] 'mole'; VAR kurms [ur, ur2] ; kurma; kurme [ur, ur2] ; kurnis 2; kurne

The East Baltic word for 'mole' is sometimes connected with kurtas (-+kurčias) 'deaf' (thus Smoczynski 2007: 327). Another etymology was proposed by Jegers (1949: 13). In his view, the original meaning is 'he who churns up', cf. Latv. kuffp1ties [ur, ur2] 'sich wiihlen, sich beschaftigen mit'. The Latvian verb may be denominative, however. Furthermore, Jegers tries to establish an etymological relationship with OHG skero 'mole', which he connects with OHG skeran 'shear' and Lith. -+skirti 'separate, dis­ tinguish', even though the semantics are not entirely convincing. Kabašinskaitė and Klingenschmitt (2006) also try to link kurmis to OHG skero, MoHG Scher (Bav.

266

kurpė

dial.), but their root *(s)kerH- or rather *(s)kerhz- (*h2 in view of -+Latv. krat) has a different meaning. Their starting-point is the Sanskrit root kt- 'pour out, scatter, pile up in a heap', which is also found in words meaning 'molehill', viz. iikhukiri-, iikhukari?ci-, iikhūtkarci- (iikhu- 'mole'). The Baltic noun "kurmija- 'who belongs to the molehill' is derived from *kurma- < *kfH-mo- < < *krH-m6- 'what has been piled up (by a mole), molehill', while kurnys etc. are derived from *kurna- 'molehill' < *krH-n6- 'piled up'. The authors offer a morphological explanation for the fixed root stress of kurmis, as for them retraction as a result of Hirt's law, which is formulated in an outdated fashion, is not considered an option. If we accept the reconstruction *krhz-, it is unpleasant that kurmis has ur < *r after a plain velar, the more so because -+kirmis 'worm' < *kwrmi- does not has ir after a labiovelar. Nevertheless, this seems insufficient to reject the connection with Skt. k[-. The existence of Latv. krat and Lith. -+krauti enhances the plausibility of the etymology. I wonder, however, if it is necessary to posit a formation with a "Zugehorigkeitssuffix''. As Kabašinskaitė and Klingenschmitt point out themselves, a word for 'molehill' could be used metonymically to designate a mole (cf. MoDu. spinnekop (E. dial.) 'spider, cobweb'). I would like to mention in this connection Latv. kurmulis 'heap, mass' alongside kurmulis 2 'mole'. A possible argument in favour of a nominal derivative in * -ijo- is Latv. kurms 'heap', which was not included in the discussion. If this is the same root, the falling tone would have to be metatonical. kurpė

LITH LATV OPR

kurpė I 'loafer, wooden shoe' kurpe [ ur, ur2] 'shoe' kurpe (EV) 'shoe'

BSL PSL SL

*kurrp(i)ar *ki.rpa f. a (a) OCS kibpa 'texture, fabric'; Slk. krpa 'earthenware pot'; Pl. karpa (dial.) 'stunip and roots of a felled tree'; OPI. karpa 'stump and roots of a felled tree'; SCr. krpa 'rag, patch'; Čak. kfpa (Vrg.) 'rag, patch'; kfpa (Orb.) 'piece of cloth, rag, towel'; Sln. kfpa 'patch, stain'; Bulg. k&rpa 'piece of cloth, towel'

IE

Gk. Kprptl� f. 'man's high boot, half boot'; Kap�anvm Npl. f. 'shoes of undressed leather, brogues'; Gk. Kapnanvov (Hsch.) n. 'shoe of undressed leather, brogue'

If the Greek forms mentioned above, which are formally incompatible with the Balto-Slavic forms, are cognate, we are probably dealing with a substratum word (cf. Beekes 2000: ·2 8). kurti

LITH LATV OPR

kurti 'light, kindle, heat, build, create, found', 3 pres. kuria, 3 pret. kdrė kurt [ur, ur2] 'light, kindle, heat', isg. pres. kuru, isg. pret. kūru kūra 3sg. pret. 'built'

PSL

*kūriti (b) v. 'smoke'

kutėti

SL

OCS kurit'b sę (Euch.) 3sg.; Ru. kurit' 'smoke', 1sg. kurju, 3sg. kurit; Cz. koufiti 'smoke'; Slk. kurif 'kindle, smoke'; Pl. kurzyc 'raise dust, smoke'; SCr. kuriti (dial.) 'smoke, set fire to'; Čak. kūrl't (Orb.) 'smoke (ham etc.)', 1sg. kūrin; Sln. kuriti 'kindle, smoke', 1sg. kurim

Būga (1922: 31-33 RR II: 127-128) has argued that the original meaning of kurt is 'build: The meaning 'kindle' is assumed to have originated from expressions such as ugnį kurti 'light a fire'. In that case the obvious etymology is a connec�ion with PIE *kwr-, cf. Skt. kp:i6ti 'do, make', which probabiy underlies -+kirai 'sorcery'. The Iabiovelar would expiain the zero grade kur-, but the acute tone of the Baltic forms remains unaccounted for. An extended root *kwrH- would not be without paralleI, however. A drawback to Būga's in itseif piausibie hypothesis is the fact that it does not include the Siavic verb mentioned above, which, if connected, would require a secondary abiaut grade *kour-, by the way. If we wish to establish a connection with PSL *kūriti as well as Lat. carbo m. 'coal', Go. hauri n. 'coal', and Ok. hyrr m. 'fire', we may reconstruct *krH- (cf. Kroonen 2013: 258, where the author reconstructs *h3 to account for the Baltic reflex of the labioveiar), in which case we would revert to the oid view that kurti represents two different etyma. =

kusti

LITH

kusti 'recover, get stronger, (dial.) come off ( crust)', 3 pres. kunta, 3 pret. kuto

See -+kuteti. kušlas

LITH LATV

kušlas (dial.) 4 'blind, weak (piants), small' kusis 'stiff, small, weak'

BSL PSL SL

*kus-no-; *kus-lo*k'bsbn'b adj. o 'siow' CS hsn'b (Nik.) 'siow'; Ru. k6snyj 'inert, siuggish'; SCr. kiisan 'Iate, tardy'; Sln. kasan 'siuggish, slow, Iate'; kasan 'siuggish, siow, Iate'; Bulg. k&sen 'Iate'

The ESSJa rejects the connection of PSL *k'bsbn'b with the Baltic forms and links the etymon to *kysel'b 'sour' etc. As a paralleI Lat. serescere 'become dry' and serus 'beiated' are adduced, but these words may very well derive from different roots. kutas

LITH

kUtas 4 [2/4] 'garment bem, fringe' (NW. Zem. and E. Lith. attestations of AP 2 occur in the files of the Lithuanian dialect atlas (Illič-Svityč 1963: 48))

According to Skardžius (1931: 116), kUtas is a borrowing from Polish. Illič-Svityč (l.e.) compares kutas with Gk. KUTOp6� 'light, dexterous, fast, little'; Lat. levis 'light, fast, small, scanty'; Go. leihts 'light'

The root vocalism of the Slavic etymon is problematic because it can neither continue "'i nor *en, which is what we find in most languages, nor *e, as in Lat. levis For the PIE form, see De Vaan 2008: 336. lenkė

LITH

lenkė 1 'vale, depression, moist and boggy place, meadow, marsh'

This noun could be regarded as a derivative of -+lenkti 'bend', with metatonie rude due to retraction from prevocalic i (-ė < *-i-a). On the other hand, the form -+Iengė cannot be ignored. lenkti

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

lenkti 'bend, walk around', 3 pres. lenkia, 3 pret. lenkė liekt [ie, ie, ie2] 'bend', 1sg. pres. llecu *lenk*lękti v. 'bend' CS lęšti 'bend'; Cz. Ieci (arch.) 'bend'; liet (dial.) 'lay snares (for birds )'; USrb. lac (arch.) 'set traps, grow ears'; LSrb. lec 'set traps'

The verbal root *lenk- seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic (cf. LIV: 413) . See also: lanka; lankas; lankfti; lenkė; lenkti; liekna; linka; liiikti; Latv. liks lenta

LITH LATV PSL SL

lenta 4 'board, plank' lęnta 'board, plank'; VAR lente 'board, plank' *[pt'b m. o Ru. lut (dial.) 'bast, bark of a linden'; [uta (dial.) 'linden'; Ukr. lut 'bast, dial.) young linden'; Cz. lut ( dial.) 'bast'; Pl. lęt (dial.) 'twig, switch'; Slnc. lqt 'twig, pole'; Sln. lot (dial.) 'narrow-leaved everlasting pea (Lathyrus sylvestris )'

liaudis

PIE IE

*lent-ehr Oic. lind f. 'lime, linden'; OE lind f. 'id.'; OHG linta f. 'id.'; OS linda f. 'id.'

The Baltic and Slavic forms reflect "North European" *lent-eh2, while PSl. *l9t'b reflects *Iant-o-. According to ME (II: 451), the Latvian forms are probably either Couronianisms or borrowings from Lithuanian. lėpė

LITH LATV

lepė (dial.) l [1/2] 'water lily, yellow water lily'; VAR lepis l 'nightjar, water arum, water lily, yellow water lily' /epe 'coltsfoot, devil's bit'; VAR lępa [ę, ę, ę 2] 'paw, coltsfoot, water lily, yellow water lily, frogbit, broad-leaved pondweed'

Latv. lępa 'paw' is surprising in view of lii.pa, Lith. -+/opa 'id:, for which a reconstruction with *h2 seems otherwise obvious. I assume that the (aquatic) plant names containing the acute root *lėp- as well as lepis 'nightjar (Caprimulgus europaeus, a bird with relatively long wings )' are essentially the same etymon, cf. -+lapas. Th ablaut may result from the contamination of two roots (see -+/opa). lesti

LITH LATV PIE IE

lėsti 'peck, pick', 3 pres. lesa, 3 pret. lesė lest 'peck, pick, lap, count', lsg. pres. lešu, lsg. pret. lesu */es(H)Hitt. lešš-zi ! lišš- 'pick, gather'; Go. lisan 'collect'; Ok. lisan 'grasp, pick up, gather, knit'; OE lesan 'gather, collect'; OHG lesan 'read, examine, collect'

Kloekhorst's suggestion *lesH- (2008: 525) is an attempt to explain the Hittite geminate. See also: lasy-ti lėtas

LITH LATV

Utas 4 'slow, calm, gentie, mild, weak (of drinks), (OLith.) simple, poor' lęts [ę, ę 2] 'easy, frivolous, cheap'

See --+lenas. liaudis

LITH LATV

liaudis f.(i) l 'people, nation' faudis Npl. m.(i) [au, au 2] 'people'; VAR fauži Npl.

BSL PSL SL

*ljoud-i*{Ctdbje Npl. m. (e) 'people' OCS ljudbje; Ru. /judi; Cz. lide, Gsg. lidi; OCz. ludie; Slk. ludia; Pl. ludzie; SCr. ljudi; Čak. fudi (Vrg.); fudi (Orb.); Sln. ljudję

PIE IE

*hi leudh-iOic. lyor m. 'people, men'; OHG liuti m./n. 'people'

liauka The root *h1 leudh- also occurs in Gk. eAeu8epoc;, Lat. liber 'free' (cf. Beekes 2010: 408). PSl. *fūdvje reflects *h1 leudh-ei-es. liauka

LITH LATV PIE IE

liauka 2 [2/4] 'gland, (pl.) glandular disease in swine' fauka 2 [au2, aū 2] 'smth. soaked or soft, glandular disease in swine' *leuk-ehr

Gk. AEuK'l f. 'skin disease'

AP 2 occurs in the NW. Aukštaitian dialect of the Šakyna region and in the literary language (see Illič-Svityč 1963: 23). Surprisingly, the LKŽe only mentions AP 4, which is predominant in Žemaitian and E. Aukštaitian. See also -+laukas l. liaunas

LITH LATV

liaunas 4 [3/4] 'flexible, weak, slender'; VAR liaunus 3/4 /aūns [ aū, au2] 'evil, wicked, left, wrong'

See -+liauti. liaupsė

LITH

liaupse 4 'praise, eulogy'; VAR liaupsis (Bretk.) f.(i)

BSL PSL SL

*ljoub*fuby f. ū 'love' OCS ljuby f.(ū) 'love, passion', Gsg. ljub'bVe; Ru. ijub6v' f.(i); ORu. ljuby f.(ū); ijub'bvv f.(i); OCz. luby f.(ū), Gsg. lubve; SCr. ijubav f.(i); ijubov f.(i); Čak. /ūbdv (Vrg.) f.(i), Gsg. /ubiivi; Sln. lj ubav f.(i) 'love, friendly turn, kindness'; Bulg. ljub6v f.(i)

PIE IE

*leubh-

Go. liufs 'dear, sweet'

The verb liaupsinti 'praise' shows metatonie rude (cf. Derksen 1996: 327). liauti

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

liauti 'stop', 3 pres. liauna, 3 pres. liauja, 3 pret. liovė faūt 'allow, (refl.) stop, yield, rely on', 1sg. pres. faūju, 1sg. pret. favu; VAR faūt, 1sg. pres. faūnu, 1sg. pret. favu aulaūt 'die' *ljoru(C)-; *ldw(V)* leviti v. Ukr. leviti 'weaken, diminish'; Cz. leviti (obs., poet.) 'facilitate, alleviate, diminish'; leviti (Jg.) 'reduce, give up, release, drop'; SCr. Ieviti (dial.) 'waste time, loaf'

PIE IE

*leh1u-

Go. lewjan 'betray'

lieknas According to LIV (399 ), the *u was originally a present suffix. For the root *lehr, see -+leisti and -+lenas. See also: liaūnas liegti

LITH

liegti 'be sickly, weaken, pine away', 3 pres. liegsta, 3 pret. liego; VAR liegti, 3 pres. liegia, 3 pret. liegė (the DLKZ does not have the simplex, but we do find paliegti 'fall ill, become weak')

PIE IE

*h3loigGk. \oiy6� m. 'ruin, havoc (from death by plague)'; Alb. lige f. 'calamity, illness'

The acute tone of liegti is in accordance with Winter's law. It is unlikely that it originated in the sta-present because metatonie rude is uncommon in roots with full grade. See also: liga; ligoti liekas

LITH LATV

liekas 4 'spare, uneven, (OLith.) eleventh' lieks [ie, ie2] 'fake, spare, redundant, excessive'

PIE IE

*loikw-oGk. \01n6� 'remaining'; Go. ainlif'eleven'

See -+likti. The Greek and East Baltic forms may be independent formations. In fact, it cannot be excluded that liek- continues PEBlt. *!eik-. PSl. *lix'b 'superfluous', e.g. OCS lix'b 'excessive, superfluous', may reflect *leikw-so-. lieknas

LITH

LATV

lieknas 1 [1/2/4] 'hollow, depression, damp meadow, marsh, damp spot overgrown with bushes, grove'; VAR liekna 1 [1/4] 'low-lying damp meadow without bushes, marsh, meadow between bushes'; lieknė 2 'hollow, depres­ sion' liekns [ie, ie 2] 'wet, marshy spot in the woods, large, damp meadow, marshy spot where trees do no thrive'; VAR liekna 'depression, marsh, meadow'; liekne [ ie, ie 2, ie2] 'marshy spot, marshy woods, wet, marshy spot in the woods, large, damp meadow, depression in a field'; liekt;ia [ ie, ie 2, ie2] 'id.'; lieknis 'low-lying-meadow'

Fraenkel (LEW: 332-333) suggests that we are dealing with a root !eik- 'bend', which is ultimately identical with -+lenkti, cf. befigti alongside baigti 'finish'. Semantically, this is unproblematic, cf. -+lanka (see also Fraenkel 1938). I find it suspect, however, that this root should occur only in a handful of semantically very similar nouns. Furthermore, the root of liek-n- seems to be acute, cf. also -+lciikšės. l am inclined to assume a substratum origin for lieknas and related forms (-+Zengė).

lieptas lieptas

LITH

lieptas 2 'foot-bridge'

See -+laiptas. liepti

LITH PIE IE

liepti 'order, urge', 3 pres. liepia, 3 pret. liepė *l(e )ipGk. A[mw 'desire'

Other Baltic formations containing this root are Latv. laipu6t 'help out, advise', OPr. laipinna 'I ordered', pallaipsitwei 'desire', pallaips 'commandment'. liesas

LITH LATV

liesas 3 [1/3] 'lean, thin, skimmed, infertile (soil)' liess [ ie, iė, iė 2, ie 2] 'lean, thin, infertile (soil)'

The root of this adjective, which I reconstruct as *le!oiH- or *le!oh1 i- may also occur in -+laibas. lieti

LITH LATV OPR

lieti 'pour', 3 pres. lieja, 3 pret. liejo; lieti 'cast (in a mould)', 3 pres. lieja, 3 pret. liejo; VAR lieti 'pour', 3 pres. leja, 3 pret. lejo; lieti 'cast (in a mould), (dial.) putty', 3 pres. leja, 3 pres. l iena (SD), 3 pret. liejo liet 'pour, cast (in a mould)', 1sg. pres. leju, 1sg. pret. lėju pralieiton (III), prolieiton (UI), proleiton (III), praliten (II) ptc. pf. pass. Nsg. n. 'shed'

BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

*l(e/o) (i*liti v. 'pour' OCS -liti, 1sg. -lijp (izliti 'pour out', praliti 'id.', etc.); Ru. lit', 1sg. l'ju, 3sg. l'et; Cz. liti, 1sg. liji; OPI. lic; SCr. ll'ti, 1sg. lljem; Čak. ll'ti (Orb.), 1sg. lijen, 1sg. lfjen; Sln. liti, 1sg. lijem; Bulg. leja *lhr(e)iMW di-llyd 'pour out'

The accentual differentiation between Lith. lieti 'pour' and lieti 'cast (in a mould)' must be secondary (pace Būga 1911b: 226- 227 RR I: 299 ). In Slavic, we also find *lbjati ( e) 'pour', e.g. OCS lijati (Mar., Supr.), 1sg. lej9, Cz. liti, isg. leji, Pl. lac, 1sg. leję. Since Melchert 2011 it is possible to reconstruct Hitt. labui- l labu- 'pour' as *le!ohru-, thus enabling a connection with Gk. Aoew, Lat. lavare 'wash'. The root *leuhr from which the latter forms are usually derived can now be traced to a zero grade *luhr < *lh3u- through laryngeal metathesis. In a similar vein, Lubotsky (2011: 108 fn.) has suggested that the Balto- Slavic verb for 'pour' ultimately goes back to *lhrei-. The metathesis in the zero grade, which is not included in my Proto-Balto­ Slavic reconstruction, must have been posterior to Hirt's law. A secondary e-grade could have arisen after the merger of the laryngeals into a glottal stop. =

lyg

285

See also: lietus; ly-ti; lytus; Latv. liemenis lietus

LITH LATV

lietus m. 3 'rain' lietus m. 'rain' See -lieti. liežti

LITH BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

liežti 'liek', 3 pres. liežia, 3 pret. liežė */eii*lizati v. (b) 'liek' OCS lizaaše (Supr.) 3sg. impf. 'lieked'; Ru. lizat', 1sg. /ižu, 3sg. ližet; Cz. lizati; Slk. lizat; Pl. lizac; SCr. lizati, ISg. ližem; Čak. lizati (Vrg.), 2sg. ližeš; Sln. lizati, 1sg. ližem; Bulg. liža *[eif'Skt. recfhi 3sg. ( Vrih-); Gk. Mixw; Lat. lingere

See also: laižy-ti liežuvis

LITH OPR

liežuvis 2 'tongue' insuwis (EV) 'tongue'

BSL PSL SL

*iniu?*ęzyko m. o (a) 'tongue, language' OCS języko 'tongue, language, nation'; Ru. jazjk; Cz. jazyk; Slk. jazyk; Pl. język; SCr. jėzik; Čak. jazi'k (Vrg.); Sln. jezik, Gsg. jezika; Bulg. ezik *dngh-uhr Skt. jihva- f.; OLat. dingua f.; Go. tuggo f.

PIE IE

The anlaut of the Lithuanian form was apparently influeneed by liežti 'liek'. In Slavie, the Balto-Slavie noun *iniu?- (with loss of initial *d) aequired a suffix *-ko. lig

LITH LATV

lig prep. 'to, till'; lig eonj. 'until'; VAR ligi prep. 'to, till'; ligi conj. 'until' lidz adv. 'like'; lidz prep. 'till'; lidz eonj. 'as soon as, as long as, until'

Apparently, these forms result from shortening of *i, cf. -+/jg, perhaps under the influenee of the synonymous iki (cf. LEW: 379 ) . See -+/jgus for the etymology. lyg

ljg adv. 'like' lidz [i, i2]; lidz prep. 'till'; lidz eonj. 'as soon as, as long as, until'; VAR lidza adv./prep. 'together with'; lig( a) prep. 'till'; lig(a) eonj. 'until, as soon as' See ->/jgus.

LITH LATV

286

liga

liga

LITH LATV PIE IE

liga 4 'illness' liga 'illness' *lig-eh2 -

Gk. Ao1y6liegti and ->liga. lygti

LITH LATV

lygti 'bargain, haggle, (Žem.) bet', 3 pres. lygsta, 3 pret. lygo ligt [ i, i, l, 1 2, i 2] 'haggle, make a deal', 1sg. pres. ligstu, 1sg. pret. ligu; VAR likt [ f, i, 1 2, i 2] 'reach an agreement, make a deal', 1sg. pres. likstu, 1sg. pret. liku

The accentual variation as well as the root-final k: g variation results from confusion between Ilgt, which derives from lidzs (->lygus) and likt (-+lifiktf) 'bend' (cf. Derksen 1996: 289) lygus

LITH

OPR

lygus 3 [1/3] (also lygus 3) 'flat, even, equal'; VAR lygas (according to Fraenkel, there is evidence for a Zemaitian variant Uegus, with full grade) lidzs [i, i 2] 'flat, even, equal'; VAR lidzlgs [ f, i 2] 'similar, equal'; lidzęns 'flat, even, similar, alike' poligu 'similarly'

PIE IE

Go. galeiks 'equal'; Ok. glikr, likr 'id:; OE gelic 'id: (*leig-)

LATV

*lig-u-

According to Kroonen (2013: 337), Germanic forms such as Early Modern Dutch liek 'plane, even' < *likka- < *lig-no- and its derivative licken 'smoothen' prove that the root was *lig- rather than *liHg-. Consequently, Baltic *lirg- must originate from Winter's law, which violates Dybo's rule mentioned s.v. -+liga.

linka See also: lyg; lig; lyginti; lygti likti

LITH LATV OPR PIE IE

likti 'hold, keep', 3 pres. lieka, 3 pret. liko (there are many alternative present formations, e.g. liekti, liiika, liekna) likt 'leave, lay, put', lsg. pres. lieku, lsg. pret. liku poliiikt 'stay', 3 pres. polinka */(o)ikwSkt. rireca 3sg. pf. 'has left'; Gk. \e\omev 3sg. pf. 'has left, is away from'; Ok. leig(j)a 'rent'

According to Stang (1966: 311, 344), East Baltic leik- and OPr. liiik- point to a perfecto-present *laik- < *loikw-. See also: atlaikas; laikas; laikyti; liekas limti

LITH LATV

limti 'bend, stoop, (dial.) break', 3 pres. limsta, 3 pret. limo limt2 [ im 2, im 2] 'slip, collapse'

See -+lemti. linas

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

IE

linas 4 'flax (plant)', Npl. linai 4 'flax (fibres)' lini Npl. 'flax' lynno (GrA, GrF), lino (GrG) 'flax' *linum *l'bn'b m. o (b) 'flax' CS lbn'b; Ru. len, Gsg. /'na; Cz. len, Gsg. lnu; Slk. l'a n; Pl. len, Gsg. lnu; USrb. len, Iena, Gsg. lenu; SCr. lan; Čak. liin (Orb.), Gsg. liina; Sln. liin, Gsg. liina, lanu; Bulg. len Gk. \[vov n. 'flax'; Lat. linum n. 'flax, linen'; Go. lein n. 'canvas'

The widespread vaccillation between long and short i makes it impossible to establish a common IE proto-form. We are probably dealing with a non-IE culture word. For Balto-Slavic we must reconstruct a barytone neuter o-stem. Accentual mobility is secondary. The above-mentioned Old Prussian forms are to be regarded as neuter plurals (cf. Toporov PJ V: 289). Levin (1999: 183-184) draws attention to the fact that a neuter singular linnen may be attested in Hennig's Prussian dictionary (1785: 146). linka

LITH

linka (dial.) l 'hollow, depression'; VAR linkis l [1/2] 'bend, curve, (dial.) vale, dale'

At first sight this is a straightforward derivative of -+lenkti 'bend', but cf. -+lanka and

-+/engė.

288

linkti

linkti

LITH LATV

linkti 'bend (intr.), stoop, be inclined', 3 pres. linksta, 3 pret. linko likt [i, i 2] 'bend (intr.)', isg. pres. likstu, isg. pret. liku

See -+lenkti 'bend'. lipai

LITH PIE IE

lipai Npl. 4 'glue, resin' *lip-oGk. >.. lno� n. 'oil'

See -+lipti l. lipnus

LITH LATV

lipnus 4 'stieky, affeetionate'; VAR lipus 4 'stieky'; lipšnus 4 'affeetionate' lipns 'eharming, friendly'; VAR lipins; lipsnigs; lipnigs; lipnigs2; lipęns [i, i2] 'stieky'

See -+lipti l. lipti l

LITH LATV

lipti 'stiek', 3 pres. limpa, 3 pret. lipo lipt 'stiek', isg. pres. lipu, lipstu, isg. pret. lipu; VAR lipt2, isg. pres. lipu 2

BSL PSL SL

*lip*lbn9ti v. 'stiek' OCS prilbnpti 'stiek'; Ru. l'nut"stiek, cling'; Cz. lnouti 'stiek'; Pl. lgnqc 'stiek'; OPI. lnqc 'stiek'; Slne. lno_ųc 'stiek'

PIE IE

*lipSkt. limpati 'smear, deeeive'; Gk. >.. maivw 'oil'

ln Latvian, lip- < *limp- was retained when the present seeondarily aequired the sta­ suffix. In Rujen (Rūjiena) and Salisburg (Maz-Salaea) i2 < *l spread to the infinitive. This aeeounts for lipigs2 alongside lipigs 'stieky, toady' (-+lipnus). See also: laipnus; laiptas; lieptas; lipai; lipnus; lipti II

lipti 11

LITH LATV

lipti 'climb', 3 pres. lipa, 3 pret. lipo lipt 'climb', isg. pres. lipu, isg. pret. lipu

The root is identieal with the root of -+lipti l (see LEW: 376). The meaning 'stiek' is original. lysė

LITH OPR

lysė l 'bed (garden, field)'; VAR lysvė i; lysva; lystė i; lysia l lyso (EV) 'bed (garden, field)'

PSL

*llxa f. a (b) 'strip of land, bed'

liūdnas

SL

PIE IE

OCS lexa (Zogr., Mar.) 'row'; Ru. lexa (dial.) 'strip of land, furrow, bed'; lexa (dial.) 'strip of land, furrow, bed'; Ukr. ljaxa 'bed (garden)'; Cz. licha 'narrow strip of land'; OCz. lecha 'strip of land'; Pl. lecha (obs.) 'row, file'; OPL lecha 'strip of land, bed (garden)'; SCr. lijeha 'small patch of farmed land, ridge between furrows, flower bed'; Sln. lęha 'furrow, strip of land, gap in a field'; Bulg. leha 'flower bed'

*lois-ehr Lat. lira f. 'ridge between two furrows'; OHG leisa f. 'track, trail'; MDu. lees 'id.'

The gloss 'bete' is narrowed down by Trautmann (1910: 371) to 'Gartenbeet', but the position of lyso in the Elbing Vocabulary suggests that it is part of the agricultural terminology (see Toporov PJ V: 325-326). The acute of the Lithuanian forms is un­ expected. lįsti

LITH LATV

PIE IE

ljsti 'crawl, creep, get (in, into ), taste good', 3 pres. lenda, 3 pret. lindo list 'crawl, creep, get (in, into), taste good, cut', lsg. pres. lienu, lsg. pret. lidu; VAR list, lsg. pres. liedu, ISg. pret. lidu; list [i2], lsg. pres. linu, lsg. pret. lidu (1sg. pres. also ližu 2, liznu, liednu) *l(e )ndhSkt. radhyatu 3sg. imper. 'let be subjected'; randhayati 'subjects'

See also: landžioti; ląsta lyti

lyti 'rain', 3 pres. lyja, 3 pret. lijo; VAR lyti, 3 pres. lyna, 3 pret. lijo; lyti, 3 pres. lija, 3 pret. lijo LATV lit 'flow, rain', lsg. pres. listu, liju, lsg. pret. liju The verb for 'rain' contains the zero grade *lh3i- (-+lieti) . LITH

lytus

LITH LATV

lytus (OLith., dial.) m. 3 'rain' lits 'rain'

See -+lieti. liūdnas

LITH

liudnas 4 'sad'

PSL SL

*ludo adj. o (e) 'crazy' CS ludo 'foolish'; Ru. lud (Dal': arch.) 'stupid, mad, crazy'; SCr. lud 'stupid, crazy, immature', f. luda, n. ludo; Čak. lud (Vrg.) 'stupid, crazy, immature', f. ludii, n. lado; Sln. lad 'crazy', f. luda; Bulg. lud 'crazy, insane, wild'

IE

Go. liuts 'hypocritical'; Ok. lj6tr 'ugly'

liūgas

290

Lith. liudnas has a lengthened zero grade. The palatalization of the l originates from the (unattested) full grade *liaūd- < *leud-. PSI. *lūd'b reflects *loud-o-, while Germanic has *leuta- < *leud-o-. We seem to be dealing here with a Balto-Slavic and Germanic isogloss. liūgas

LITH

LATV

liugas 2 'puddle, little marsh, mud, quagmire, pool in a meadow that originates from flooding'; VAR liugnas 2 'id.'; liūgna 'puddle'; lii'igė 2 'id:; li'ignas 'quagmire'; lrigas l [1/2] 'deep spot overflown by a river, muddy branch of a river, marsh, quagmire, hole in the bottom of a river'; lriga 1 [1/2] 'deep spot overflown by a river, hole in the bottom of a river'; lūgis 'quagmire' fuga 'aspic, pulp'; luga 'marshy deposit of a lake that is silting up'

PSL SL

*!Uža f. ja (a) 'puddle, pool' CS luža 'marsh'; Ru. luža 'puddle, pool'; Cz. lauže 'hollow with stagnant water, puddle, pool'; OCz. luže 'puddle, pool, swamp'; Pl. luža (dial.) 'pit, hollow, puddle, pool'; Plb. layze 'swamp, puddle, pool'; SCr. lUža 'puddle, pool, mud, bog'; Sln. IUža 'puddle, pool'

IE

Ill . Aouyrnv 'swamp'

It is quite possible to derive these nouns from a root meaning 'bend', cf. -+lanka. The problem is that the Baltic and Slavic do not match from an accentological point of view. For Slavic, one may reconstruct *loug-ieh2 , cf. Gk. :\uyoc; 'twig', Lat. luctor 'wrestle'. The Baltic forms, on the other hand, seem to point to *lug"-. A connection with --+[ūg6ti and --+[ugnas is possible if we trace the meaning 'lie' back to 'bend' (cf. LIV: 417). l find it more attractive, however, to view the Baltic and Slavic evidence within the context of a substratum origin. The Slavic etymon can hardly be separated from *lęga and *l(ig'b (-+!engė), while the Baltic forms seem to be part of a complex of forms exhibiting irregular alternations (cf. --+lengė, -+liekna, -li'ignė). lizdas

LITH LATV

lizdas 4 'nest'; VAR lizda (Klp.); lizas (K., dial.) 4 ligzda 'nest'; VAR ligzds; lizda; lizds; lizgs

BSL PSL SL

*nizd6 *gnhdo n. o (b) 'nest' OCS gnezdo; Ru. gnezd6, Npl. gnezda; Ukr. hnizd6, Npl. hnizda; Cz. hnizdo; OCz. hniezdo; Slk. hniezdo; Pl. gniazdo; gniazdo (dial.); Slnc. gnliyzde; SCr. gnijėzdo, Npl. gnijėzda; Čak. gnizdo (Vrg.), Npl. gnizd&; gnjizlO (Orb.), Npl. gnjizla; Kajk. gniezde (Bednja), Npl. gnjiezdo; Sln. gnęzd9; Bulg. gnezd6

PIE IE

*ni-sd-6-m

Skt. nic;ia- m./n. 'resting-place, abode, (esp.) nest'; Lat. nidus m. 'nest'; OE nest n. 'nest'

lokšnus

291

The Baltic and Slavic forms show different alterations of the anlaut. Following Endzelins (1942: 122ff), Fraenkel (LEW: 383) assumes a contamination of the word for 'nest' and the root *lef'-, *lof'- 'lie, lay' for the Baltic forms. He also refers to the root 'crawl, creep' of -+ląsta in this context. For the anlaut of the Slavic forms, see Derksen 2008a: 169. lokys

LITH LATV OPR

lokys 3 'bear' lacis 'bear' clokis (EV) 'bear'; caltestisklok' [caltestis klokis] (EV) 'common bear'; Tlokunpelk top. ( 'bear's swamp')

This etymon seems to have replaeed the inherited word for 'bear', whieh may have been preserved in -+irštva 'bear's den'. The best etymology may be the conneetion with SCr. dlaka 'hair, fish bone', Sln. dlaka 'hair (of animals), body-hair' (cf. Toporov PJ IV: 70-71) unless these words eontinue *dolk-. The eonneetion with -+lakti (e.g. Rasmussen 1989b: 161) is formally impossible. Kortlandt (1997a: 27) suggests a connection with til(k)ti 'beeome silent' (-+tilti) , but adds that the word may not be of Indo-European origin at all. Smoezyri.ski ( 1999 ), who doubts the antiquity of the Old Prussian anlaut, argues that the word for 'bear' is eognate with Lat. lacer 'torn apart, mutilated, (Ov.) tearing apart' < *lh2 k-. Sinee deverbative agent nouns in *-ijo- are partieularly frequent in eompounds, Smoezyri.ski reconstruets an (originally adjectival) compound žmoglokf's (cf. -+žmogits) 'man-mauling' -+ 'man-mauler'. Subsequently, the first member of the compound was lost. Leaving the problem of the anlaut aside, the main drawbaek of this etymology is the faet that we would not expeet the verbai root *[ark- to be limited to a noun that is not an arehaism. lokšnus

LITH

lokšnus (Kos.) 4 'sensitive'

BSL PSL SL

*[a(s*laS'o adj. o 'greedy' Ru. lasyj 'greedy, eager, affectionate'; Ukr. lasyj 'greedy, eager'; Pl. lasy (obs., dial.) 'greedy, eager'

PIE IE

*leh2s-n-

Lat. lascivus 'playful, unrestrained' (*lh2s-k-); Olr. lainn 'eager' (*lh2s-n-) Sinee Būga 1914: 56 ( RR I: 451), lokšnus is usually assumed to eontinue *lašknus (thus, for instanee, LEW: 385), cf. Ru. laska 'earess, endearment, kindness: I agree with Smoezyri.ski (2000: 276- 277) that the suggested development *lask-nu-s > *lašk­ nu-s (Būga: l.e.) is completely ad hoe. I wonder, however, if the š could not have arisen after metathesis of *sk to *ks. Anyhow, I prefer to eompare lokšnus to PSL *las'b rather than to PSl. *laska, which may be a verbai derivative containing *-sk- (Derksen 2008a: 269 ). With Smoezyri.ski (o.e.: 380) I assume that the k of lokšnus is intrusive. There are plenty of examples for the development *s > š after intrusive k, e.g. krikštas 'cross' : PSL *krtJst'b (cf. Stang 1966: 111-112, Smoezyri.ski o.e.: 381-382). =

loma

292 loma

LITH LATV

loma 4 'hollow, valley, plot, lump'; VAR lomas 2 'valley, plot, strip' lama [a, a 2] 'hollow in a field or meadow, pool, pit, pond in the woods'; VAR lams

BSL PSL SL

* lom(i')*Iamo m. o 'hollow, bend' Ru. Iam (dial.) '(Psk.) meadow covered with small trees and bushes that is occasionally flooded, (Novg.) wasteland'; Pl. lam (obs.) 'quarry, bend'; SCr. Iam ( dial.) 'knee-joint, underground passage'; Bulg. Iam 'pit, (dial.) quarry' *lom(H)-

PIE

The question is to what extent these forms can be derived from the root *lem(H)­ 'break' that occurs in -+lemti and PSl *lomiti (-+laminti). Meanings such as 'plot' or 'lump' can easily be linked to this root, but it is not evident that this is also true for 'hollow, pool'. For words with this or a similar meaning a different etymology must be taken into consideration, viz. a connection with Lat. lama 'marsh' < *leh2 mehr (cf. Schrijver 1991: 142). l think that it is important to include -+lamas and its Slavic counterpart *loma in the discussion. Apart from meanings that can obviously be derived from a verbai root meaning 'break', we find Slavic forms that are semantically close to, for instance, the meaning of Latv. lama. The ablaut suggests that we are indeed dealing with derivatives of the above-mentioned root. In any case, the resemblance of Latv. lama to Lat. lama must now definitely be classified as fortuitous. The sustained tone of lama may reflect the tone of the verb lemt (which admittedly occurs alongside lemt and lemt). Another argument in favour of a connection with a verb meaning 'break' may be OHG bruoh n., OE broc 'marsh', MLG brok n. 'wet pasture' if these forms are connected with PGmc. *brekan 'break', e.g. OHG brehhan, OE brecan (thus, for instance, Miklosich 1862-1865: 343, ESSJa XIV: 26). This etymology has apparently been abandoned, however (cf. De Vries: 89, Kluge-Seebold: 138, Kroonen 2013: 78-79 ). lopa

LITH LATV

l6pa (dial.) l [1/2] 'paw'; VAR lope 4; lapa 2 lapa [a, a 2] 'paw'

BSL PSL SL

*larpar *lapa f. a (a) 'paw' Ru. lapa 'paw'; ORu. lapa 'paw'; Cz. tlapa 'paw'; dlapa (dial.) 'paw'; lapa (Jg.) 'snare, trap'; Slk. laba 'paw'; tlapa 'paw'; Pl. lapa 'paw'; dlapa (dial.) 'paw'; SCr. liipa (RSA: dial.) 'paw'; Sln. lapa 'snout, mouth'; lapa 'paw'; Bulg. lapa 'paw'

IE

Go. lofa m. 'flat of the hand'; Olc. l6fi m. 'id.'

The Germanic forms with PGmc. *o occur alongside forms with a short vowel, e.g. OHG lappo m., laffa f. 'palm of the hand, blade of an oar'. It was recognized long ago (cf. Kauffmann 1887: 544) that the consonantal and vocalic alternations can be traced

loti

293

to an ablauting n-stem. Kroonen (2013: 345) reconstructs *leh2p-on-, *lh2p-n-os, *lh2p­ ėn-i. The question is if this insight can help us understand why we find Balto- Slavic forms with an acute long vowel alongside forms with a short vowel, e.g. Lith. -+lopeta : PSL *lopata. I do not think it can. Even if we assume that in Balto-Slavic a laryngeal was vocalized between consonants, which I believe to be incorrect, we must still account for a good many cases of e : o ablaut (-+lapas : Ru. lepestok, cf. Būga RR l: 312-313), forms that are incompatible with *h2 , -+lepa), and long circumflex vowels as in -+lopas. For this reason, I maintain my view (Derksen 2008a: 269) that we are dealing with two separate roots, *leh2p- and *lep- (Gk. Xtrrw 'peel'?), which became confused. See also: Latv. lapsa lopas

LITH LATV

lopas 4 [2/ 4] 'patch'; VAR lopė laps 'patch'

I suspect that this noun contains the same root as -+lapas 'leaf', cf. Ru. lėpest (dial.), lepėst (dial.) 'leaf of a plant, rag, piece'. Latv. laps probably adopted the sustained tone of lapa 'paw'. The relationship with OHG lappa f. 'rag' is unclear to me. lopė

LITH LATV OPR

lopė (DP) 1 'torch' lapa 'torch' lopis (EV) 'flame'

PIE IE

Hitt. lapp-zi ! lapp- 'glow, flash'

*leh2p-

Gk. Mµnw 'lighten, glow', Xaµnac; f. 'torch' may also belong here (but cf. Beekes 2010: 830). lopeta

LITH

lopeta 1 [1/3•] 'spade, shovel, (dial.) scoop, spatula, shoulder-blade'

PSL SL

*lopata f. a 'spade, shovel' OCS lopata 'shovel, fan'; Ru. lopata; Cz. lopata; Slk. lopata; Pl. lopata; SCr. lopata; Čak. lopiita (Vrg., Orb.); Sln. lopata; Bulg. lopata

See -+lopa and -+Latv. lapsta. loti

LITH LATV

loti 'bark, (dial.) ask persistently', 3 pres. loja, 3 pret. lojo Iat [a, a, a 2, a 2] 'bark, scold, curse', 1sg. pres. laju

BSL PSL SL

*[a(* lajati v. (a) 'bark' OCS lajati (Supr.) 'bark', 1sg. laj9; Ru. lajat' 'bark'; ORu. lajati 'bark'; Bel. lajai 'curse'; Ukr. ltijati 'curse, scold'; Cz. lati 'scold, bark'; Slk. ltif 'scold'; Pl.

294

luba

lajai 'curse, scold, bark'; Slnc. lajac 'bark, curse'; LSrb. lajas 'bark, scold, curse'; SCr. lajati 'bark, swear', isg. lajem; Čak. liijati (Vrg.) 'bark, swear', 2sg. laješ; Sln. lajati 'bark, screarn, curse', isg. lajam, isg. lajem; Bulg. laja 'bark, scold' PIE IE

*lehr Skt. rayati 'bark' (if not from PIE *Hreh1 i-); Lat. latrdre 'bark'

luba

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

luba 2/ 4 'plank, board' (Standard Lithuanian only lubos 2/ 4 'ceiling') luba 'bast, plank, shelf' lubbo (EV) 'bast, plank, shelf' *lubum? *l'bb'b m. o 'skull' CS l'bb'b 'skull'; Ru. lob 'forehead, brow', Gsg. lba; Cz. lebka f.(a) 'skull'; leb (lit.) f.(i) 'skull', Gsg. l(e)bi, Gsg. lba (arch.); leb (lit.) 'skull', Gsg. l(e)bu; OCz. leb 'skull', Gsg. lba; leb f.(i) 'skull', Gsg. lbi; Slk. leb (lit., arch.) 'skull', Gsg. leba; leb (arch., lit.) f.(i) 'skull', Gsg. lebi; Pl. leb 'head of an animal, (coll.) head, pate', Gsg. lba; Sln. lab 'skull, forehead', Gsg. laba

The root seems to be *lubh-, but see -+luobas for the possibility that the root was

*lub-.

luginas

LITH

luginas (DP) 'treacherous'

See -+lūg6ti. Alternative readings for luginajis (DP 366) are luginaitė and luginqjie. luginti

LITH

luginti (Bretk.) 'allure, fondle', 3 pres. lugina, 3 pret. lugino; VAR litnginti 'wave, wag, fondle, fawn, snuggle up', 3 pres. litngina, 3 pret. litngino; lufiginti 'id.', 3 pres. lufigina, 3 pret. lufigino

l assume that this verb belongs to OCS l'bgati, Go. liugan 'lie' Fraenkel (LEW: 390) calls the forms with -n- "expressive''.


rtb f. i (a) 'death' ocs S'bmrbtb; Ru. smert', Gsg. smerti; Cz. smrt; Slk. smrf; Pl. smierc; SCr. smrt, Gsg. smrti; Sln. smrt, Gsg. smfti; Bulg. smart *mr-ti-

Lat. mors f. 'death'

See -+mirti. The Slavic etymon was affected by Dybo's law. misti

LITH LATV

misti 'feed on, nourish oneself', 3 pres. minta, 3 pret. mito mist 'feed on, support oneself, thrive, live', 1sg. pres. mitu, 1sg. pret. mitu

Pokorny (IEW: 759) reconstructs a root *meit(h)- 'Aufenthalts(ort)' on the basis of the Baltic etyma under discussion and Av. maeean3m n. 'dwelling-place of men and gods, abode', mienaiti 'dwell, remain'. This seems a narrow basis. If we include PSL *m�sto (a), e.g. Ru. mesto 'place', SCr. mjesto 'place, town, city', we are facing the

mitinti

322

problem that the acute of this noun is incompatible with the circumflex of the Baltic root *meit- 'feed on' (thus also LEW: 460). Fraenkel (l.e.) rejects Pokorny's etymology and prefers a connection with Molr. meith f. 'fat' and Mole. meio 'das Fetteste vom Speck des Walfisches'. See also: maita; maitinti; maitoti; meitėlis; mitinti mitinti

LITH LATV

mitinti 'feed, nourish', 3 pres. mitina, 3 pret. mitino mitinat 'give lodgings and board, support, nourish

A causative with zero grade of the root to -+misti (cf. -+maitinti). myžti

LITH LATV

BSL PSL SL PIE IE

myžti 'urinate', 3 pres. m)'ža, 3 pret. m)'žo; VAR m)'žti, 3 pres. m)'žia, 3 pret. myžė; m)'žti, 3 pres. męža, 3 pret. myžo mizt [i, i 2] 'urinate', ISg. pres. mieznu, isg. pret. mizu; VAR mizt, isg. pres. miezu, isg. pret. mizu; mizt, isg. pres. mižu, isg. pret. mizu; mizt2, isg. pres. miznu 2, isg. pret. mizu 2 *m(e)iž*mižati; *mbzeti v. SCr. mižati 'urinate'; Sln. mnęti 'flow, trickle, drip', isg. mnim; mzęti 'id.', isg. mzim *h3meigr-

Gk. 6µeixw; Olc. miga; OE migan

As noted by Fraenkel (LEW: 461), Lith. męžu, Latv. miez(n)u < *meni- is an instance of Ablautsentgleisung, as the root contains *i. The vocalism must be analogical after verbs with a root containing *in < *1J· mokėti

LITH LATV

moketi 'pay, be able to, know', 3 pres. moka, 3 pret. mokejo macet 'be able to, know', isg. pres. maku, isg. pret. maceju

The Baltic root *mark- has no etymology. The connection with Gk. µJixoc; (Dor. µaxoc;) n. 'means, expedient' (thus LEW: 463) involves PIE *kh and is therefore no longer acceptable. See also: mokinti; mokyti mokinti

LITH LATV OPR

mokinti [o, 6] 'teach', 3 pres. mokina, 3 pret. mokino macinat [ a, a] 'train, teach' mukint 'teach', 3 pres. mukinna

A causative to -+moketi.

motė

323

mokyti

LITH LATV

mokyti 'teach', 3 pres. moko, 3 pret. mokė; VAR mokyti 'teach', 3 pres. mokia, 3 pret. mokė macit 'teach', lSg. pres. macu, lsg. pret. maciju

A causative to ---+ moki!ti. monyti

LITH LATV

manyti (SD, dial.) 'practise sorcery', 3 pres. manija, 3 pret. manija manit [a, a, a� 'blindfold, mislead, deceive, (refl.) err, lie', lsg. pres. manu, maniju (Ulm.), lsg. pret. maniju

PSL SL

*mamiti; *maniti v. 'deceive' CS mamiti 'deceive'; maniti 'deceive'; Ru. manit' 'beckon, attract, lure; (dial.) deceive, lie, linger, loiter', lsg. manju, 3sg. manit; Cz. mamiti 'stun, deceive, seduce'; Slk. mamit"stun, deceive'; Pl. mamic 'deceive, seduce, lead astray'; manic (dial.) 'deceive, seduce, lead astray'; SCr. mamiti 'attract, lure, seduce'; SCr. maniti (dial.) 'lure'; Sln. mamiti 'stun, deceive, seduce, fool', lsg. miimim; Bulg. mamja 'deceive, seduce, lead astray'; manja ( dial.) 'deceive'

I consider both the Latvian and the Lithuanian forms to be borrowings from Slavic (cf. Van Wijk 1934). For both semantic and accentological reasons, Endzelins (ME II: 583) is inclined to regard Latv. manit as an inherited word, but the meaning is closer to Slavic *maniti than to mat 'beckon' (-+moti), while the variant with the falling tone, which unlike the sustained tone cannot be analogical in this formation, is not margina! (cf. the material in EH I: 791). According to Van Wijk (o.e.: 73), PSI. *mamiti is the original denominative verb (cf. Cz. mam 'deceit, error'), while *maniti arose through dissimilation, which was probably favoured by the existence of *manųti (see also Derksen 2008a: 301). mosuoti

LITH BSL PSL SL

mosuoti 'wave', 3 pres. mosuoja, 3 pret. mosavo *ma(s*maxati v. 'wave' CS maxati, lsg. maxaj9; Ru. maxat', lsg. masu, 3sg. mašet; Cz. machati 'wave'; Slk. machaf 'swing'; Pl. machac 'wave, swing'; SCr. mahati, lsg. miišem; Sln. mahati, lsg. maham; Bulg. maxam

In spite of the fact that the x in *maxati is not the regular reflex of *s in this position, I assume that we are dealing with a Balto-Slavic enlargement *s of the root *mehr 'beckon' (cf. Vaillant Gr. III: 332), for which see -+ moti. motė

LITH LATV OPR

motė (OLith., dial.) f.(r) l [1/3] 'wife, mother' mate [a, a� 'mother' (the accentuation mate (Pokorny IEW) is incorrect) mothe (EV); muthi (GrG), muti (GrA, GrF); mūti (III) 'mother'

moti

324

BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

*mafter* mati f. r (a) 'mother' OCS mati, Gsg. matere; Ru. mat', Gsg. materi; ORu. mati, Gsg. matere; OCz. mati, Gsg. matefe; OPI. mac, Gsg. macierze; SCr. miiti, Gsg. miitere; Čak. miiti (Vrg.), Gsg. miitere; miit (Novi, Orb.), Gsg. miiteri; Sln. mati, Gsg. matere *meh2 ter-

Skt. matar- f.; Gk. µftn1p f.; Lat. mater f.; OHG muoter f.; Olr. mathir f.; Alb. motre f. 'sister'

The oldest form of the genitive is moteres, which occurs, for instance, in DP and in dialects. The most important Standard Lithuanian derivatives are m6teris 'wife, mother' and motina 'mother'. According to Būga (RR II: 710 ), the form mote, which frequently occurs in the older scholarly literature, does not exist. It appears to be attested, however, in eastern Dzuk and West Aukštaitian dialects (Illič-Svityč 1963: 76-77). The root stress in this word may be due to Hirt's law, cf. Skt. mat&, but in principle there is a possibility that it is old, cf. Gk. µft nlP. The fact that in Čakavian (Novi) we find oblique plural forms with stress on the ending, viz. Dpl. materan, Ipl. materiimi, Lpl. materiih, corresponding with Ru. materjam, materjami, materjax, respectively, seems to swing the balance in favour of a stage with mobile stress (see Kortlandt 2009c: 186). In this case Meillet's law, which in the framework underlying this book is the analogical loss of a laryngeal (with compensatory lengthening) following the loss of the laryngeals in pretonic syllables, apparently did not operate. moti

LITH LATV

moti 'beckon', 3 pres. m6ja, 3 pret. mojo mat [a, a] 'beckon', lsg. pres. maju

BSL PSL SL

*ma(*majati; *mavati v. 'wave, beckon' OCS namaiaaxp (Supr.) 3PL impf. 'beckoned'; RuCS pomavati 'give a signal with one's hand or head'; Ru. majat"exhaust, harass'; mavat' (dial.) 'wave'; ORu. majati 'beckon, agitate, vibrate'; pomavati 'give a signal with one's hand or head'; Cz. mavati 'wave'; Slk. mavaf 'wave'; LSrb. mawas 'wave, rock'; SCr. miijati 'beckon, keep, detain'; Sln. majati 'move about, shake', lsg. majam, lsg. majem; Bulg. maja 'dawdle, detain'

PIE IE

*mehr Gk. µ11vuw 'notify, betray, announce'; Dor. µavuw; Go. afmauips ptc. pret. pass. 'tired'; OHG muoan 'alarm, worry'

While moti is obviously cognate with PSI. *majati (*mavati) 'beckon', PSl. *majati 'detain, tire, exhaust' has been linked to Germanic forms such as OHG muojan, muon 'encumber, anger' and Go. afmauips 'tired' (cf. Stang 1972: 35). The respective roots in Pokorny are ma- (693) and mo- (746). The safest solution is probably to assume that *majati continues *mehr as well as *mehr (LIV: 425), but it has been

murmėti

325

argued on semantic grounds that *majati ultimately continues *mehr 'beckon' only (ESSja XVII: i34). See also: mosuoti mudrus

LITH LATV

mudrus 4 'quick, valiant, smart, arrogant'; VAR mūdrus 4; mudras ('wise' in Pietkiewicz's catechism) 4; mudras (K.) 4 mudrs 'quick, lively, cheerful'

This adjective is usually connected with Sanskrit forms such as m6date 'rejoices' < *meud-. A serious problem with this etymology is the fact that we find no traces of Winter's law. Even if we adopt Dybo's (and Rasmussen's) view that Winter's law did not operate before a resonant, forms such as Latv. mudit 'urge, cheer up' would have to be analogical. mukti

LITH LATV

mukti (coll.) 'come off, flit, stiek', 3 pres. munka, 3 pret. muko mukt 'come off, flee', isg. pres. muku, isg. pret. muku

BSL PSL SL

*muk*m'bkn9ti v. 'move' Cz. mknouti 'move'; Pl. mknqc 'flit, fleet'; SCr. maknuti 'move', isg. maknem; Sln. makniti 'jerk, tug, move', isg. maknem, isg. męknem; Bulg. m&kna 'drag along'

PIE IE

*(s )muk-

Skt. muficati 'release'; mucyate 'be released'; Lat. emungere, isg. emungo 'wipe one's nose'

Cf. also Ru. mčat"rush, whirl along (tr.)' < *m'bčati. See also: maūkti; smukti mundras

LITH LATV

mufidras (dial.) 4 'quick, valiant'; VAR mundrus 4 'quick, valiant, clever' mufidrs 'cheerful, lively'

This etymon seems to be a contamination of -+ mafidras (mandrus) and -+mudrus (mudras). In Latvian, such a contamination would have to have occurred before the development *an > uo. One wonders if the vocalism of MoHG munter also played a role. murmėti

LITH LATV BSL

murmi!ti 'mumble, grumble', 3 pres. murma, 3 pret. murmejo; VAR murmenti; murmlenti; murmuleti; murmuliuoti murmet [ur, ur2] 'mumble, stammer, talk softly', isg. pres. murmeju; VAR murminat [ur, ur2, ur2] ; murmulet [ ur, ur2] ; murmufuot [ur, ur2] *mur?m-

m ūsai

326 PSL SL

*mwmiti v. 'mumble, grumble' Ru. mormulit' ( dial.) 'grumble, chatter'; SCr. mrmljiti 'mumble, grumble'

PIE IE

Lat. murmurare 'mumble'; OHG murmulon 'mumble'

*mur-mur- ( *mr-mr?)

Another Slavic verb with this meaning is *mwm('b)rati, e.g. Cz. mrmrati. The PIE verb must be onomatopoeic in origin. m ūsai

LITH

mūsai Npl. 4 [2/ 4] 'mould'; VAR musas Npl. 4; musas Npl. (Būga RR l: 470, 585)

BSL PSL SL

*mu?O*m'bX'b m. o (b/c) 'moss' Ru. mox, Gsg. m6xa; mox, Gsg. mxa; ORu. m'bX'b 'marsh overgrown with moss'; moX'b 'marsh overgrown with moss'; Bel. mox, Gsg. m6xu; Ukr. mox, Gsg. m6xu; Cz. mech; Slk. mach; Pl. mech 'moss, fluff'; USrb. moch; m6ch (dial.), Gsg. mocha; SCr. mah 'moss, mould, bloom', Gsg. muha; Čak. muh 'id:, Gsg. muha; Sln. mah 'moss, marsh, fluff', Gsg. maha, Gsg. mahu; meh, Gsg. meha; Bulg. max *musOlc. mosi m. 'moss, moorland'; OHG mos n. 'moss, marsh'

PIE IE musė

LITH LATV OPR

musė 2 [2/ 4] 'fly'; VAR musia (DP, SD, dial.) 2 muša 'fly'; VAR mūsa [ū, u2] muso (EV) 'fly'

PSL SL

*muxa f. a (a) 'fly' OCS muxa (Ps. Sin., Supr.); Ru. muxa; Cz. moucha; Slk. mucha; Pl. mucha; SCr. muha; Čak. muha (Vrg., Orb.); muha (Novi); Sln. muha; Bulg. muxa

IE

Gk. µuia f. 'fly'; Lat. musca f. 'mosquito'

The sustained tone of Latv. musa matches the acute root of PSl. *muxa < BSl. *m6u(?a(, cf. also CS myšbca 'mosquito', ORu. myšca 'insect, mosquito' < BSl. *mu(?­ ikar. Otherwise we find reflexes of the within Indo-European much mare widespread zero grade *mus-. This root, too, occurs in Slavic, e.g. Ru. m6xa (dial.) 'midge' < *m'bxa, CS m'bšica 'mosquito, locust'. Perhaps the BSl. variant *murs- is a contamination of *mus- and *muH- and. The latter root is found in Olc. mj n., OSw. mygga f., and OHG mucka f. 'mosquito', which Kroonen (2013: 380) traces to PGmc. *mūwi, Gsg. m ujjoz < *muH-ih2, Gsg. *muH-iehrs. mušti

LITH

mušti 'beat', 3 pres. muša, 3 pret. mušė

In Latvian, the East Baltic root *mus- occurs in mustavas Npl. 'warping beam', cf. Lith. muštuvai 'id'. This etymon has been connected with Gk. aµucrcrw 'scratch, tear,

naktis

327

lacerate', aµux� 'rent, wound', and Lat. mūcro f. 'point (of a sword etc.)'. If this is correct, we would have to reconstruct < *h2 m uk-, with unclear consonantal variation in Greek. The etymology seems highly uncertain, however (cf. De Vaan 2008: 392 ).

N naga

LITH LATV OPR

naga 4 'hoof, (SD, dial.) nail' nagas Npl. 'both hands, hands and feet' nage (EV) 'foot'

BSL PSL SL

*nogar *naga f. a (e) 'foot, leg' OCS naga; Ru. naga, Asg. nagu; Ukr. naga, Asg. nagu; Cz. noha; Slk. noha; Pl. naga; SCr. naga, Asg. nogu; Čak. naga, Asg. nogu; Sln. naga; Bulg. naga 'leg' *h3n(o)gwh_ Gk. ovuĘ m. 'nail, claw, hoof'; Lat. unguis m. 'nail, claw'; Olr. ingen f. 'nail'; OHG nagai m. 'nail'

PIE IE

See also: nagas; nagU.tis nagas

nagas 4 'nail, claw'; VAR nagė 2 'nail' LITH LATV nags 'nail, claw' See -+naga. nagutis

LITH OPR

nagu tis 2 'nail, claw (dim.)' nagutis (EV) 'nail'

BSL PSL SL

*nogutios *nogbtl> m. i (e) 'nail, claw' OCS nogbtl> (Supr„ Euch„ Hil.) m.(i) 'nail, claw'; Ru. nagot' m.(jo) 'nail', Gsg. nagtja; Cz. nehet m.(o) 'nail'; Slk. necht m.(o) 'nail'; Pl. nogiee m.(jo) 'nail'; USrb. nochc m.(jo) 'nail'; LSrb. noks m.(jo) 'nail'; SCr. nokat m.(o) 'nail, claw, hoof', Gsg. nokta; Čak. nohat (Vrg„ Orb.) m.( o) 'fingernail, toenail', Gsg. nohta; Sln. nŲhat m.(o) 'nail, claw', Gsg. nŲh ta; n{Jhat m.(o) 'nail, claw', Gsg. n{Jhta; n{Jgat m.(o) 'nail, claw', Gsg. n{Jhta; Bulg. nakat m.(o) 'nail, claw' See -+naga. The -kh- of Skt. nakha- m.!n. 'nail, claw' is unexplained.

naktis

LITH LATV

naktis f.(i) 4 'night', Gpl. naktų nakts f.(i) 'night'

328

OPR

namas

nacktin (III) Asg., naktien (III) Asg., naktin (II, III) Asg., nactin (l) Asg.

'night'

BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

*noktis *ni!ktb f. i (e) 'night' OCS noštb f.(i); Ru. noč', Gsg. n6či; Cz. noc; Slk. noc; Pl. noc; USrb. n6c, Gsg. nacy; SCr. ni!c, Gsg. naCi; Čak. ni!c (Vrg.), Gsg. naCi; Sln. nŲč, Gsg. noči; Bulg. nošt *nokw-tSkt. niikt- f.; Hitt. nekuz Gsg. 'in the evening'; Gk. vu� f.; Lat. nox f.; Go. nahts f.

According to Illič-Svityč ( 1963: 60), barytone AP and mixed AP occur in texts of Prussian Lithuania. Furthermore, the adverb naktije has barytone accentuation in Daukša, Prussian Lithuania and many East Aukštaitian and eastern Dzuk dialects. namas

LITH LATV

niimas 4 [2/4] 'house, (pl.) home'; VAR numas (Žem.) 4 'house, (pl.) home' nams 'aus geraden Stangen zusammengestellte kegelformige Sommerkiiche,

mittlerer Teil des Wohnhauses, der Kiiche, Vorbau in der Badestube, Hiitte, Haus'

BSL PSL SL

*domus *di!m'b m. u (e) 'house' OCS dom'b; Ru. dom (vestiges of an old u-stem are the alternative Gsg. and Lsg. in -u, e.g. na domu 'at home'); Ukr. dim, Gsg. domu; Cz. dum, Gsg. domu; Slk. dom; Pl. dom; SCr. di!m, Gsg. dama; Čak. di!m (Vrg.), Gsg. dama; Sln. dŲm 'house, home', Gsg. dŲma, Gsg. domu, Gsg. dŲmu; Bulg. dom 'house, home'

PIE IE

*dom-u- (alongside *dom, Gsg. dem-s) Lat. domus f. 'house', Gsg. domus

According to Illič-Svityč ( 1963: 54-55), both AP 2 and 4 are attested in old texts. Skardžius (1935: 41) considers Daukša's namai Npl. a printing error, but apparently AP 2 also occurs in texts from Konigsberg. Despite the fact that it involves an enigmatic development *d > n (from a zero grade *dm- before a vowel?), the connection with PIE *dom- still seems the best option. See also: dimstis naras

LITH BSL PSL SL

niiras (dial.) 4 'hole, lair'; VAR narei 4 *nor?*norti f. a (e) 'den, lair' CS nora 'den, lair'; Ru. norti 'burrow, den, hole'; Cz. nora 'den, lair, hole'; Pl. nora 'den, lair, hole' (also n6ra, nura); Sln. nora 'hole, crater-like depression'

nasrai

329

A derivative of -+nerti II. In the LKZe, only the variant nara is designated as a borrowing. The form niiras is attested in an East Lithuanian manuscript. narys

LITH LATV

narys 4 'member, (anat.) joint, (dial.) ankle, knot' naris 'pastern'

A derivative of -+nerti L narsas

LITH

narsas4 (2/4) 'courage, (obs.) fury, rage'; VAR narsa 4 'courage'

Here, too, the evidence for AP 2 seems to be limited to the card files of the Lithuanian dialect atlas. The fact that we find s, rather than š, following r points to narsas < nart-sas, cf. -+nartas. narštas

LITH LATV

narštas 2 'spawning'; VAR naršas 2 'roe, frog spawn' n&rsts [&r, ar2, &r2] 'spawning, mating season (birds)'; VAR niirs ta; niirste; nastrs (with metathesis)

BSL PSL SL

*nor$-t- (*nors- t-?) *n6rst'b m. o; *n6rstb f. i (e) 'spawning' Ru. n6rost (dial.) m. 'frog spawn'; n6ros (dial.) m. 'frog spawn'; n6rost' (dial.) f.(i) 'spawning'

Apparently, we are dealing with a derivative of -+neršti. In Slavic, the verb is lacking. There seems to be no convincing etymology for this Balto-Slavic root. Consequently, it is hard to decide if the Lith. narš- reflects *nor$- ( < *nors-) or *nors- ( < *nork-). Būga (RR II 505): is, strictly speaking, correct in reconstructing PIE *k on the basis of Ru. n6ros, where *$ > s l_ C does not apply, but it seems to me that this form, as well as Lith. narsas, may be more recent. See also: nerštas nartas

LITH OPR

nartas 2 'restiveness, anger'

nertien Asg., nierties Gsg. 'anger' Olr. nert n./m., MW nerth m./f. 'force' < *nerto- is usually interpreted as *h2 ner-to-,

from the same root as Gk. čtv� p 'man'. The Baltic forms mentioned above seem to be derivatives of a Baltic root nert-, which may originate from a nominal formation

*h2 ner-to-. See also: narsas; nertėti; nirsti; niršti nasrai

LITH

nasrai Npl. 4 'mouth (of an animal), snout, (dial., OLith.) mouth'; VAR nastrai (S., E. Lith.) Npl. 4 'id:; niisras 2 (DP, dial.) 'mouth'

našlys

330

BSL PSL SL

*nas-r*nozdra f. ja; *nozdra f. a (b) 'nostril' OCS nozdri (Ps. Sin., Supr.) Npl. f.(ja); Ru. nozdrja f.(ja) ; Cz. nozdra f.(a); Slk. nozdra f.(a); Pl. nozdrze n.(jo ); OPI. nozdrza f.(ja); nozdrze n.(jo ); SCr. nozdra f.(a); Čak. nozdrva (Vrg.) f.(a); Sln. n(Jzdra f.(a); n(Jzdrva f.(a); nozdfv f.(i), Gsg. nozdrvl; Bulg. n6zdra f.(a)

PIE

*nh2 es-r-ehr

For Slavic, the alternative etymology is to assume that we are dealing with a com­ pound of *nosb 'nose' (-+nosis) and *dbrati 'tear' (cf. Meillet 1934: 137), cf. Lith. nosiaskylė, where the second element derives from skilti 'split, cleave'. našlys

LITH

našlys 4 'widower'; našll 4 'widow'

It is often assumed that this word, which is already attested in DP and SD, continues the o-grade of PIE *nek- 'disappear', cf. Skt. nasyati 'perishes, disappears', Av. q.nasat 3sg. aor. 'disappeared', Gk. veKu� 'corpse: We may be dealing with a derivative of an adjective *našias 'dead' (Būga 1922: 273 RR II: 299). =

nauda

nauda 3 [1/3/4] 'use, profit, property' nauda 'money' This noun and Lith. naudoti 'use, employ' are cognate with Go. niutan 'attain, enjoy', Ok. njota 'use, enjoy' < PGmc. *neutan, and Olc. nyt f. 'use' < PGmc. *nutjo. It is therefore possible to reconstruct a North European root *neud- (cf. Kroonen 2013: LITH LATV

389). The Baltic acute, which still puzzled Stang (1966: 159), can now be attributed to Winter's law. naujas

LITH OPR

naūjas 4 'new' (according to Skardžius (1935: 149), there is minimal evidence for AP 2 in Daukša) nauns 'new', Asg. naunan, nawnan; Nsg. n. def. neuwenen (II)

BSL PSL SL

*nowios; *nowos *novo adj. o (b) 'new' Ru. novyj 'new' (AP (e) in Old Russian with traces of (b)); Cz. novj; Slk. novj; Pl. nowy; SCr. nov, f. nova; Čak. novi (Vrg.), nov& f., n. novo; novl (Novi); n"of (Orb.), f. nova, n. novo; Sln. nov, f. nova; nŲv; Bulg. nov

PIE IE

*neuios; *neuos Skt. navya- 'new, fresh, young'; Olr. nue 'new'; Go. niujis 'new' (all *neuios); Hitt. neya- 'new, fresh'; Skt. nava- 'new, fresh, young'; Gk. vfo� 'new'; Lat. novus 'new' (all *neuios)

The Lithuanian form underwent resyllabification (cf. Kortlandt 2008: 8). This accounts for the fact that we find au rather than iau < BSL "jau, which would be the

nei

331

expected development of PIE *eu before a consonant. The n-suffix of the Old Prussian form is usually attributed to contamination with an adjective correspond­ ing to Lith. ->jaunas 'young', Latv. jauns 'new'. PlE *neuos may derive from nu 'now'. According to Beekes (1994: 90), *neuios is based on the Lsg. *neui. ne

LITH LATV OPR

ne 'not, (dial.) than' ne 'not' ne- (III) 'not' (in neggi, Lith. ->negi)

BSL PSL SL

*ne *ne adv. 'not' OCS ne 'not'; Ru. ne 'not'; Cz. ne 'not, no'; Slk. ne 'not'; Pl. nie 'not, no'; SCr. ne 'not, no'; Sln. ne 'not'; Bulg. ne 'not, no'

PIE IE

*ne Lat. ne- 'not'; Go. ni 'not'

See also: nė; nei nė

LITH OPR BSL PSL PIE IE

nl 'not a, nor' ni 'not' *ne *ne- pref. 'not' *ne

Lat. ne 'not, that not'

Examples of PSl. *ne- are OCS nek'bto 'someone', nekogda, nek'bgda 'some time, some day'. See also ->ne. negi

LITH LATV OPR

negi (OLith.) 'than' nedz 'nor' neggi 'nor'

See ->ne. nei

LITH LATV

nei 'nor, than' nei 2 'nor'

BSL PSL SL

*nei *ni conj., ptcl. 'nor, not' OCS ni 'not'; Ru. ni 'nor, not'; Cz. ni 'nor, not'; Slk. ni 'nor, not'; Pl. ni 'nor, not even'; SCr. ni 'nor, not even'; Sln. ni 'nor, not even'; Bulg. ni 'nor, not even'

PIE

*nei

nendrė

332

IE

Lat. nl, OLat. nei 'not, that not, unless'

A reinforced variant of -->ne. nendrė

LITH LATV PIE IE

nendrė l 'reed, cane'; lendrė l (1/4] ; VAR mendrė l (1/2/3] niedre 'reed, cane'; VAR niedra [ ie, ie2] ; i;iiedre; i;iiedra *ned-o-; *nod-oSkt. nai;la- m. 'reed' (with unexplained ef); Hitt. nata/i- 'reed, straw (to drink with), arrow'; Arm. net 'arrow', Gsg. neti

The forms with l- and m - obviously result from dissimilation. East Baltic *nen?dre may contain a reduplicated root *ne-nd-, cf. -+papartis 'fern', Olr. nanaid 'nettle' ( ---> n otrė}. In that case the acute would have to be attributed to Winter's law. neptė

LITH BSL PSL SL

neptl (Bretk., Dauk.) 4 'granddaughter' *nepti(*nestera f. a 'niece' RuCS nestera; ORu. nestera; OPL niesciora; SCr. nėstera 'niece, sister's daughter'

PIE IE

*(h2)nep-t-ih2

Skt. napti- f. 'daughter, granddaughter'; Phr. niptiyan Asg., niptiyai Dsg. 'daughter(?)' (see Hammig 2013); Lat. neptis f. 'granddaughter, (later) niece'; Olr. necht f. 'niece'; Olc. nift f. 'female relative, sister'; OHG nift f. 'niece'

See -+nepuotis. AP 4 is based on the spelling neptie in Daukantas (Būga 1911a: 329-330 RR I: 272). The Gsg. neptes in Bretkūnas shows us that the noun was not an r-stem. For PSl. *nestera, I assume that *st arose from *tt in *nept-tera (cf. Meillet Et. I: 167). Kortlandt (i982) prefers the even older view that *nestera is a recent formation with *s from *sestra 'sister'. =

nepuotis

LITH

nepuotis (OLith.) m./f.(i) 'grandson, granddaughter'; VAR neptis (Bretk., MT) 'grandson'; nepuotė (Bretk.) 'granddaughter'

BSL PSL SL

*nep(o)t*netbjb m. io 'nephew' CS netii m.(io); ORu. netii m.(io); OPI. niee m.(jo); niesc m.(jo); SCr. necak m.(o) 'sister's son'; Čak. netjak (Novi) m.(o) 'sister's son'; Sln. nečak m.(o) 'nephew'

PIE

IE

*(h2)nep-ot; *(h2)nep-(o)t-

Skt. napat- m. 'descendant, grandson'; Gk. ave\jl16c; m. 'cousin'; Lat. nepas m. grandchild, offspring'; OE neja 'grandson, nephew' See also: neptė

nerti I

333

nerštas

LITH LATV

nerštas 2 'spawning, (pl.) roe, frog spawn'; VAR neršta 'spawning' nęrsts 2 (Oknist) 'spawning'

BSL PSL SL

*ner?-t- (*ners-t-?) *nerst11 m. o; *nerstb f. i (e) 'spawning' Ru. nerest m. 'spawning'; OCz. nefest f.(i) 'spawning'; Slk. neres (dial.) m. 'spawning'; neresf (dial.) f.(i) 'spawning'; Pl. mrzost (dial.) m. 'spawning'; nerest (dial.) m. 'spawning, spawn'; OPI. mrost m. 'spawning'; SCr. mrijest m. 'roe of a small fish', Gsg. mrijesta; Sln. mręst m. 'rutting period (of cats), (žabji m.) frogspawn'; dręst m. 'spawning'

See -narštas. neršti

LITH LATV

neršti 'spawn', 3 pres. neršia, 3 pret. neršė; VAR neršti 'spawn', 3 pres. neršta, 3 pret. neršė; neršti 'spawn', 3 pres. neršti, 3 pret. neršė n�rst [Jr, er2, �r2] 'spawn, mate', 1sg. pres. nhšu, 1sg. pret. n�rsu

See -narštas. nertėti

LITH OPR

nertėti 'rage, rave', 3 pres. nertėja, 3 pret. nertėjo; VAR nertėti, 3 pres. nerta, 3 pret. nertėjo ernertimai 1pl. 'we become angry'; ernertiuns, ernertfuns ptc. pf. act. Nsg. m. 'enraged'

See -nartas. Metatonie rude is not uncommon in verbs in -ėti with e-grade of the root (cf. Derksen 1996: 353-363). nerti l

LITH LATV

nerti 'knit, weave, tie', 3 pres. neria, 3 pret. nerė nert 'lace up the tip of a bast shoe, tie', 1sg. pres. neru, 1sg. pret. neru

Kroonen (2013: 283) hesitantly assumes pretonic shortening of *neh2 r- for the "Ingvaeonic" adjective *narwa- 'narrow', e.g. OE nearu 'narrow', MoDu. naar 'dis­ agreeable: The reconstruction of the root, however, is based on Latv. ni'irs 'Klammer der Tischler (also naris2), Schraubenzwinge etc:, which Fraenkel (LEW: 496), regards as a borrowing from Low German, cf. MoLG naar 'krummer Zapfen am Ende der Sense etc:. This may well be correct, cf. also Latv. nafvis 'eine Machine zur Kriim­ mung der Radfelgen, ein Eichenklotz zum Biegen der Radbiigel, Klemmholz', MLG nare, narwe 'Narbe'. In any case, a root *neh2 r- does not fit the Baltic verb under discussion. If we reconstruct *nerH-, the connection with *narwa- (also advocated by Fraenkel) can be maintained, provided that Nw. nor n. 'sound, canal' (Kroonen: l.e.) is accounted for. The verb corresponding to nerti was lost in Slavic, but the root survives in ORu. nereta 'fishing tackle, fish-trap', Ru. nereta ( dial.) 'fish-trap (made of

334

nerti II

osiers)', cf. ESSJa XXV: 11-13. The Latvian counterpart of this noun is narts (ME II: 693), which is a normalization of E. Latv. nofts (also norty Npl.) 'fish-trap: nerti 11

LITH

nerti 'dive', 3 pres. neria, 3 pret. nerė

BSL PSL SL

*ner?*nerti v. CS ponreti 'enter', lsg. ponbr9; RuCS nreti, nereti 'go deep into, hide oneself'

This verbal root is apparently limited to Balto-Slavic. nešti

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

nešti 'carry, bring', 3 pres. neša, 3 pret. nešė nest 'carry, bring', ISg. pres. nęsu, ISg. pret. nesu *neš*nesti v. (e) 'carry, bring' OCS nesti 'carry, bring', lsg. nes9; Ru. nesti 'carry', ISg. nesu, 3sg. neset; Cz. nesti 'carry'; Slk. niesf 'carry'; Pl. niešc 'carry, bring'; SCr. nesti 'carry', ISg. nesem; Čak. nesti (Vrg.) 'lay (eggs)', 2sg. neseš; nes (Orb.) 'lay (eggs)', 3sg. nese; Sln. nesti 'carry, bring', lsg. nesem *h1 nekGk. �vey1mv ISg. aor. 'brought', inf. ėveyKe'iv (*h1 neh1 nk-)

niausti

LITH PIE IE

niaūsti '(galvą) hang one's head', 3 pres. niaūsia, 3 pret. niaūsė *neuveuw 'incline, nod, beckon, grant'; Lat. adnuere 'nod, permit', lsg. adnuo

LIV (455) suggests that niaūsti continues a desiderative *neų-/nu-s. niedėti

LITH LATV PIE IE

niedėti 'despise' nidėt [i, i] 'hate', lsg. pres. nidu, lsg. pret. nideju; VAR nist [i, i] , lsg. pres. nistu, nižu (Linde) *h3n(e/o)idSkt. nindanti 3Pl. 'rebuke'; Gk. ovrnSo rs is an important source of plain s after r (cf. Stang 1966: 95). nytis

LITH LATV

nytis f.(i) '(warp) thread', Npl. nytys 1 'harness (text.), heald' nfts f.(i) [f, i 2] '(warp) thread', Npl. nftis 'harness (text.), heald'; VAR nftes Npl. 'harness (text.), heald'

BSL PSL SL

*nfitis (> *ni?tis) *nitb f. i (a) 'thread' Ru. nit'; Cz. nif; Slk. nif; Pl. nic; SCr. ni't; Sln. nit, Gsg. niti

The root seems to be *(s)nhri-, with an i-enlargement of the root *(s)nehr found in Hitt. ne-"Cri) 'turn (onself) in a certain direction' (Kloekhorst and Lubotsky forthc.),

nokti Gk. vew 'spin', Lat. nere 'spin, weave', O Ir. snii'd 'twist, tie', Go. nepla 'needle'. The verbal root is found in -+ Latv. nft. nokti

LITH LATV

nokti 'grow ripe, (dial.) grow weak, (flk.) wither', 3 pres. noksta, 3 pret. noko; VAR nokti (dial., Dauk.) 'pursue, chase', 3 pres. nokia, 3 pret. nokė; nokti (Bretk.) 'pursue, chase', 3 pres. noksta, 3 pret. noko niikt [ii, a2] 'come', isg. pres. niiku, isg. pret. niicu; n akt [ a, ii(?)), isg. pres. nacu, isg. pret. nacu

PIE IE

*h2 ne-h2 n(o)kLat. nancisci 'obtain'; Olr. t-anaic 3sg. pret. 'came'

With elimination of the second n in a form *niink-, cf. Kortlandt i994b: i92. noras

LITH

noras l 'desire, wish, will'

See -+noreti. norėti

LITH

noreti 'want, wish, desire', 3 pres. nori, 3 pret. n o rejo ; VAR n o reti, 3 pres. noria, 3 pret. nori!jo

Fraenkel connects nor- with -+ niršti 'rage' and -+nartas 'anger' (LEW: 507-508), which may contain the root *h2 ner-. This does not account for the Lithuanian acute tone, however. Smoczynski (2007: 427) reconstructs *neh2 r-, cf. Hitt. niibi- l nabb- 'fear, become afraid', which etymology fails to convince me. Both formally and semantically possible is the connection with Gk. vwpei· evepyei (Hsch.) 'is effective, operates'. Needless to say, this is highly speculative. See also: noras nosis

LITH LATV OPR

nosis f.(i) i 'nose, (dial.) nostril' niiss f.(i) [ii, a2] 'nostril, nose'; VAR niise [ii, a2] 'id., (a2) beak'

BSL PSL SL

*na(s-; *nas*nos'b m. o (e) 'nose'

nozy (EV) 'nose'

OCS nos'b; Ru. nos; Cz. nos; Slk. nos; Pl. nos; SCr. nos, Gsg. nosa; Čak. nos (Vrg., Novi), Gsg. nosa; Sln. n(is, Gsg. n(isa, Gsg. nosa, Gsg. nosu; Bulg. nos

PIE

*nehrs-/*nhres-

IE

Skt. nas- f.; Lat. naris f.; OHG nasa f.

Kortlandt (1985b: 119) reconstructs the etymon as a hysterodynamic s-stem, pro­ viding an explanation for the apparent ablaut *niis- : *nas-. Slavic and Baltic have generalized different variants of the stem. Baltic continues the stem *na(s- < *nehrs-

novyti of the Nsg. *nehrs-s, whereas Slavic continues the stem *nas-

*nhres-m.

337
Uš11 f. i (e) 'bald patch' CS plėš11; Cz. pieš; Pl. plesz; Sln. plęš

IE

Nw. flein 'bald, naked, flat'

Forms such as Ru. plexan 'bald person' suggest that the root of this etymon is *plėx-. According to Kortlandt (1994a: 112), Slavic "'x corresponding to *k points to *kh2 , cf.

plunksna Ru. soxa '(wooden) plough' vs. Lith. -+šaka. We may therefore reconstruct *ploikhr (f)o-. Another option is *ploi-ko- alongside *ploi-sjo-. pliuskė

pliuskė 2 'log, splinter, busk of an oat grain'; VAR pliaskė 2 The *j must originate from -+pliauska. LITH

plokščias

LITH LATV

plokščias 3 [1/3] 'flat, plain'; VAR plokštas (Jušk„ dial.) 3; plokštus pliikans; pliikns plasks 'flat and wide'; plaskans 'id:; plaskains 'id:; pliiskans; pliiskains 'id:

I think that we must compare plokščias and plokštas to forms such as Latv. pliiskans (-+Latv. plasks) and assume that plarsk- became plarkš- before *-t(f)as, which would be a regular development. As argued s.v. -+plakti, PEBlt. plarsk- may have arisen alongside *plask- < BSl. *plok-sk- due to the influence of plar- < *plehr (-+plonas II). plonas l

LITH LATV

plonas 3 'thin, slender, fine, high (voice)' plans 'flat, even, thin, weak'

PIE IE

*plehrno-

Lat. planus 'level, flat' See also: plonas II; ploti

plonas 11

LITH LATV OPR

plonas ( dial.) i 'floor, threshing floor' pliins [ii, a 2] 'floor, threshing floor' plonis (EV) 'threshing floor'

A synonym of plonas is plokas (Pruss. dial.). We may also compare Olc.florr m. 'floor of a cowshed', OE flor m./f. 'floor, attie', OHG fluor m. 'field', which contain the same root *plehr. Note that in East Baltic the fixed stress of the noun, which may continue a neuter o-stem, is in contrast with the mobile accentuation of the adjective -+plonas L This may be due to a retraction of the stress. ploti

LITH LATV

ploti 'flatten, laminate, clap', 3 pres. ploja, 3 pret. plojo pliit [ii, a 2, a2] 'spread out, flatten, make thin, beat', isg. pres. pliiju

See -+plonas L plunksna

LITH LATV

plunksna i 'feather'; VAR plitksna i; plitsna (Klp.) i plūksnas Npl. [ū, u 2] 'smth. that has been plucked out, waste (flax), white birchbark that flutters in the wind, fine feathers of birds'; VAR plūksnes Npl.

pluskos 'smth. that has been plucked out, waste (flax)'; plūksni Npl. 'id:; plūsnis 'white birchbark that flutters in the wind' Since the k belongs to the root (cf. --+plaukas), we must assume that plasna and Latv. plūsnis have lost their k on the analogy of forms with intrusive k occurring alongside forms without (cf. Stang 1966: 113).

pluskos

LITH LATV

pluskos Npl. 2 'long, dishevelled hair; luxurious vegetation' pluska 'rag, bad flax'

See --+pliauska and -+plaušai. plūsti

Lith.

plasti 'flow out, overflow', 3 pres. plasta, 3 pret. p la do

Intransitive verb containing the zero grade of the root of plausti. See also -+plauti. plūšas

LITH

plušas 4 '(piece of) bast, (dial.) splinter, tow', Npl. plūšai 4 'fibres, bast'; VAR plūša 4

See -+plaušai. plūti

Lith.

plati 'flow out, overflow', 3 pres. pluna, 3 pret. pluvo

BSL PSL SL

*p Uu *plyti v. (a) 'swim, sail' Ru. plyt', lsg. plyvu, 3sg. plyvet; SCr. pli'ti, lsg. pli'jem *plhr( u-)

PIE

See --plauti. A variant pluti occurs in Šlapelis's dictionary (1938), but does not appear in the LKŽe. Gk. nA.uvw (with ū) 'wash, beat' may reflect *plu-n-je- (LIV: 486, Beekes 2010: 1212). LIV does not exclude a set-root (cf, Kortlandt 1975: 68). po

LITH LATV OPR

po prep. '(+ L) under, (+ A.) about, over, ( + G.) after'; pa- pref. (also forms perfective aspect); p6- pref. (in nominal compounds) p a prep. 'under (obs.), on, over, through'; pa- pref. 'under' po prep. 'under, after'; po- pref.

BSL PSL SL

*po(?) *po; *pa prep. l pref. 'after, by, at' OCS po 'after, by, at', pa pref.; Ru. po 'after, on, by, at, up to', pa pref.; Cz. po 'after, on, by, at, up to', pa pref.; Pl. po 'after, on, by, at, up to', pa pref.; SCr. po 'after, on, by, at', pa pref.

PIE

*h2po

prašyti IE

Skt. apa- adv. 'away, from'; Gk. un6 'from, away from'; Lat. ab 'from, away'; Go. af'from, away from, since'

The glottal stop was probably adopted from nouns with an initial laryngeal or a glottalized stop. Like the prefix *po- in Russian and most other Slavic languages, pa­ also forms perfective aspect pra

LITH

pra- pref. 'by, through'; pr6- pref. 'pre-, fore-, between'; pro prep. '( + A.)

BSL PSL SL

*pro (?) *pro; *pra prep. l pref. 'through' OCS pro- pref. 'through'; pra- pref. 'through'; Ru. pro prep./pref. 'about'; pro­ pref. 'through, past'; pra- pref. 'through, past' (the variant pra- occurs in nominal compounds); Cz. pro- pref. 'through, past'; Bulg. pro- pref. 'through'

PIE IE

through, along, past'

*pro Skt. pra- adv. 'before, forward'; Gk. np6 adv. 'before, forwards, forth'

The variant pr6- occurs in nominal compounds. The BSl. glottal stop was probably adopted from nouns with an initial laryngeal. pragaras

LITH LATV

pragaras 3b 'heli, (coli.) glutton' pragars 'glutton, insatiable person'

A compound of pra- and the o-grade of the root that we find in --+gerti. prakaitas

LITH OPR

prakaitas 3b [1/3b] 'sweat, labour' prakiiisnan Asg. 'sweat'

This compound contains the root kait- of --+kaisti. The Old Prussian noun is ob­ viously a different formation. prasti

LATV

prasti 'acquire a habit or inclination, (dial.) apprehend', 3 pres. pranta, 3 pret. prato prast 'understand, notice', isg. pres. prilotu, isg. pret. pratu

PIE IE

*protGo. Jrapjan 'understand'

LITH

With the prefix --+su- we find the frequent verb suprasti 'understand'. See also: protas prašyti

LITH

prašyti 'ask', 3 pres. priišo, 3 pret. priišė

370

LATV BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

prausti prasit 'ask', isg. pres. prasu, isg. pret. prasiju; VAR prasit (BW), isg. pres. prasiju, isg. pret. prasiju

*pros-ei/i-

*prosi ti v. (b) 'ask' OCS prasiti, 1sg. prašp; Ru. prasit', isg. prašu, 3sg. prasit; Cz. prositi; Slk. prosif; Pl. prasie; SCr. prositi 'beg for charity, ask a girl's hand', isg. prasim; Čak. prosl'ti (Vrg.) 'id:, 2sg. prasiš; Sln. pr6siti 'ask', isg. prpsim; Bulg. pr6sja 'beg for charity, ask'

*prok-eie-

Skt. Pfcchati 'ask' ( *prk-ske!o-); prasna- m. 'question'

prausti

LITH

p raūs ti 'wash', 3 pres. praūsia, 3 pret. praūsė

PSL SL

*praska ti v. 'splutter, splash' Cz. prskati 'splutter, sizzle'; Slk. prskaf 'splutter, sizzle'; SCr. pfskati 'splash'; Sln. pfskati 'splash', isg. pfskam; Bulg. pr&ska 'sprinkle, splash'

PIE IE

*prous-

Skt. pru$i;6ti 'sprinkle'

Endzelins (EH II: 313) wonders if prausties (Nigr.) 'sich den Kopf waschen' is a borrowing from Lithuanian. The PSL stem *prask- must be analyzed as *prus-sk-. prekė

LITH LATV

prekė 2 [2/4] 'article, (pl.) goods, wares, (obs.) price'; VAR prek ia 4 '(dial.) price, ( obs.) commerce, business' prece 'article, (pl.) goods, wares'

See ->pirkti. prėskas

LITH BSL PSL SL

preskas 3 'fresh, unleavened' *prdskos *prėsm, adj. o 'fresh, unleavened' OCS oprėsn'bh m. 'unleavened bread'; Ru. presnyj; presen, f. presna, n. presno 'fresh, unleavened'; Cz. pfesny 'fresh, (obs., dial.) unleavened'; Pl. prza5ny (with secondary s); OPI. przasny 'unleavened'; SCr. prijesan 'raw, fresh', f. prijesna, n. prijesno; Sln. pręssėkti II. sala

LITH

sala 4 'island, (E. Lith„ Dzuk.) field surrounded bij meadows (or vice versa),

LATV PSL SL

sala 'island, high spot in a swamp, grove, village' *selo n. o (b) OCS selo 'field, abode, tabernacle, village'; Ru. sel6 'village'; OCz. selo 'field'; Pl. siolo (poet.) 'soil, hamlet, village'; SCr. sėlo 'village, country', Npl. sela; Čak. selO (Novi) 'village, country', Npl. sela; Sln. selų 'building lot, colony, hamlet, village'; Bulg. selo 'village', Npl. sela *sol-ehr Ok. salr m. 'hall, room, house'

PIE IE

(E. Lith.) village'

The question is if and to what extent sala is cognate with ->salti II 'trickle, flow'. East Baltic *sala 'island' may have evolved from *ap(i)sala (cf. ME III: 664), cf. OCS ostroV'b, Ru. 6strov 'island' (->sravu). It is possible that we are dealing with two etyma, viz. 'island' and 'village'. See also: atsala saldus

LITH LATV

saldus 3 [3/4] (AP 3 also with Nsg. saldus) 'sweet' salds 'sweet'

BSL PSL

*solrdus *sold'bk'b adj. o (a) 'sweet'

salpas

388

SL

OCS slad'bk'b; Ru. sol6dkij (dial.); Cz. sladky; Slk. sladky; Pl. slodki; USrb. sl6dki; SCr. slatkl; sladak, f. sliitka, f. sliitka; Sln. sladak, f. sladka; Bulg. sladak 'sweet, tasty'

The root is an enlargement (with *d) of *sh2 el- 'salt' (-+salti l, -+s6lymas), cf. Go. salt n. 'salt'. The *d may once have been added on the analogy of *sueh2 du- 'sweet', e.g. Skt. svadu-, OE swat. salpas

LITH

salpas 4 [2/4] 'river cove, creek, backwater'; VAR salpa 4 'flood-land, river cove, creek, backwater'

BSL PSL SL

*salpos s6lp'b m. o (e) 'rapid, waterfall' Cz. slap '(usu. pl.) rapid, waterfall'; SCr. sliip 'waterfall, stream, wave', Gsg. sliipa; Sln. sliip 'waterfall, stream, wave', Gsg. sliipa, slapu

AP 2 is not mentioned in the LKZe, but Illič-Svityč ( 1963: 149) assumes that it is original, referring to a number of twentieth-century dictionaries. Būga (1912b: 244 RR l: 333) connects salpas with išselpinėti (Jušk.) 'part, disperse'. Ablaut also occurs in Slavic, cf. RuCS V'bslėpati 'flow', sh1pati 'flow, spout'. This root is apparently an extension of the root that we find in -+salti II. =

salti l

LITH

salti 'become sweet', 3 pres. siįla, 3 pret. salo (The LKZe mentions salsta, sala, salna and sulna as alternative present formations. In the preterite the form salė is attested.)

See -+s6lymas for the etymology of the root and cf. -+saldus. salti 11

LITH

salti (dial.) 'trickle, flow', 3 pres. siįla, 3 pret. salo

See -+seleti. The only illustrative sentence in the LKZe involves the compound atsalti (Kv.). sam

LITH OPR BSL PSL SL

sam- ( san-, sq-) pref. 'together' sen prep. 'with'; sen- (san-) pref. 'together' *som *s9- pref. 'together' OCS s9-; Ru. su-; Cz. sou-; Slk. su-; Pl. sq-; Sln. so-; Bulg. sa-

PIE IE

Skt. sam prvrb./pref. 'together, at the same time'

*som

A nominal prefix. The vocalism of Old Prussian sen is secondary (Kortlandt 2007a: 10). See also: samda; su

sargas samda

LITH PIE IE

samda 4 'rent, hire, hired workers, servants'; VAR samdas 4 *som-dhhrehr Skt. sarridh&- f. 'agreement, promise'

Compound of -+sam and the zero grade of the root of -+deti. Cf. --padas. sapnas

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

sapnas 4 [2/4] 'dream'; VAR sapnis m.(io) 2 [2/4] ; sapnis f.(i) 4; sapnus (Schleicher) (s.v. sapnas the LKZe mentions the Zemaitian forms sapnės Gsg., sapnė{je], sapnl[je] Lsg.) sapnis 'dream'; VAR sapinis; sapenis; sapnis; sapins; sapęns; sapns f.(i); sapins f.(i)

*su(o)pno*s'bn-b m. o (b) 'sleep, dream' OCS s'bn'b; Ru. son, Gsg. sna; Cz. sen; Slk. sen; Pl. sen; USrb. s6n, Gsg. sona; SCr. siln, Gsg. snil; Čak. s & n (Vrg.), Gsg. snil; san (Novi), Gsg. snil; Sln. san, Gsg. sna; Bulg. san *su(e!o)p-no-; *su(e/o)p-r/nSkt. svapna- m. 'sleep, dream'; Skt. svapnya- n. 'dream, vision'; Gk. unvoc; m. 'sleep'; Lat. somnus m. 'sleep, dream'; Ok. svefn m. 'sleep, dream'

A derivative of *suep- 'sleep', cf. Skt. svapati 'sleep', OCS s'bpati 'sleep', Lat. sopire 'cause to sleep'. Since PSL *s'bn'b was not affected by the generalization of accentual mobility in masculine o-stems with a non-acute root (Illi č-Svityč's law), this form must in principle continue an old neuter, which is why l reconstructed a Balto-Slavic neuter o-stem in my Slavic dictionary (2008a: 481). As l pointed out in a later publication (2009: 16-18), it is possible, however, that oxytone masculine o-stems with a first syllable closed by an obstruent also ended up in AP (b ). For Lithuanian sapnas, Illi č­ Svityč (1963: 33) has argued that AP 2 is original. The evidence is limited to the Npl. sapnai in Nesselmann's dictionary (1851: 455) and the root stress of sapnininkas 'interpreter of dreams', which is well recorded in several documents from Prussian Lithuania. All in all , it is very difficult to reconstruct a Balto-Slavic proto-form, if only because Baltic has o-grade, whereas Slavic has zero grade. sargas

LITH LATV OPR

sargas 3 'watchman, guard' sargs 'watchman, guard' apisorx (EV) 'kingfisher'; butsargs (III) 'housekeeper'

PSL SL

*storžb m. jo (e) 'guard' OCS stražb; Ru. st6rož; Pl. str6:i, Gsg. str6ža; Bulg. straž

See -+sergėti. l find it more likely that the Old Prussian compound apisorx, where the first element means 'brook' (-+upė), contains *sargas 'watcher' than an element that is

sargus

390

to be identified with O Pr. sarke 'magpie' (_.šarka) (cf. Mažiulis PKEŽ I: 87-88, Hinze 1995: 190). sargus

LITH

sargus 4 [2?/4] 'watchful' The LKŽ has sargus l (retained in the LKŽe), which must be a misprint. The form sargumis Ipl. in DP points to AP l or 2. The forms sargu Nsg. n. and sargiai adv. (both attested in K.) may be taken as evidence for AP 2 (paee Derksen 1996: 162, where I interpreted sargus l as a misprint for sargus l) , which accentuation is unexpected. For the etymology, see --.sergėti. saulė

LITH LATV OPR

saulė l 'sun' saūle [aū, au 2] 'sun' saule (EV) 'sun'

BSL PSL SL

* sa(ul-; *s(ul*s'blnbee n. jo (e) 'sun' OCS sl'bnbee; Ru. s6lnee; Cz. slunee; Slk. slnee; Pl. slonee; SCr. sūnee; Čak. sunee (Vrg.), Gsg. sunea, Npl. suned; sūnee (Orb.), Gsg. sūnea; Sln. solnee; Bulg. sl&nee *seh2 u-l, *sh2 u-enSkt. svar- (suvar-) n. 'sun, sunlight'; Skt. s il rya- m. 'sun, deity of the sun'; Av. huuara n. 'sun', Gsg. hva1;1g; Gk. �O.ioc; (Hom.) m. 'sun'; Lat. sol m. 'sun'; Go. sauil n. 'sun'; OE sunne f. 'sun'

PIE IE

I assume that the Balto-Slavic paradigm still exhibited ablaut of the root (cf. Petit 2004a: 69-71). Subsequently, Baltic and Slavic generalized different ablaut grades. The long root vowel of the Serbo-Croatian forms results from the widespread lengthening of short vowels before resonants. sausas

LITH LATV OPR

saūsas 4 'dry' sauss [aū, au 2] 'dry' sausa [sausan] Asg. f. 'dry'

BSL PSL SL

*sOU$0S *sux'b adj. o (e) 'dry' OCS sux'b; Ru. sux6j; Cz. suehy; Slk. suehy; Pl. suehy; SCr. suh; Čak. suh (Vrg„ Hvar), f. sūha, n. suho; Sln. suh, Gsg. suha; Bulg. sux

PIE IE

*h2 SOUS-O-

Skt. SU$ka- 'dry, barren'; Gk. ui'.Joc; (Hom.) 'dry'; OE sear 'dry'

Probably based on *h2s-us-, the perfect participle of the root *h2s- (Lubotsky 1985). The o-grade must be secondary. See also: saūsinti

segti

391

sausinti

LITH LATV

saūsinti [aū, au] 'dry (tr.)', 3 pres. saūsina, 3 pret. saūsino sausinat [au 2, au 2] 'dry (tr.)'; VAR sausinet2

BSL PSL SL

""SOU$-ei/i*sušiti v. (e) 'dry' OCS sušiti (Euch., Kiev Folios, Supr.) 'dry, exhaust'; Ru. sušit', 1sg. sušu, 3sg. sušit; Cz. sušiti; Slk. sušit'; Pl. suszyc; SCr. sUšiti, 1sg. sušim; Čak. sūšl't (Orb.), 3sg. sūši; Sln. sušiti, 1sg. sušim; Bulg. suša

A derivative of -+saūsas. A similar, but independent formation is found in Skt. So$ayati 'let dry' < ""h2sous-eie-. sėdėti

LITH LATV

sėdeti 'sit', 3 pres. sedi, 3 pret. sėdejo; VAR sėdeti, 3 pres. sedžia, 3 pret. sėdejo sedet 'sit', 1sg. pres. sedu, 1sg. pret. sedeju; VAR sedet, 1sg. pres. sežu, 1sg. pret. sedeju

BSL PSL SL

*sdd-d*sėdhi v. 'sit' OCS sėdėti, 1sg. sėžd9; Ru. sidėt', 1sg. sižu, 3sg. sidit; Cz. sedėti; Slk. sedief; Pl. siedziee; SCr. sjedjeti; sjediti; Čak. sidl'ti (Vrg.), 2sg. sidiš; sedet (Orb.), 1sg. sedin; Sln. sędęti, 1sg. sedim; Bulg. sedja

PIE IE

*sed-ehr

Lat. sedere 'sit'

An example of Winter's law, cf. also Gk. e�oµai 'sit down', Go. sitjan. See also: sesti; sodas; sodinti; sodrus; suodžiai segti

LITH LATV

segti 'fasten, hook, clasp, pin', 3 pres. sega, 3 pret. segė segt 'cover, fasten', 1sg. pres. sędzu, 1sg. pret. sedzu; VAR segt, 1sg. pres. segu, 1sg. pret. sedzu

BSL PSL SL

*senrg*sęgti v. 'reach for' OCS prisęšti sę 'touch', 1sg. prisęgo sę; Cz. dosici 'reach'; Sln. sęči 'reach for, try to grab', 1sg. šęžem

PIE IE

*seng-

Skt. sajati 'adhere to, hang', 3sg. pf. sasaflja

According to Kortlandt (1988: 389, cf. 2009d: 246-247), East Baltic eliminated the *n from the root due to reanalysis as a nasal infix. The regular acute is found in PSl. *sędzati, *sęgati (a), e.g. SCr. sezati 'reach, attain', Cz. sahati 'touch, reach for', while Winter's law was blocked by a cluster *-ngn- in *sęgnŲti, e.g. SCr. sėgnuti 'reach', Cz. sahnouti 'touch, reach for' (l.e.).

39 2

sėkla

sėkla

LITH LATV

sė'lcla 1 [1/3] 'seed, sperm' sękla [ę, ę2] 'seed, sperm'

See -+si!ti. sekti l

LITH LATV PIE IE

sekti 'observe, track down, spy on, follow', 3 pres. seka, 3 pret. sekė; VAR sekti, 3 pres. senka, 3 pret. seko sekt 'follow, succeed, thrive', 1sg. pres. sęku, 1sg. pret. secu (1sg. pres. also sęcu, suoku, isg. pret. also seku, suocu) *sekwSkt. si:icate 'accompany, follow'; Gk. eJtoµai 'follow'; Lat. sequl 'follow, accompany'

sekti 11

LITH PIE IE

sekti 'tell', 3 pres. seka, 3 pret. sekė; VAR sekti, 3 pres. senka, 3 pret. seko *sekwGk. Ėv(v)fow 'tell'; Lat. inquit 'says'

In Lithuanian dictionaries this verb is identified with -+sekti L Likewise, PIE *sekw­ 'follow' and *sekw- 'say, tell' are sometimes regarded as one single root (cf. LIV 525526). See also: saka; saIpapartis) as well as on evidence from Celtic (see Derksen i996: 78-79 ). Gk. mep6v n. 'feather, wing' does not belong here unless the

form does not actually derive from the zero grade of nfroµai 'fly' but was influenced by it (Derksen: l.e.). We are dealing here with an atypical example of meta ton ie douce. A possible explanation is the so-called "Saussure effecC in this case the loss of a laryngeal in the constellation *oRIIC, but for Balto-Slavic this seems ad hoc. spauda LITH

PIE IE

spauda 4 'print, press, pressure' *spoud-ehr Gk. onouspausti. Of course, the Lithuanian and Greek forms may be independent formations. spausti

LITH PIE

spausti 'press, squeeze', 3 pres. spaudžia, 3 pret. spaudė

IE

Gk. anfo6w 'hurry'

*spoud-

The acute is not secondary (pace Smoczynski 2007: 585), but results from Winter's law. See also: spauda spėkas

LITH LATV

PSL SL

spekas (dial.) 2/ 4 'power'; VAR speka 2/4 spęks [ę, ę2] 'power' *spįxb m. o (e) 'haste' OCS spen (Supr., Euch.) 'diligence, aspiration'; Ru. spex (coll.); Cz. spech; USrb. spech; Sln. spęh, Gsg. spęha, Gsg. spęhu

Since the root is *spehr (->speti) , the East Baltic forms are examples of metatonie douce (in Slavic, we may be dealing with Meillet's law), for which there is no obvious

420

spenys

explanation. In spite of the fact that the verb has fixed stress, it is possible to posit an oxytone neuter that was affected by the East Baltic retraction from *-a, cf. spetas 'leisure' (cf. Derksen 1996: 123). This would render the formai connection with the Slavic noun even more remote. Germanic derivatives of the same root are OE sped f. 'success, power, speed', MDu. spoed 'progress, success', MoDu. spoed f. 'rush' < *spodi­ f. (cf. Kroonen 2013: 469 ). spenys

LITH LATV OPR PIE IE

spenys 4 [2/4] 'nipple, teat, (Ruh., Ness.) uvula' spenis (Ar.) 'uvula' spenis (EV) 'nipple, teat' *pstenSkt. stana- m. 'breast of a woman, nipple'; LAv. fštana- m. 'breast of a woman'; Arm. stin 'breast of a woman'; Oic. speni m. 'nipple, teat'; sine m. 'nipple, teat'

spęsti

LITH LATV

spęsti [ę, ę] 'set a trap', 3 pres. spendžia, 3 pret. spendė; VAR spęsti, 3 pres. spenda, 3 pret. spendo spiest 'press, squeeze, weigh on, compel, force', isg. pres. spiėžu, isg. pret. spiėdu

BSL PSL SL

*spen(d*pędb f. i (e) 'span' OCS pędb (Euch., Ps. Sin.); Ru. pjad'; Cz. pid'; Slk. piad'; Pl. piędi; SCr. ped; Sln. pęd, Gsg. pedf

PIE IE

*(s)pendLat. pendere 'weigh, judge, pay', isg. pendo

An instance of Winter's law. spėti

LITH LATV

speti 'be in time, guess, suppose', 3 pres. speja, 3 pret. spejo spet [e, e2] 'be able, (refl.) fight', isg. pres. speju

BSL PSL SL

*spe?*sphi v. (a) 'advance, ripen, hurry' OCS spėti 'advance', isg. spėj9; Ru. spet' 'ripen', isg. speju; Cz. spėti 'hurry'; Slk. spief 'approach'; SCr. dospjeti 'ripen, manage, succeed'; Sln. spęti 'hurry, increase, ripen', isg. spęjem, isg. spęm

PIE IE

*(s)pehr Hitt. išpai- ; l išpi-; Skt. sphayatai 3sg. subj. med. 'be abundant, overflow'; sphira- 'fat'; OE spowan 'prosper, succeed'

Kloekhorst (2008: 404) reconstructs a present stem *sph1 -(o)i-. For a note on the original meaning of the root, see --spainė.

spirgti

421

See also: spėkas spingėti

spingeti (Bretk., dial.) [ifi, in] 'shine, glimmer', 3 pres. spifigi, 3 pret. spingejo; VAR spingeti, 3 pres. spinga, 3 pret. spingejo Latvian cognates are spigat or spigu6t 'shine', spigulis [f, l 2] 'smth. that shines', spuogat '( uo) trickle (of fat or sweat), ( ito2) shine'. O Pr. soanxti (EV) 'spark' also belongs here, provided that the emendation spanxti is correct. IEW (990) connects OE spincan 'spark', which form l have not been able to verify, but cf. MoE spunk 'tinder'. If the correct reconstruction of the root is *speng-, for which the English form is LITH

insufficient proof, the Baltic acute may result from Winter's law. spirginti

LITH LATV

spirginti 'fry, frizzle, be very hot, freeze hard', 3 pres. spirgina, 3 pret. spirgino spirdzinat [ir, ir2] 'refresh, torment'

Kroonen ( 2013: 471) states that MoDu. spokken, sprokken (Flem.) 'roast' < *spurkon < *sprg1'-nehr is identical with Lith. spirginti, but the acute of the latter verb seems old, cf. -+spirgti and -+sprogti. spirgti

LITH LATV BSL PSL

SL PIE IE

spirgti 'frizzle, suffer from cold, ( dial.) be hot, become hotter, becom e dry', 3 pres. spirgsta, 3 pret. spirgo spirgt [ir, ir2] 'become fresh, recuperate, recover', 1sg. pres. spirgstu, 1sg. pret. spirgu *(s)pirrg*p1'ržiti v. (a) 'fry, roast' CS pwžiti (Mikl.) 'fry', 1sg. pwž9; SCr. pržiti 'fry, roast', 1sg. pfžim; Sln. pfžiti 'braise, fry, roast', 1sg. pfžim; Bulg. p&rža 'braise, fry, roast' *sbhrh2gSkt. sphdrjati 'burst forth, roar, thunder'; Gk. acpapayfoµm 'crackle, sizzle ( 1 390 ), groan with fulln ess, be full to bursting (1 440 )'

The reconstruction *sbhrh2g- (cf. Beekes 1969: 197-198, 2010: 1428-1429) seems quite satisfactory (see also -+sprogti), but the *bh implies that the absence of initial s in the Slavic forms is secondary. The root is essentially onomatopoeic. The Balto-Slavic forms designate the sound made by objects that are heated, frozen, or dry. The meaning of the Latvian verb may have developed from 'crack' vel sim., cf. spręgans 'brittle, lively, fresh, fierce, fiery'. The latter forms, which must derive from *spregh­ ( -+sprageti 'crackle, sputter'), shows that we must reckon with formally and semantically similar onomatopoeic roots. It cannot be excluded that Latv. spirgt contains a root *sprg1'-, as metatonie rude in sta-presents with a root of this structure is not uncommon (cf. Derksen 2011b: 32). See also: spurgas

spirti

422

spirti

LITH LATV PIE IE

spirti 'kiek, compel, support', 3 pres. spiria, 3 pret. spyrė speft 'kiek, strike (lightning)', 3 pres. spqu, 3 pret. spėru *sp(e)rliLat. spernere 'rejeet, spurn', 1sg. sperni5; Olc. sperna, sporna 'kiek, spurn'; OE spornan 'id:

A Prussian eognate is spertlan (EV) 'ezeballe [Zehballen] '. Lubotsky (2006) reeon­ structs the root as *Tsperli- < *pd- 'foot' (-+pėda) and *per(Ii)- 'beat, kiek' (-+perti). spjauti

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

spjauti 'spit', 3 pres. spjauna, 3 pret. spjovė; VAR spjauti, 3 pres. spjauja, 3 pret. spjovė spfaūt [aū, au 2] 'spit', 1sg. pres. spfaūju, 1sg. pret. spfiivu *(s )pjaru*pjbVati v. (a) 'spit' OCS pfbVati, 1sg. pljuj9; Ru. plevat spit', 1sg. plj uju, 3sg. plujet (AP (a) in Old Russian); Cz. pliti, 1sg. pliji; plvati, 1sg. pliji; Slk. pl'uti, 1sg. pl'ujem; Pl. pluc, 1sg. pluję; plwac (areh.), 1sg. pluję; SCr. pljuvati, 1sg. plj ujem; Sln. pijuvati, 1sg. pljuvam, 1sg. plj ujem; Bulg. pljuja; pljuvam *(s )ph1 i-u-? Lat. spuere 'spit'; Go. speiwan 'spit' "

Lubotsky (2011: 114) speeulates that this verb derives from a u-stem *(s)ph1 i-u-, where *(s )ph1 i- is an extended root originating from the i-present of *spehr ( --+speti). If this is eorrect, spjauti is cognate with --+spainė. The Balto- Slavic forms seem to reflect *(s )piehru-, with metathesis. spragėti

LITH

sprageti 'eraekle, sputter', 3 pres. spraga, 3 pret. spragejo

The East Baltic root *sprag- occurs alongside *sprarg- (--+sprogti), e.g. Lith. spraga 4 'gap, erack', Latv. spraga 'id: : Lith. spraga 4 'gap, crack, bud' or Latv. spradzinat : spradzinat2 'make smth. burst'. I cannot accept the idea that we are dealing with different apophonic grades, nor do I find it plausible that the voealism of sprag- is seeondary. We must therefore start from two roots, which subsequently became confused (cf. Kortlandt 1988: 392). A root *spregh-, which would match sprageti, is reconstrueted by Kroonen (2013: 469, 471), to aeeount for such Germanie forms as Olc. spraka 'crackle', MDu. sproc 'brittle (esp. of twigs)' (see also --+spirginti). The more common reeonstruetions with *g do not take the effeets of Kluge's law into aeeount. Other Germanic forms that eome to mind are Olc. springa 'spring, burst, break', O E springan, sprincan 'spring, burst out, grow', which may belong to *spreft-, however (Kroonen 2013: 470). LIV (583) reeonstructs *(s)prengh- 'jump'.

spurgas

423

spręsti

LITH LATV

spręsti [ę, e] 'stretch, spread, squeeze, solve, judge', 3 pres. sprendžia spriest 'stretch, press, judge, discuss', 1sg. pres. spriežu, 1sg. pret. spriedu

BSL PSL SL

*(s)prenrd*pręsti v. (c) 'spin' OCS pręd9t'b (Zogr., Mar., Ass., Sav.) 3pl.; Ru. prjast', 1sg. prjadu, 3sg. prjadet; Ukr. prjtinti II for the etymology of the root. tandus LITH

tandus (SD, dial.) 4 'stiff, rigid, lazy' (also tafldus 4); VAR standus

It is attractive to connect this adjective with Skt. tand- 'be paralyzed, become tired'. The root may be an enlargement of *ten- 'stretch', cf. Lat. tendere, lsg. tendo. I wonder if Latv. tuOžaties [ UO, uo 2] 'linger, stammer' may belong here. tarpa LITH LATV PIE IE

tarpa 4 [1/4] 'thrift, growth, (dial.) harvest, abundance, recovery' (AP l is recorded in Šlapelis 1940) tarpa 'power, ability, thrift, maturity'; VAR tęrpa 'power' *torp-ehr Go. parba f. 'lack, need'; Ok. p9rf f. 'want, need, necessity'; OHG darba f. 'lack, need'; OE pearf f. 'need, want, necessity, benefit'

A deverbative to - tarpti. The acute of the Lithuanian variant with AP l, if correct, and the Latvian forms may be metatonical (cf. Derksen 1996: 233-251).

taukai

459

tarpti

OPR

tarpti [ar, ar] 'thrive, flourish', 3 pres. tarpsta, 3 pret. tarpo (here, too, Š}apelis i940 is the source of the acute) enterpo 3sg. 'is useful'

PIE IE

Skt. tarp- 'satisfy oneself, enjoy, be pleased'; Gk. -repnw 'satisfy, refresh'

LITH

*torp-

See also: tarpa tas LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

tas 'this, that', f. ta, n. tai tas 'this, that', f. tii stas 'the, this, that', f. sta(i), n. sta *tos *t'b prn. OCS t'b, f. ta, n. to; Ru. tot, f. ta, n. to; ORu. t'b, f. ta, n. to; Cz. ten, f. ta, n. to; Slk. ten, f. ta, n. to; Pl. ten, f. ta, n. to; USrb. ton, f. ta, n. to; SCr. tiij, f. ta, n. to; Čak. ta, ta (Orb.), f. ta, n. to, n. to; Sln. ta, f. ta, n. t(> *so Skt. sa, f. s&, n. tad

The PIE demonstrative pronoun *so, f. *seh2 , n. tad, was remodelled to Balto-Slavic

*tos, *ta(, *tad.

tašyti LITH LATV

tašyti 'hew', 3 pres. tiišo, 3 pret. tiišė test 'hew, smoothen, beat', isg. pres. tešu, isg. pret. tesu; VAR tėst [ė, e 2, ė2] , isg. pres. tėšu, isg. pret. tėsu; tėst2 (Golg., Schwaneburg), isg. pres. tešu, isg. pret. tėsu 2

PSL SL

*tesati v. (b) 'hew' OCS tesati (Supr.), isg. teš9; Ru. tesat', isg. tešu, 3sg. tešet; Cz. tesati; Slk. tesat'; Pl. ciosac; SCr. tėsati 'cut, trim, polish', isg. tešem; Čak. tesat (Orb.) 'cut, polish, hew, trim', isg. tešen; Sln. tesati 'hew, chisel', isg. tęšem *tetkSkt. tak�ati 3pl. 'cut, manufacture'

PIE IE taukai LITH LATV OPR

taukai Npl. 3 'fat'; VAR taukas (coli.) 3 tauki Npl. [au, au 2] 'fat' taukis (EV) 'lard'

BSL PSL SL

*tourkos *tako m. o (e) 'fat' OCS tuk'b (Ps. Sin. En.); Ru. tuk; ORu. tuk'b; Cz. tuk; Slk. tuk; Pl. tuk; Čak. tilk (Novi, Orb.), Gsg. tUka

taukinas

460 *touHk-o-

PIE IE

OHG dioh m. 'thigh'

The Balto-Slavic evidence points to a root *touHk-, which may be a contamination of *teuH- (cf. SCr. tl'ti 'become fat' < *tuH-) and *teuk- or an enlargement of the former. Since -+ tukti cannot be regarded as evidence for a non-acute root, LIV's root *teuk­ 'stark/fett werden, schwellen' ( 641) lacks a solid base. See

also: taūkinas; tūkstantis; tū.Ias

taukinas LITH

taukinas 3•, taukinas 3b 'fat (adj.)'

BSL PSL SL

*tourkinos *tučbn'b adj. o 'fat, rich' OCS tučbn'b (Euch., Ps. Sin.) 'fat, rich'; Ru. tučnyj 'fat, rich, succulent'; Cz. tučny 'fat'; Slk. tučny 'fat'; Pl. tuczny 'fat'; Sln. tuč;m 'fat', f. tučna; Bulg. tučen 'fertile, rich, succulent'

A derivative of --+ taukal. Lith. taukinas is a classic case of metatonie douce (cf. Derksen 1996: 72). tauras LITH LATV OPR

tauras 4 'aurochs' taurir;iš [au, au, au, au 2, au 2] 'butterfly'; VAR taurenis tauris (EV) 'wisent'

BSL PSL SL

*tauros *tUT'b m. o (e) 'aurochs' OCS turom'b (Supr.) Isg. 'bull'; Ru. tur, Gsg. tura; Ukr. tur, Gsg. tura; Cz. tur; Slk. tur; Pl. tur; SCr. tUr, Gsg. tara; Sln. tUr; Bulg. tur

PIE IE

*th2 euro- (tauro-)

Gk. rnupo1)b.

ūksmė

LITH LATV

ūksml 4 [2/ 4] 'shade, shady place'; VAR padksnė I, paūksml 3 ūksme 'place where something is hidden, hiding-place'

A variant of -+ūksnl. ALEW (s.v. ukas) suspects that High Latvian ūksme is a bor­ rowing from Lithuanian. ūksnė

LITH

ūksnl 4 [2/4] 'shade, shady place'; VAR padksnė i; padksnis m. l; ūksna (Sirv.) 'shadow'

Specht (1929: 61) claims that uxnoy Lsg. in Sirvydas (PS 11 2434) must be read as unksnoy. Since unksna occurs twice in PS l (Palionis 2004: 504), this is not implausi­ ble, but cf. the Ill . sg. vksnen (presumably from ūksnė) in Bretke's bible translation. Most words for 'shade, shadow' with a root ūk- seem to have a counterpart with unk-. Fraenkel (LEW: 1164) accepts the relationship between unksml etc. and Lat. umbra, but at the same time connects both the forms with unk- and the forms with ūk- with ukas 'fog', which in his opinion is cognate with -+vakaras. Unless there is an explanation for the variation in the root, it seems best to start from two nouns which at some point were confused, e.g. ūksmė and unksna.

unksnė

479

ulbuoti

LITH PIE IE

ulbUoti 'chirp, twitter, coo', 3 pres. ulbuoja, 3 pret. ulbavo; VAR ulbauti 'chirp, twitter, coo', 3 pres. ulbauja, 3 pret. Ulbauja *h3[bh-

Gk. 6;\.ocjn'.ipoµm 'lament, (be)wail'; Arm. olb 'lament (subst.)'

See Beekes 2010 (1073) on Gk. 6;\.ocj>-. In view of the vocalization to *ui-, it is attrac­ tive to reconstruct *h3 (cf. Derksen 1996: 110). ungurys

LITH OPR

ungurys 3b [1/3b] (i.e. unguris 1) 'eel'; VAR ungerys 3b [1/3b] (i.e. ungeris 1) angurgis (EV) 'eel'

BSL PSL SL

* angurios *pgor1> m. jo 'eel'

Ru. ugor"eel, blackhead', Gsg. ugrja; Cz. uhof 'eel'; Slk. uhor m.(o) 'eel'; uhor m.(o) 'pork tapeworm, blackhead', Gsg. uhra; PI. węgorz 'eel'; USrb. wuhor 'eel'; LSrb. wugof 'eel'; SCr. ugor m.(o) 'eel'; Čak. ugor (Vrg.) m.(o) 'conger eel', Gsg. ugora; ugor (Novi) m.(o) 'conger eel', Gsg. ugora; Sln. ogpr 'eel', Gsg.

ogprja PIE IE

*h2 engwh_ur-io-

Lat. anguilla f. 'eel'; OHG angar f. 'maggot' (cf. also Fi. ankerias, Est.

angerjas) The first attestation of ungurys occurs in Sirvydas. Here initial un- may be an in­ stance of E. Lith. an- > un-. The vocalism un- is attested in alle dialects, however, and must therefore have originated at an older stage. The root of this etymon is the same as in -+angis. unksmė

LITH

unksme 4 [1/ 4] 'shade, shady place'; VAR paunksmė 1

See -+unksnė. unksnė

LITH

unksnė 2, unksne 4 'shade, shady place'; VAR paunksnė 1, paunksnė 2; paunksnis m. 1; unksna l, unksna 4

IE

Lat. umbra f. 'shade, shadow'

The connection with Lat. umbra seems possible if the latter reflects *unksra, cf. tenebrae < *temHsrehr. The fact that the Lithuanian root appears to be acute is not in conflict with a root *(H)unk-, as there are more instances of initial *(H)u- yield­ ing a Balto-Slavic acute (cf. -+jaukinti, -+junkti). See also: ūksme, ūksne, unksme

uodas uodas

LITH LATV

uodas 3 'rnosquito' uods 'rnosquito'; VAR uode; uoda

This noun is usually thought to contain the o-grade of the root *h1 ed- of -+esti 'eat', the zero grade of which is sornetirnes assurned to be present in -+dantis 'tooth', where I prefer *h3d- 'bite'. In rny view, uodas must be reconstructed as *h3e/od-o- (cf. De Vaan 2008: 166) . Problernatic is the connection with Cz. ovad, Pl. owad, SCr. obiid, Sln. obad 'gadfly', where the vacillation between *v and *b rnay point to *ob-vad'b. This would still enable a connection with the East Baltic word (where *v- would be lost before *uo), but rule out an etyrnology involving PIE *h3ed- or *h1ed-. This drawback is avoided by Srnoczyri.ski's reconstruction *ay-od-a- (2007: 704), where the prefix is identified as PIE *h2 eu-, which norrnally yields *u- in Slavic. Bari.kowski ( 2ooob: 469) suggests that *ov- must be identified with the word for 'sheep' (-+avis). uoga

LITH LATV

uoga l 'berry' uoga 'berry'

BSL PSL SL

*6rga( *agoda f. a (a) 'berry' OCS agoda 'fruit'; Ru. jagoda 'berry'; Cz. jahoda 'strawberry'; Slk. jahoda 'strawberry'; Pl. jagoda 'berry'; SCr. jagoda 'wild strawberry, berry'; čak. jagoda (Vrg.) 'blackberry'; Sln. jagoda 'berry'; Bulg. jagoda 'strawberry'

PIE IE

*h2 og-eh2 ?

Go. akran n. 'fruit (of trees, com)'

Adams (1999: 109-110) connects Toch. B ako n. 'fruit, effect' with this etyrnon and clairns that we are dealing with "a rernarkable Balto-Slavo-Tocharian correspon­ dence" (Gerrnanic being rnore rernote). The vocalisrn of the Tocharian forrn, which Adams reconstructs as *h2 6g-eh2 , is not without problerns, however. Oir. airne m. 'sloe, fruit of the blackthorn', W eirin 'plurns' rnay contain *h2 eg-, but there are rnore possibilities. Here, as well as in the case of akran, a connection with *h2 eg-ro- 'field' rnay be taken into consideration. uoksas

LITH LATV

uoksas l 'opening, cavity, hollow (tree, bee-hive), entrance of a bee-hive' uoksts [ uo, iw2] 'die Vertiefung zwischen den H iiften, Scharn, ( uoksts) die

vorn Specht fiir die Brut gernachte Hohlung'

PIE IE

*h30h1 -S-OHitt. aiš l išš- n. 'rnouth'; Skt. as- n. 'rnouth'; Lat. OS n. 'rnouth'; Ok. 6ss n. 'rnouth of a river'

In rny view, this noun rnay have unfluenced the original anlaut of -+uostas (see also Derksen 2002: 41 ). Latv. iwksts (or uoksts) 'Spiirbiene, suchende Biene' is rnore convincingly connected with uost 'srnell' (-+uosti).

uostas uola

LITH LATV

uola 4 [ i/4] 'rock, (dial.) whetstone, limestone' uola [uo, uo 2] 'small round stone, egg'; VAR uole 2 'egg'; uolis 2 'round sandstone, (uolis) pebble', Npl. uo/ i [uo, uo, uo; uo 2] 'limestone(s), big stones'

The traditional etymology, which involves a connection with -+velti 'felt, tousle', does not seem to present any serious formal difficulties. Initial *v- would be lost before uo and the falling tone of the Latvian variant uolis may result from a retraction of the stress from prevocalic i. As to the semantics, it is not at all obvious that the etymol­ ogy is correct. uolektis

LITH LATV OPR

uolektis f.(i) l 'ell' uolekts f.(i) 'ell, forearm'; VAR uolekte [uo, uo 2] woaltis (EV) 'ell'; woltis (EV) 'forearm'

See -+alkdnė for the reconstruction of the root. It is possible that the Old Prussian word (I assume that we are dealing with two spelling variants) originally contained a sequence *-kt-. uosis

LITH LATV OPR

uosis l 'ash-tree' uosis 'ash-tree' woasis (EV) 'ash-tree'

BSL PSL SL

*o?s-en-; *o?s-i-o*asenb m. jo; *asen'b m. o (a) 'ash-tree' Ru. jasen'; Cz. jasan; jasaii (dial.); jesen (obs.); jeseii (dial.); Slk. jaseii; Pl. jesion; jasien (arch., S. dial.); jesien (arch.); jasion (arch., S. dial.); OPl. jas ien ; Slnc. jasoyn; USrb. jasen; SCr. jasen, Gsg. jasen a; Čak. jasen (Vrg.), Gsg. jasena; jesen (Novi); jesen (Orb.), Gsg. jesena; Sln. jasen, Gsg. jas ęn a; jėsen, Gsg. jesęna; Bulg. jasen; 6sen (N.)

PIE IE

*HehrsLat. ornus f. 'mountain-ash'; Olr. uinnius m. 'ash-tree'; Oic. askr m. 'ashtree'; OHG ase m. 'ash-tree'; Arm. hac'i 'ash-tree'; Alb. ah m. 'beech'

In view of the Baltic forms as well as Ru. ja- (je- > ja- is common in West Slavic and western South Slavic but not in East Slavic), we must reconstruct *o?s- < *Hehrs- for Balto-Slavic. Unless the West and South Slavic forms with je-/o- continue ja- (cf. Slawski SP I: 159), Slavic also offers evidence for the elsewhere in Indo-European widely attested stem shape *Hhres-. The e-vocalism could be considered an example of "Rozwadowski's change" (see Andersen 1996: 142-143). uostas

LITH

u ostas l [1/2] 'port, harbour, (dial., arch.) mouth of a river'; VAR uosta 2 'port, harbour, mouth of a river'

482 LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

uosti uosta [ uo, uo, uo2, uo2] 'port, harbour, mouth of a river' austo (EV); austin (III) Asg. 'mouth' *oust- (*aust-?) *ūsta Npl. n. o (b) 'mouth' OCS usta; Ru. usta (obs., poet.); Cz. usta; Slk. usta; Pl. usta; SCr. usta; Čak. ūstd (Vrg.); usta (Novi); ūsta (Orb.); Sln. usta; Bulg. usta Npl. n. 'mouth, opening'; usta f. 'mouth, opening' *Hous-t- (h2 ;3eus-t-?) Skt. 6$fha- m. '(upper) lip'

The vocalism of the East Baltic nouns may have been adopted from *h3ohr (e!o)s-, cf. Hitt. aiš l išš- n., Skt. as- n., Lat. OS n. 'mouth' (-+uoksas). The same has been assumed for Lat. ostium 'mouth of a river, entrance' (EIEC 387, Derksen 2002: 40-41). The original vocalism is possibly preserved in the verb -+ausčioti 'gossip, talk nonsense'. uosti

LITH LATV

uosti [uo, uoj 'smell, sniff', 3 pres. uodžia, 3 pret. uodė; VAR uosti, uodžia, 3 pret. uodo uost 'smell', isg. pres. u6žu, isg. pret. uodu

BSL PSL SL

*o�d* adati v. 'investigate, explore' OCz. jadati

PIE IE

*h3edGk. o(w 'smell'

3

pres.

An example of Winter's law. See also: uostyti uostyti

LITH LATV

uostyti 'smell, sniff', 3 pres. uosto, 3 pret. uostė uostit [uo, uo uo2] 'smell, sniff, scent', isg. pres. uostu, isg. pret. uostiju

An iterative to -+ uosti. uošvė

LITH LATV

uošvė l 'mother-in-law (wife's mother)' uose2 'mother-in-law'

See -+uošvis. uošvis

LITH LATV

uošvis l 'father- in-law (wife's father)' uosvis 'father-in-law'; VAR uosis 2

Klingenschmitt (2003) proposes *6-pkų-iio-, with *o- ( *ohr) as in Skt. a-manas 'das Denken zugewendet habend' or Av. apu&ra- 'pregnant ("Kinder herbeibringend").

ūšra The element * -pky-, cf. also Skt. puruk?u- 'possessing much livestock' < *plhrpku-, is the zero grade of the noun that is continued by Lith. -+pekus. The original meaning of uošvis is 'wife's father', but the word seems to be gaining ground at the expense of

-+šešuras.

See also: uošvė. upė

LITH LATV OPR

upė 2 [2/4] 'river, stream'; VAR upis f.(i) 4 [2/4] (upis 2 as well as upis 2); upis m.(i) 4; upis (Žem.) m.(io) 2 upe 'river, stream'; VAR upis 'brook, little stream, hollow in the woods' ape (EV) 'brook, stream'; apus (EV) 'well'; apewitwo (EV) 'osier'; apisorx (EV) 'kingfisher'

PIE IE

*h2 epSkt. ap- f. 'water'; Toch. B iip f. 'water'

The East Baltic u- is unclear. urvas

LITH LATV

urvas 3 [1/3/4] 'hole, burrow, cave'; VAR urva 1 [1/3] urva 'hole in the ground, pit'

PIE IE

Skt. ūrva- m. 'container, enclosure, dungeon'

*(H)urH-uehr ?

ušios

LITH

ušios Npl. (Pruss. Lith.) 'the first six weeks after giving birth, childbed'; VAR ušės Npl.; ušai Npl.

Derivatives of this noun are ušaunykė (Bretk.), ušininkė, ušininkė (East Prussia) 'a woman that is confined to the bed until six weeks after giving birth'. These forms obviously contain an element 'six' (-+šeši), cf. the corresponding nouns šešios Npl., šešiauninkė, Latv. sešas Npl., sešiniece. It is likely that the etymon was borrowed from a Prussian substratum, cf. OPr. uschsts (III) 'sixth' vs. Lith. -+šeštas (cf. Būga RR II: 316, Sabaliauskas 1966: 113). In his Deliciae Prussicae (1ih e.), Pratorius (apud Vater 1821: 155) informs us that uszininka is "ein recht Preussisch Wort, welches aber auch noch in Nadrawen gar gemein ist" (cf. also Young 2004: 281). According to Vitkauskas (2006: 246), ušės (KŽ) is based on a dialect form uš'es which should have been transposed to ušios. ūšra

LITH

dšra (dial.) 1 [1/4] 'dawn'

The variant belonging to AP 1 occurs in Juškevič's dictionary (I: 178), while the mobile variant is found in Alexander Kurschat's dictionary. The acute root is remi­ niscent of PSL *utro (a), for which see -+aušra. If we assume that we are dealing with an inherited zero grade rather than a secondary development (cf. Skt. U?as- f. 'dawn'),

ūšti the ablaut in this hysterodynamic s-stem must have been preserved until the East Baltic period (cf. Smoczyri.ski 2006: 101). ūšti

LITH

ūšti (Jušk.) 'dawn, break (day)', 3 pres. ūšta, 3 pret. ūšo

Juškevič's example is Yra apyūšris, kad ūšta, i. e. diena daros rytmetį. The relationship between ūšti and -+ ušra may be the same as between -+aūšti and -+aušra, in which case ūšti is probably of nominal origin. It is not impossible that the verb is old, cf. Skt. ucchciti 'dawn, break (day)' < *h2 us-ske/o-, but the long vowel of the root is not easily explained from unaccented initial *u (cf. Kortlandt 1977b).

v vadyti

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

vadyti (dial.) 'call', 3 pres. vado, 3 pret. vadė; VAR vadinti 'call, invite', 3 pres. vadina, 3 pret. vadino vadit 'lead, direct, conduct, accompany', lsg. pres. vadu, lsg. pret. vadiju; VAR vadinat ealso 'urge, persuade') *wod-ei/i*voditi v. (b) 'lead, conduct' OCS voditi, lsg. vožd9; Ru. vodit', lsg. važu, 3sg. v6dit; Cz. voditi; Slk. voditi; Pl. wodzic; SCr. voditi, lsg. vodfm; Čak. voditi (Vrg.), lsg. vodfm; Sln. v6diti, lsg. vpdim; Bulg. v6dja *uodh-ei/iOlr. fedid 'go, bring'

For Lith. vadinti (vadjti) there are basically two etymologies (cf. LEW: 1177-1178). According to the first ( cf. Trautmann 1923a: 227, Būga RR II: 642), we are dealing with a derivative of *uedh- 'lead' (-+vesti). The alternative etymology (e.g. Smoczyri.ski 2007: 710) is a connection with *h2 uedH- 'sound, speak', cf. Skt. vcidati 'speak, talk', OCS vaditi 'accuse'. Since this would be in conflict with Winter's law, I regard the connection with vesti as the only possibility (cf. Derksen 2008a: 512). vaikas

LITH LATV OPR PSL SL

vaikas 4 'child, young' vaiks 'boy', Npl. vaiki 'children' (probably a borrowing from Lithuanian) wayklis (EV) 'son'; woikello (GrG), woykello (GrA), waykello (GrF) 'man­ servant'; waix (III) 'manservant', Asg. waikan (I, III), waykan (II) *čelovėk11 m. o 'man' OCS človėk'b; Ru. čelovėk, Gsg. čelovėka; Ukr. čolovik; Cz. človėk; Slk. človek; Pl. czlowiek; SCr. čovjek, Gsg. čovjeka; čovjek, Gsg. čovjeka; Čak. čovl'k (Vrg.), Gsg. čovl'ka; Sln. čl6vęk, Gsg. človęka; Bulg. čelovėk; čovėk

valdyti This noun is usually connected with -+veikti. One could think of a child as an 'agile creature' (cf. Smoczynski 2007: 712). Mažiulis (PKEŽ IV: 213) argues that the original meaning was 'a child that is old enough to work'. The Slavic noun, borrowed into Latvian as cilvęks, is traditionally regarded as a compound of *čelo-, cf. -+kelias 4 'family, tribe, generation', and *veh. The latter element may be identified with valkas (cf. also -+viekas). The meaning of the compound may have been 'co-worker in a household' (cf. Havlova 1966). vaisius

LITH OPR

vaisius 2 [2/4] 'fruit' weisin Asg. 'fruit'

IE

Ok. visir m. 'bud, sprout'

Cf. also vaisingus, OPr. weijsewingi Npl. 'fruitful'. For the root, see -+veisti. vakar

LITH vakar 'yesterday' LATV vakar 'yesterday'; VAR vakar See -+vakaras. We are probably dealing with a Lsg. that underwent apocope. vakaras

LITH LATV

vaka ras 3b [1/3b] 'evening' vaka rs 'evening'

BSL PSL SL

*wekeros *večera m. o (e) 'evening' OCS večerb; Ru. vėčer, Gsg. vėčera; Bel. večar, Gsg. večera; Ukr. vėčir, Gsg. večera; Cz. večer; Slk. večer; Pl. wiecz6r; SCr. veče, Gsg. večera; Čak. večer (Vrg.) f.(i), Gsg. večeri; večer (Hvar) f.(i), Gsg. večeri; Sln. večęr; Bulg. večer

PIE IE

*uekspero-

Gk. fonepoc; m.; Arm. gišer; Lat. vesper m.; MW ucher m.

See Beekes 2004 for an analysis of the PIE form. See also: vakar valas

LITH

valas 4 [2/4] 'fishing-line, (E. Lith.) horse-hair'

PIE IE

Skt. vdra- m.!n. 'tail hair, hair-sieve'; vdla- m. 'id.'

*uol-o-

PSl. *volsb 'hair', e.g. OCS vlas'b, Ru. volas, continues *uolk-o-, cf. LAv. varJsa- 'hair (on the head)'. valdyti

LITH LATV

valdyti 'rule, govern, wield', 3 pres. valdo , 3 pret. valdė (3 pres. also valdžia) valdit [ai, al, ai2, al2] 'rule, govern, wield', lsg. pres. valdu, 3 pret. vaidiju

valga

486

BSL PSL SL

*wol?d*voldeti; *voldati v. 'rule' CS vladeti 'rule'; Ru. vladet' 'own, control, wield'; volodet' (dial.) 'own, control, wield'; Slk. vladaf'be able'; Pl. wladaC 'rule, reign'; OPI. wlodac 'rule, reign'; SCr. vladati 'rule', lsg. vladam; Čak. vlJdati (Vrg.) 'rule', 2sg. vlddaš; Sln. vladati 'lead, direct, rule, own', lsg. vladam; ladati 'id:, lsg. ladam

PIE IE

*uolhrdhGo. waldan 'rule'; OHG waldan 'rule'

Apparently, the present suffix became part of the root. The basic root is usually reconstructed with a laryngeal (cf. LIV: 676) or more specifically with *h1 (Kloek­ horst 2008: 358), which seems to be confirmed by -+veldeti (3 pres. veldi). The etymon under discussion has a circumflex root, however. valga

LITH LATV OPR

valga (E. dial.) 4 'food, victuals'; VAR pavalgi! 3b 'food, victuals, additional ingredient, side-dish'; pavalgas 3b [2/3b] 'food, snack' pavalga 'additional ingredient, side-dish'; VAR pavalgs welgen (EV) 'cold' ('snuppe']

BSL PSL SL

*wol?ga( *volga f. a (a) 'moisture, liquid food' OCS vlaga 'moisture'; Ru. vol6ga (dial.) 'moisture, liquid food, additional ingredients, side-dish, butter, bacon, fat'; v6loga (dial.) 'moisture, liquid food, additional ingredients, side-dish, butter, bacon, fat'; ORu. vologa 'liquid food or additions to it, butter, fat'; Cz. vlaha 'moisture'; Slk. vlaha 'moisture'; USrb. wloha 'humidity'; SCr. vlaga 'moisture, dampness'; Čak. vlaga (Vrg., Orb.) 'moisture, dampness'; Sln. vlaga 'moisture, rain, soup'; Bulg. vlaga 'moisture'

PIE IE

*uolgOHG wolchan n. 'cloud'

See -+valgyti. valgyti

LITH LATV OPR

valgyti 'eat', 3 pres. valgo, 3 pret. valgė valgi t 'eat in a hurry, gobble' (a borrowing from Lithuanian) walgeit (GrG), walge (GrA, GrF) 'eat!'

BSL PSL SL PIE

*wol?g-ei/i*volžiti v. 'wet, moisten' Ru. voložit' (dial.) 'wet, become wet, pour' *uolg-

The semantic aspects of this etymology were discussed by Eckert (1982-1983). See also: valga; vilgšnas; vilgti; Latv. valgans

valtis valia

LITH LATV

valia 2 'will, freedom' va/a 'freedom, spare time, will'

BSL PSL SL

*w6lei?; *wolj*va/a f. ja (b) 'will, wish' OCS volja; Ru. v6lja 'will, wish, freedom'; Cz. vule; Slk. vol'a; Pl. wola; OPI. wola; USrb. wola; LSrb. wola; SCr. volja; Čak. vofa (Vrg„ Novi) 'wish, desire'; volja (Orb.); Sln. vplja; Bulg. v6lja

PIE IE

*uol(h1)-(e)ih1 OHG wala f. 'choice'

According to Kortlandt (1997b: 162), we may be dealing with a proterodynamic ihr stem. For the root, see -+velti l. valka

LITH LATV

valka (dial.) 2 'draught' valka 2 'draught'; VAR valks

See -+viikti. valkas

LITH LATV

vaikas 4 'rod for drying hides' valka 'floating piece of wood as part of a net'

BSL PSL SL

*wolk6s *volh m. o (e) Ru. v61ok 'portage', Gsg. valoka; Cz. vlak m. 'drag-net'; vlaka (Mor. dial.) f. 'drag-net'; Slk. vlak 'drag-net'; Pl. wlok 'seine, sweep-net'; wl6k 'seine, sweep­ net'; SCr. vlak 'portage'; Sln. vlak 'tug, drag-net'; Bulg. vlak 'train'

See -+viikti. valtis

LITH OPR

valtis f.(i) l 'panicle (of oats)' wolti (EV) 'ear'

BSL PSL SL

*woUtis *v6ltb f. i Ru. v6lot"thread, fibre, ear'; Cz. v1af 'panicle (of oats)'; OCz. vlaf 'ear'; SCr. vlat 'ear, panicle'; Sln. vliit 'ear, panicle'

PIE IE

*uol(H)-tOlr.folt m. 'hair'; W gwallt m. 'hair'

On the basis of such forms as E. Lith. valkšnis f.(i), valkšna 'panicle (of oats)', it has been suggested that valtis continues a form with root-final k (cf. Trautmann 1923a: 341, Būga RR II: 669). This leads to formal problems, cf. OCS nošt11, Ru. noč"night' < BSl. *naktis.

vanduo vanduo

LITH LATV OPR

vanduo m.(n) 3• [1/3•] (i.e. vanduo 1/3•; vanduo 3•) 'water' udens 'water' wundan (EV); wunda (Gr); unds (III) 'water', Asg. undan

BSL PSL SL

*wondor, Gsg. *undnes voda f. a (e) 'water' OCS voda; Ru. voda, Asg. v6du; Cz. voda; Slk. voda; Pl. woda; SCr. vada, Asg. vadu; Čak. voda (Vrg., Novi, Hvar), Asg. vadu; Sln. v6da; Bulg. vada

PIE IE

*uod-r!n-

Skt. udan- n.; Hitt. yatar l yiten- n.; Gk. Mwp n.; Go. wato n.; Ok. vatn n.; OS watar n.

The Balto-Slavic nasal info: originates from a suffix, cf. Lat. unda 'wave' (Thurneysen 1883). The acute of the East Baltic forms must be attributed to Winter's law. The law was blocked in the case of a sequence *ndn, which is ultimately the origin of the vocalism of PSI. *voda (cf. Kortlandt 1979a: 60-61, 1988: 388-389, Derksen 2008a: 523). Parallel developments can be pointed out in the case of -+ugnis and its cognates. See also: iidra vanga

LITH OPR

vanga (Bretk.) 'field' wangus (EV) 'dameraw'

IE

Go. waggs 'paradise'; Ok. vangr m. 'field'; OE wang m. 'field, land'

Nesselmann (1873: 199) describes the meaning of Damerau as 'slecht bestandener Eichwald, halb ausgerodete Waldflache: Frischbier (1883: 455) assigns the same meaning to MoHG Wange (E. Pruss.). We may reconstruct *uongh- and note that this etymon has a limited distribution. vapsva

LITH LATV OPR

vapsva 2/4 'wasp'; VAR vapsa 2/4; vapsas (OLith., dial.) 2/4 vapsene ' wasp' ; VAR vapsine; lapsene; lapsil}a wobse (EV) 'wasp'

BSL PSL

*w6ps( w)ai' *osa f. a (b) 'wasp' RuCS osa; Ru. osa, Asg. osu; osva (dial.); Bel. osva; Ukr. osa, Asg. osu; osa (dial.), Asg. 6su; Cz. vosa; Slk. osa; Pl. osa; SCr. asa, Asg. asu; čak. osa (Vrg.) 'prickle of an ear of grain', Asg. asu; čak. asa (Orb.), Asg. oso; Sln. 6sa; Bulg. osa

SL

PIE IE

*(h1) uobh-s-ehr; *(h1) uebh-s-ehr

Lat. vespa 'wasp'; W gw(y)chi Npl. f. 'wasps'; OBret. guohi Npl. f. 'wasps'; OHG wafsa 'wasp'

The root may be *(h1)uebh- 'weave' (cf. De Vaan 2008: 670) .

vargus vardas

LITH LATV OPR

vardas 4 'name' vdrds [ar, Jr2] 'word, name' wirds, wirds 'word', Asg. wirdan

PIE IE

Lat. verbum n. 'word'; Go. waurd n. 'word'; OE word n. 'word'

*u(e!o)rdh-o-

Like the PGmc. etymon *wurda- n„ O Pr. wirds has zero grade of the root. Hackstein's analysis *ų(e!o)rhrdhhro- (Hackstein 2014: 14), with the root of Gk. epew 'will say', is in view of the Baltic circumflex only attractive if one accepts his hypothesis that here the laryngeal was lost in PIE times already. An alternative etymology is *h2 u(o)rdh-o-, cf. Hitt. buųart- ; l hu rt- 'curse' (Sturtevant 1930, cf. Kroonen 2013: 600 ). For semantic reasons, Kloekhorst (2008: 373) prefers to connect the Hittite verb with OPr. wertemmai 'we swear'. vargas

LITH LATV OPR

vargas 4 [2/4] 'hardship, misery' vdrgs 2 'misery' (usu. pl.) wargan Asg. 'misery, suffering, danger'

Already Būga (RR II: 670) suggested that vargas may be an instance of metatonie douce belonging to the aūkštas 'floor, storey' : aukštas 'high' type. l assume that we are dealing with a neuter o-stem that was oxytone when the East Baltic retraction from *-a operated, causing metatony. It follows that AP 2 must be old (cf. Skardžius 1935: 33, 37). For PSl. *v6rg7> (e) 'foe', which is an original masculine o-stem, see -+vargils, where we shall also discuss the etymology of the root. vargti

LITH LATV

vargti 'live in poverty, suffer hardships, take pains, torment oneself', 3 pres.

vargsta, 3 pret. vargo vargt [ar, Jr, ar2, Jr2] 'be ailing, pine away', lsg. pres. vargstu

The accentuation of this denominative East Baltic verb cannot be separated from -+vargas, -+vargils and its Latvian counterparts. For this reason l should perhaps not have included this verb in a list of verbs with a sta-present showing a metatonical circumflex (2011b: 35) , even though it is certainly the case that in Lithuanian we would have expected a circumflex regardless of the tone of the adjective. An Old Prussian verbal form deriving from this root is OPr. warge mien 'I regret', cf. pawargan 'remorse'. vargus

LITH LATV OPR

vargus 4 [ 2/ 4] 'hard, difficult, tiresome' vargs [ar, ar2, Jr2] 'pining, miserable' wargs 'evil'

BSL

*worrgos

varmas

490

PSL SL

PIE IE

*v6rg'b m. o (e) 'foe' OCS vrag'b 'foe'; Ru. v6rog (folk poet.) 'foe, fiend'; Cz. vrah 'foe'; Slk. vrah 'murderer'; Pl. wr6g 'foe', Gsg. wroga; USrb. wr6h 'murderer', Gsg. wroha; SCr. vrag 'devil', Gsg. vraga; Čak. vrag (Vrgada) 'devil', Gsg. vraga; Sln. vrag 'devil'; Bulg. vrag 'enemy' *(h1) uorg-o-

Go. wrikan 'persecute'; OHG rehhan 'avenge'

The initial laryngeal hinges on Gk. eipyw 'shut in, shut out', which may or may not be cognate (cf. Derksen 1996: 73-74). The original acute, which must be attributed to Winter's law, is attested in Latv. vargs, Lith. varginas gyvenimas (Būga: Kv.) 'a life in poverty', and in -+vergas, Latv. vęigs 'slave' (ibid.). I assume that vargus was created on the basis of -+vargas (cf. Skardžius 1941: 59), which would account for the variant with AP 2. I suspect that the Latvian forms with unambiguous a, of which I could only find attestations in the denominative verb (-+vargti) , may have adopted the tone of the noun vargs, but this is uncertain, as for the latter ME and EH only provide vargs 2 (Zvirgzdine). Note that most variants with ar2 are from the Tamian area, where lengthening before r also occurred under the broken tone. PSl. *v6rg'b 'foe' may be interpreted as 'the bad one, the evil one'. The reflex of the laryngeal was eliminated when this mobile noun underwent Meillet's law. varmas

LITH

varmas 4 [2/3/4] '(žem.) mosquito, (Dz.) horse-fly'

PSL SL

*vbrmbje n. io ORu. vermije n. 'harvestman, insects'

PIE IE

Lat. vermis m. 'worm'; Go. waurms m. 'snake'; OE wyrm m. 'snake, worm'

*urmi-

Though varmas has full grade and deviates semantically, it seems likely that there is a connection with *urmi- 'worm'. O Pr. wormyan 'red' (q.v.) also belongs here. varna

LITH LATV OPR

varna l 'crow' varna [ar, ar2] 'crow'; VAR varne warne (EV) 'crow'; bucawarne (EV) 'holckro (jay?)'

BSL PSL SL

*w6r?nai' *varna f. a (a) 'crow' RuCS vrana; Ru. vor6na; Cz. vrana; Slk. vrana; Pl. wrona; SCr. vrana; Čak. vrana (Vrg., Novi, Orb.); Sln. vrana; Bulg. vrana

I have little to add to what I wrote in Derksen 2008a (528). I dismiss the prevailing view that varna 'crow' vs. -+varnas 'raven' is an instance of Balto-Slavic metatonie rude resulting from vrddhi (e.g. Pedersen 1933: 45). Instead, I am inclined to accept Kortlandt's hypothesis (1985b: 121) that in Balto-Slavic the root *kar-, cf. Gk. Kopa� : Kopwvri, Lat. corvus : cornfx (both 'raven' : 'crow'), was replaced with *wor-. I am

vartai

491

hesitant about assigning the meaning 'burn' to both roots, however, because the former may very well be onomatopoeic (cf. De Vaan 2008: 136, 139). In Kortlandt's view, the acute of BSl. *w6ri'nai' stems from the suffix * - i'n-. varnas

LITH LATV OPR

varnas 4 'raven' varns (Lange) 'crow' warnis 'raven'; colwarnis (EV) 'rook'; warnins (III) Apl. 'ravens'

BSL PSL SL PSL SL

*worwos >> *wornos *v6rn'b m. o (e) 'raven' OCS vran'b; Ru. v6ron; SCr. vran; Sln. vran *v6rn'b adj. o (e) 'black' RuCS vran'b (Hval., Rumj.); vranyi; Ru. voron6j; ORu. voronyi; Sln. vran, f. vrana; Bulg. vran

See -+varna. varpa

LITH LATV

varpa l 'ear, penis' varpa [ dr, dr2] 'ear, swinging part of a flail, (dim. varpi'}a) penis'

A derivative of -+verpti. The metatonie rude in this a-stem may be comparable to maiša alongside -+maišas 'sack'. The expected circumflex occurs in varpas 4 'bell'. varpyti

LITH

varpyti 'dig, make holes, perforate', 3 pres. varpo, 3 pret. varpė

An iterative to -+verpti. varstas

LITH OPR

varstas 2 'turn of the plough, verst' ainawarst (III), ainawawarst (III) 'once'

PSL SL

*vbrsta; *vbrstva f. a 'row, line, age, kind' OCS vrbsta (Euch., Supr.) 'age, generation'; Ru. versta 'verst'; ORu. Vbrsta 'age, pair, person of the same age, verst'; Cz. vrstva 'layer'; Slk. vrstva 'layer'; Pl. warstwa 'row, layer'; SCr. vfsta 'kind, species'; Čak. vrsta (Vrg.) 'id.'; Sln. vfsta 'row, line, sort, age'; vrsta 'id.'; vfst f.(i) 'id.', Gsg. vrsti *urt- toLat. versus m. 'row, line, furrow' ( < *urt-to-)

PIE IE

The root is PIE *uert- 'turn' (-+vartyti, -+versti). vartai

LITH LATV OPR

vartai Npl. 2 'gate' vdrti Npl. 'gate'; VAR vartis Npl. warto (EV) 'gate'; wartin (III) Asg. 'door'

492

BSL PSL SL

vartyti

*worta( Npl. n. *varta Npl. n. o. (b/c) 'door, gate' OCS vrata Npl. n.; Ru. vor6ta Npl. n.; Ru. vorota (coli.) Npl. n.; Cz. vrata Npl. n.; vrata (dial.) Npl. n.; Slk. vrata (dial.) Npl. n.; Pl. wrota Npl. n.; USrb. wrota Npl. n.; SCr. vrata Npl. n.; Sln. vrata Npl. n.; Bulg. vrata f.

See -versti. vartyti

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

vartyti 'turn, turn over', 3 pres. varto, 3 pret. vartė vartit [ar, ar2] 'turn, turn over', lsg. pres. vartu, lsg. pret. vartfju wartint ' turn' *wort-ei/i*vortiti v. (b) 'turn, return' OCS vratiti sę 'return, turn', lsg. vrašt9 sę; Ru. vorotit' 'bring back, turn aside', lsg. voroču, 3sg. vor6tit; Cz. vratiti 'return, send back'; Slk. vratit' 'return, send back'; Pl. wr6cic 'return'; SCr. vratiti 'return', lsg. vrdtim; Čak. vratl'ti (Vrg.) 'return', 2sg. vratiš *uort-eieSkt. vartayati 'turns'

See also: varstas; vaitai; versti; virsti varus

LITH

varus 4 'simmering'

See -virti. varža

LITH LATV

varža l [1/3/ 4] 'fishing-basket, fishing-trap made of osiers'; VAR varžas 3 [1/3] varza [ ar, ar2] 'fishing-basket, fishing-trap, basket'; VAR varzis 2 'fish-weir'; VARZi Npl. 'Setzkorbe'

PSL SL

*vbrša f. ja (a) 'fishing-basket, fishing-trap made of osiers' Ru. verša; Cz. vrše; Pl. wiersza; SCr. vfša; Čak. vfša (Vrg.); Sln. vfša

PIE IE

*urgOHG werc n. 'work'; wirken 'manufacture by sowing, stitching or weaving'

This acute root, which had the meaning 'twine, braid' in Baltic, must be distinguished from *uerf'- in -veržti 'tighten' (cf. Derksen 1996: 213-214). The Slavic forms may contain a suffix *-sja. Alternatively, they could be derived from *vbrx'b 'top', in view of the conical shape of the fishing-trap (Vasmer-Trubačev I: 302). vasara

LITH LATV BSL

vasara l [1/3b] 'summer'; VAR vasera (Chyl., Nm.) l vasara 'summer' *wes-n/(e ) r-

važioti

PSL SL PIE IE

493

*vesna f. a 'spring' OCS vesna; Ru. vesna, Asg. vesnu (AP (e) in Old Russian); Cz. vesna; Pl. wiosna; SCr. vesna; Sln. vęsna *ues-r!n-

Skt. vasanta- m. 'spring'; Skt. vasar- adv. 'in the early morning'; Gk. fop n. 'spring'; Lat. uer n. 'spring'

The a of the suffix seems to be comparatively recent, cf. paviiseris (E. Lith., :Žem.) 'spring', vaseris (:žem.) 'February', corresponding to Standard Lithuanian paviisaris and vasiiris, and the :Žemaitian family name Vaseris (Būga RR III: 853). For this reason, I cannot accept the hypothesis that the a of the root originates from assimilation to the vocalism of the suffix (pace Skardžius 1938: 32 and others). It seems that we are dealing with an o-grade whose origin is difficult to determine. Petit (2003a: 116) posits BSL *uos-r/n- vs. *ues-r/n-. vąšas

LITH

vqšas 4 [2/4] 'hook'; VAR iįšas 2; lqšas 4

The fact that the initial v- could be secondary has inspired some scholars to seek a connection with Gk. oyKoc; m., Lat. uncus m. 'hook'. Illič- Svityč (1963: 4), for instance, reconstructs *h2 onk-o-. The latter root is usually reconstructed as *h2 enk-, however, cf. Lith. anka 'loop, ring', ORu. ukotv 'claw, anchor', Skt. anka- 'hook, clamp', and Skt. aiic- 'bend', acati 'bends'. Moreover, the variant qšas seems to be a transposition of dialect forms which may show regular loss of v- (Vitkauskas 2006: 53) and can therefore not be used as evidence for an original form without v-. vaškas

LITH LATV

viiškas 4 [2/4] 'wax'; VAR vaška vasks 'wax'; VAR vaski Npl.; vaska

BSL PSL SL

*wosko *vosk-b m. o (b?/c) 'wax' OCS vosk-b (Ps. Sin., Supr.); Ru. vosk, Gsg. voska; Ukr. visk, Gsg. vosku; Cz. vosk; Slk. vosk; Pl. wosk; SCr. vosak, Gsg. voska; čak. (v)osak (Vrg., Orb.), Gsg. (v)oska; Sln. v(Jsak, Gsg. v(Jska; v(Jsk; Bulg. vosiik

PIE IE

*uo ks -ko- m ?

Ok. vax n.; OHG wahs n.; OE weax n. (cf. Fi. vaha, Est. vaha)

For the reconstruction, see Kortlandt 1979a: 59. važioti

LITH BSL PSL SL

važioti 'lead, cart, convey', 3 pres. važioja, 3 pret. važiojo *vož-ei/i*voziti v. (b) 'cart, lead, convey' CS voziti sę (Christ.) 'sail', 1sg. vož9 sę; Ru. vozft' 'cart, convey', 1sg. važu, 3sg. vozit; Cz. voziti 'lead, convey'; Slk. vozif 'lead, convey'; Pl. wozic 'lead,

vėdaras

494

convey'; SCr. voziti 'lead, convey', 1sg. vozim; Čak. vozl'ti (Vrg.) 'lead, convey', 2Sg. voziš; Sln. v6ziti 'cart, drive', 1sg. vpzim; Bulg. v6zja 'cart, drive'

PIE IE

*uogz-eieGk. oxfoµat 'drive, ride'

An iterative to -+vežti. vėdaras

LITH LATV OPR BSL PSL SL PIE IE

vedaras 3• 'sausage, (coli.) belly, intestines'; VAR vedarai Npl. l vędęrs [ę, ę2] 'belly, stomach'; VAR vędars [ę, ę, ę2] weders (EV) 'belly' *wdd( e ) ro *vedro n. o (b) 'bucket' OCS vėdro (Euch„ Supr.) 'barrel'; Ru. vedr6; Cz. vėdro; Slk. vedro; Pl. wiadro; SCr. vjedro; vijedro (Montenegro) ; vi'dro (Vrg.); Sln. vędr9; Bulg. vedr6 *ud-ero-m Skt. udara- n. 'belly, womb'; Gk. Mepoc; m. 'dropsy'; Lat. uterus 'belly, womb'

Though a connection with *uod-r!n- 'water' offers a better explanation for the Balto­ Slavic full grade, I prefer the etymology presented above. The Baltic acute originates from Winter's law (see also the discussion under -+p a d drė). For my view on the accentuation of the Slavic etymon, I refer to Derksen 2008a: 519. veidas

LITH LATV BSL PSL SL PIE IE

veidas 3 (1/3/ 4) 'face, look, appearance, (pl.) cheeks' veids [ei, ei2] 'form, appearance, manner' *weirdos *vfd'b m. o (e) 'sight, view, appearance' OCS vid'b; Ru. vid 'appearance, species, sort'; Cz. vid; Slk. vid; SCr. vfd, Gsg. vfda; Čak. vfd, Gsg. vfda; Sln. vfd; Bulg. vid *ueid-osSkt. vedas- n. 'knowledge, insight'; Gk. ei adj. o (e) 'dear, expensive' OCS dragt>; Ru. dorogoj; Cz. drahj; Slk. drahj; Pl. drogi; SCr. drag, f. draga, n. drago; Čak. dr&g (Vrg.), f. drdga, n. dr&go; Sln. drag, f. draga; Bulg. drag

Etymology unclear. davat

LATV BSL PSL SL

PIE IE

davat 'give (iter.)' *dorwar*davati v. 'give' OCS -davati; Ru. davat', isg. daju; Cz. davati; Slk. davaf; Pl. dawac; SCr. davati, isg. dajem; davati (Vuk: SW), isg. dajem; davati, isg. davam; Čak. d&vati, 2Sg. ddješ; davat (Orb.), isg. dajen; Sln. davati, isg. davam; Bulg. davam *dehr Skt. dadati 'give'; Gk. 8i8wµ1 'give'; Lat. dare 'give'

Kortlandt (1989: 11) traces the *-w- of the Balto-Slavic forms the perfect ending *-eu. denkts

LATV BSL PSL SL

dęiikts [ęii, ęn2] 'strong, healthy, important' *denrg* dęgl-b adj. o 'healthy, strong' Ru. djaglyj (dial.) 'healthy, strong'

IE

Olr. daingen 'firm, fast, solid'

See -+dengti II. depsis

LATV OPR

depsis 'small, fat boy' debica (GrA, GrG, GrF) 'big'; Asg. debijkan (III), deblkan (III), debbikan

BSL PSL

*deb*debel-b adj. o 'fat'

(III)

dile

SL

PIE IE

53

1

RuCS debelyj 'fat'; Ru. debelyj 'plump, corpulent'; debelyj (dial.) 'healthy, strong, plump, corpulent'; SCr. debeo 'fat'; Čak. debe (Vrg.) 'fat', f. debela; Sln. debel 'fat, big, strong', f. debęla; Bulg. debel 'fat, strong'

*dhebh-

Olc. dapr 'sad'; Nw. daper 'sad, with young'; Nw. dabb(e) m. (dial.) 'small, fat fellow'; OHG tapfar 'firm, heavy, thick-set'

See -Latv. dab/š. dels

LATV

dęls 'son'

PIE IE

Lat. felare 'suck'

*dhehrl-

For the suffix -l- as well as a discussion of the root, cf. -dėll. det

LATV

det 'suck', isg. pres. deju

PIE IE

Gk. 0f)acno 3sg. med. 'suckled'

*dhehr

See -dėll. dirbinat

LATV

dirbinat 'quiver, trample, drizzle'

This verb contains the original zero grade of the root that is found in drebinat 'cause to tremble, tremble' (-drebinti) . Analogical zero grade is found in dribinat (Fiir., U.), which is synonymous with drebinat. The meaning 'drizzle' reminds one of Slavic forms such as SCr. droban 'small, fine, fragile' or USrb. drob 'saw-dust, hay-dust', which may serve as an indication that the root dreb- 'tremble' is indeed connected with PSL *drobiti 'crumble, crush' (-drebet1). Latv. dirbinat 'walk with small steps' with broken tone - is apparently an iterative of dirbt 'walk fast, walk by taking small steps without proceeding much', which l have identified with Lith. -dirbti (likewise Smoczynski 2007: 114). l see no way, however, to account for the broken tone of dirbinat (Lubn.) 'quiver', dirba '(Domopol) someone who starts to tremble for no reason, (Mar.) a horse that trembles when you ride it', dirb'}a (Mar.) 'shiver, tremor', dirbelet (Warkl.) 'tremble: dile

LATV PIE IE

dile 'suckling calf' *dhhi i-1-

Lat ffli us m. 'son' .

See -Latv. dilit and -dėll.

dilit

532 dilit

dilit 'suckle', lsg. pres. dilu, diliju; lsg. pret. diliju; VAR dilinat Here the extended root *dkh1 i- is followed by the nominal (probably adjectival) suffix *-l-. See -+dėU. LATV

diet

LATV

diėt [iė, iė 2, ie 2] 'hop, dance, sing', lsg. pres. deju

Possibly cognate with Skt. dfyati 'fly' < * deihi -. See also -+daina. draupit

dra upit2 'crumble (tr.)' Causative to -+ Latv. drupt. With zero grade we find drupinat 'crumble, break off'.

LATV

drubazas

LATV

drubazas Npl. 'crumbs, splitters, chaff'; VAR drubažas Npl.; drubazgas Npl.; drubzalas Npl.

ME (I: 502) connects these forms, which are parallel to drabažas Npl. 'bark that has fallen off' (-+drebeznos), with Gk. 8pumw (aor. t-rpucp11v) 'break into pieces' < *dhrubh-. This is possible, but the existence of a semantically similar root East Baltic dreb- is conspicuous. Besides, we find a Latvian root drup- 'crumble' ( Latv. drupt) and a synonymous East Baltic root trup- (-+trupet1). It is difficult to say to what degree we are dealing with contaminations. -+

drupt

LATV

drupt 'crumble (intr.)', lsg. pres. drupu, lsg. pret. drupu

The root drup- is well attested, e.g. drupi Npl., drupas Npl. 'mins', drupains 'crumbly'. I do not think that it is cognate with Cz. drpati (Kott) 'pick, scratch, crumble', Sln. dfpati 'scratch'. These Slavic forms seem to contain the zero grade of a root *drep­ 'tear' (cf. Derksen 2007: 115, 136). Gk. 8pumw 'tear, scratch' may be a Greek innova­ tion or a word of substratum origin. See the preceding etymon for references to formally and semantically similar roots. dubra

LATV

dubra 'puddle, marshy spot'

BSL PSL SL

*dubr* d'bbr!J f. i 'valley, ravine' OCS d'bbr!J 'valley, gorge'; Ru. debri Npl. f.(i) 'jungle, tickets'; OCz. debf f.(i) 'valley'; OPI. debrz f.(i) 'valley, hollow'; SCr. debri (1302) Npl. f.(i) 'hollow, ravine'; Sln. debar f.(i) 'ravine'

IE

Go. diups 'deep'

See -+dubus.

ercis

533

duobjš

LATV duobjš (uo, uo] 'deep, dull, hollow'; VAR duobs [uo, uo 2] See -+dubus. dzelva

LATV

dzflva '(slight) swelling on the skin'

BSL PSL SL

*gelu?*žely f. ū 'tumour, fistula' Ru. želvak m.(o) 'tumour'; žolv' (Dal' ) f.(i) 'tumour'; želvi, želvi (dial.) Npl. m.(i) 'abscesses, lumps, bumps'; želvi (dial.) Npl. m.(i) 'swollen glands on the neck'; Cz. žluva (Kott) f.(a) 'soft tumour (in horses)'; žuva (dial.) f.(a) 'swelling on the udder of a cow'; Pl. ž6lwi (dial.) Npl. m.(i) 'abscess on the ear'; ž6lwie (dial.) Npl. m.(i) 'boils on the legs of a cow'; Čak. želva (Cres) f.(a) 'tumour'; žŲlva (Vis) f.(a) 'scrofula'; Sln. žęlva f.(a) 'fistula' *ghel(H)-uH-

PIE

This etymon may be identical with PSL *žely 'tortoise', which is probably cognate with Gk. xeAulopeta. levs

LATV

lęvs 'level, shallow'

I wonder whether it is possible to connect this adjective with Lat. levis 'smooth' < *lehd-u- (Schrijver i991: 283-284). Since a thematicized form *le?i-wo-, cf. Gk. Xeio ū > oū after a labial consonant. The position of the laryngeal in the extended root is shown by forms such as Ru. pila f. 'drank' < *ph3i-leh2 , where Hirt's law did not operate. salowis

OPR

salowis (EV) 'nightingale'

564

BSL PSL SL

IE

sasins

*sal(V)w*solvbjb m. io; *sol(o)vih m. o 'nightingale' RuCS slavii m.(jo ); Ru. solovej m.(jo), Gsg. solov'ja; ORu. solovii m.(jo); Cz. slavik; Pl. slowik; USrb. sylobik; USrb. solobik; SCr. slavūj, Gsg. slavuja; slavūj, Gsg. slavūjii; Sln. slav3ljati, 254 kila, 262 kor'b, 218, 226 kosa, 231 krava, 230 kremy, 539 kriV'b, 256 kr9peti, 540 kruk'b, 258 krupa, 540 kron'b, 540 kroxa, 261 k'bsn'b, 267 kyla, 262 lačna, 49 lęšti, 280 lokati, 271 lom'b, 271 19ka, 272 lud'b, 289 /uža, 290 l'bb'b, 294 lbn'b, 287 maxati, 323 mak'b, 44 mamiti, 323 maniti, 323 mękn9ti, 318 motriti, 307 m'bšica, 326 myš1>ca, 326 naVIJ, 337 netii, 332 nora, 328

n 'bne, 338 obora, 59 očresti, 247 OSIJ, 63 ov1>čina, 73 pty, 57 peles'b, 342 pero, 419 pleši>, 366 Pf:'gy, 546 ponreti, 334 prasę, 344 pražiti, 423 pup'b, 343 pbržiti, 421 p1>xati, 359 r'bdr'b, 384 rbdr'b, 384 sažda, 435 sęšt'b, 398 slama, 548 srag'b, 399 sren'b, 444 sr1>šen1>, 450 strož1>n1>, 565 str1>šen1>, 450 svekr'b, 446 svraka, 440 tr9d'b, 469 tryti, 473 vladeti, 486 vl'bga, 509 voziti, 493 vreštati, 497 žleza, 169

Middle Bulgarian jelovo, 53 Russian Church Slavic blana, 79 blejati, 528 blesk'b, 528 blęsti, 94 bl'bxa, 96 borzdo, 104

bresti, 101 brež(d)a, 87 broditi, 97 brod'b, 97 br'bsnuti, 103 ce, 217 cestiti, 401 ČrbSfV'b, 247 Čbrsti, 247 ČbrStV'b, 247 debelyj, 531 desnyj, 124 dikyi, 129 doblii, 529 dolja, 113 dvogubyj, 150 ez'b, 159 gbež1>, 535 glen'b, 182 gomola, 163 gomula, 163 goneti, 163 grajati, 190 gręsti, 187 gromada, 191 gruda, 191 grolo, 195 gb(b)nuti, 192 gbbeŽb, 535 g'brlo, 195 gyža, 196 xljab1>, 406 xl9d'b, 406 inii, 201 inije, 201 izgaziti, 185 jara, 154 jaręb1>, 212 jasalo, 215 jati, 200 jatro, 559 jaz1>no, 341 (j)ez'b, 159 ju, 207 kii, 262 kosa, 231 krakati, 260 kup'b, 233

kyi, 262 lučv, 561 mel1>ziti, 3n mlesti, 311 moždeni, 413 nereti, 334 nesfera, 332 nreti, 334 ol'b, 53 osa, 488 f:'S'b, 566 plaV'b, 343 plesn1>, 349 pomavati, 324 pyro, 372 rbdbr'b, 384 san1>, 454 semija, 441 semin'b, 442 slana, 439 slavii, 564 sl1>pati, 388 snuti, 551 sr'bna, 429 str1>Ž1>n1>, 565 teneto, 467 tonoto, 467 ulii, 70 vrana, 490 vran'b, 491 vranyi, 491 V'bslepati, 388 v1>rpsti, 498, 506 želud1>, 175

Serbian Church Slavic awno, 341 brut'b, 98 jaz1>no, 341 9kot1>, 56 9zl'b, 75 rifb, 382 rf:'b'b, 385 r'bVati, 379 ryti, 379 šiti, 400 sočiti, 387

6 34 ST"'bStb, 451 StT"'bi, 432 treti, 468 trut'b, 469 tyl'b, 474 v9zi'b, 75 žęti, 535

Russian a, 339 alašnyj, 49 alčnyj, 49 ali!s, 50 alkat', 51 alošnoj, 49 arda, 59 ardy, 59 baba, 96 bavit', 108 bčela, 91 bdet', 104 beda, 85 begat', 86 belyj, 78 bereč', 90 beremja, 87 bereza, 88 berežaja, 87 berežaja, 87 berl6ga, 450 bes, 77 bez, 84 bled6j, 92 bledyj, 92 blejat', 528 bleklyj, 338 bleknut', 338 blesk, 528 blevat', 94 blfzkij, 94 blizna, 96 blfzna, 96 blizn6, 96 bljuzna, 96 bloxa, 96 blud, 93 bludft', 93 bo, 75

INDICES bober, 85 bobr, 85 bodat', 76 bodr, 105 b6dryj, 105 bojat'sja, 89 bol6n ', 80 b6/on ', 80 bolona, 79 bol6to, 77, 80, 349 b6/ozno, 81 boltat', 90 boroda, 82 borodatyj, 82 b6ron ', 81 b6rošno, 527 bor6t', 82 bor6t'sja, 82 borozda, 91 bort', 106 bos6j, 83 bost', 89 bost(, 89 brat, 102 brat', 88 brestf, 101, 409 brezg, 99 brjaknut', 101 brjazžat', 99 brod, 97 brodft', 97 brokat', 98 brosat', 98 brosnut', 103 brov', 103 brusft', 98 brusnfka, 103 bučat', 84 budit', 83 bydlo, 105 byt', 108 byvat', 108 bzdet', 89 bželti, 91 celyj, 559 cena, 217 cenft', 218

dvka, 438 cev'e, 438 čajat', 560 čary, 238 čas, 560 často, 244 častyj, 244 cedft', 400 čeljad', 244 čelovek, 484 čemer, 236 čemer', 236 čered, 239 čereda, 239 čeremša, 239 čeremxa, 239 čeremuxa, 239 čeren, 238 čeren, 247 čeresla, 240 čeres/6, 240, 245 čerevo, 559 čerevo, 559 čerez, 403 černyj, 247 čerstvyj, 247 červ, 248 červ', 246 česat', 231 četvero, 241 četvertyj, 242 četfre, 241 čistyj, 405 čitat', 401 čmel, 223 čutkij, 109 čuž6j, 461 dan ', 146 dat', 147 davat', 530 debelyj, 531 debelyj, 531 debri, 532 ded, 118 degot', 119 dejat', 125 delat', 121 delit', m

den ', 127 derevnja, 133 derevo, 123 dergat', 131, 139 derznut', 140 derzyj, 136 desjat', 124 desjatyj, 124 det', 125 dever', 128 devjat', 126 devjatyj, 126 dfkij, 129 djaglyj, 117, 530 djužij, 117 dlft'sja, 130 dno, 144 d6ba, 110 d6blij, 529 doč', 145 dox, 148 doxnut', 148 dolbit', 129 d6lgij, 199 d6lja, 113 doloba, 113 dol6n ', 121 dolot6, 556 dom, 328 dorog6j, 530 drapat', 135 drat', 132 dreba, 135 drebezg, 137 drebezgi, 137 drjagat', 139 drjagat', 139 droba, 135 drobezga, 137 drobfna, 135 droga, 136 drošč, 142 drozd, 431 drož', 142 dr6žži, 135 drug, 137 druk, 136 duga, 114

INDICES dux, 118 dupa, 116 duša, 117 dut', 145 dužij, 111 dva, 143 dver', 147 dvoe, 149 dvor, 149 dv6r, 149 dychat', 148 dym, 145 dyra, 147 ed', 151 egla, 151 exat', 213 el', 151 elen', 152 elxa, 50 elxa, 50 elka, 151 est', 157 evnja, 208 evnja, 208 evnja, 208 ez, 159 ež, 160 gad, 167 gajat', 174 gasft', 173 gde, 265 gladkij, 183 glev, 182 glina, 182 gliva, 182 gljadet', 534. 535 gnat', 177 gnezdo, 290 gnida, 183 gnus, 184 gnut', 192 god, 194 godit', 534 godit'sja, 534 goljamyj, 162 golova, 162 golub', 78, 170 goluboj, 78, 170

gonit', 164 gorii, 178 gordyj, 195 goret', 165 gorlo, 195 g6rod, 164 gorst', 536 gortat', 536 grabit', 189 grad, 191 grajat', 190 gredut, 187 gremet', 191 gresti, 186 griva, 535 grjada, 189 grom, 260 gromada, 191 grubyj, 190 gruda, 191 grust', 192 gryzt', 185 gtlglja, 196 gus', 514 gust, 536 gust', 166 gusti, 166 gustoj, 536 gut', 536 gversta, 525 gverstva, 525 gverzda, 525 xabit', 407 xarius, 228 xljab', 406 xlud, 406 xlut, 406 xomut, 223 xorobryj, 550 xvoja, 410 xvoja, 410 idti, 151 igla, 555 igo, 213 ikrei, 199 ikro, 199 il, 537 imja, 556

63 5 inej, 201 inoj, 201, 501 iskcit', 198 iskra, 206 issjaknut', 392 istyj, 537 iva, 198 ivolga, 509 iz, 206 iž, 159 ja, 63 jablok, 340 jabloko, 340 jablon ', 339 jačat', 202 jad', 151 jaga, 153 jagoda, 480 jalaja, 168 jalovica, 526 jalovyj, 168, 526 jdščer, 403 jdščerica, 403 jdsen ', 481 jdsny, 45 jat', 200 jatra, 559 jatro, 559 jatro, 559 jatrov', 2u javid', 341 javit', 341 jazva, 46 jazyk, 285 jedva, 510 jesen ', 555 junyj, 209 kakoj, 253 kamen ', 47 kasat'sja, 231 kdšel', 254 kašljat', 254 kev', 438 kevka, 438 kij, 262 kila, 262 kipet', 264 klast', 252

klešči, 252 klešči, 252 klet', 250 klikat', 251 kljačet', 250 koj, 230 kokora, 223 kol, 263 kolb ', 244 kaleno, 235 kolk, 262 kolot, 221 kolot', 222 kolota, 221 kolp', 192 kopa, 225 kopan', 223 kopat', 225 kopot, 268 koren', 238 korit', 218 komoj, 540 k6rnyj, 540 korob, 226 korotkij, 230 kor6va, 230 kosa, 231 kosnyj, 267 kotoryj, 232 kovat', 234 krast', 260, 539 kremen ', 539 kreslo, 257 kričat', 259 krivoj, 256 kroxa, 261 kropft', 408 krov', 255 krovnyj, 261 kruk, 258 krupa, 540 kmpnyj, 255 krušit', 261 krylo, 409 kryt', 256 kuka, 232 kuna, 242 kurit', 267

INDICES

636 kusat', 231 kut, 224 /'nut', 288 lad'ja, 152 lad6n ', 121 lajat', 293 lakat', 271 Iam, 292 lan ', 153 /apa, 292 laska, 291 last, 542 lasyj, 291 led, 277 ledva, 510 ledve, 510 legkij, 280 lexa, 289 lexa, 289 lemex, 278 lemeš, 278 lemeš, 278 len, 287 len6j, 279 lepest, 293 lepest, 293 lepest6k, 273, 293 letet', 278 lezt', 543 lgat', 295 list, 271 lit', 284 lizat', 285 ljaga, 279 Ijakij, 543 ljanoj, 279 ljazga, 276 ljub6v', 282 /judi, 281 lob, 294 l6d'ja, 152 lox, 274 lakat', 271 l6kot', 51 lom, 271 lomit', 272 lomy, 271

lopata, 293 los6s', 274 l6sos', 274 lost, 542 lost', 542 lov', 53 loza, 277 lub, 296 luč, 561 lud, 289 lug, 279, 560 luk, 273 luka, 272 luna, 561 lupit', 276 luska, 542 luskat', 542 luskat', 542 lut, 280 /uta, 280 !Uža, 290 lyko, 296 maxat', 323 majat', 324 mak, 44 manit', 323 mat', 324 materjam, 324 mavat', 324 mazat', 134, 315 mčat', 325 med, 309 mex, 299 mel, 414 mel ', 414, 415 melenja, 544 mena, 298 menit', 299 mereča, 306 meret', 321 mereža, 543 mereža, 543 merknut', 320 mesit', 300 mesjac', 311 mesti, 313 mesto, 321 meš6k, 299

metit', 307, 314 meža, 309 mga, 317 mgla, 317 mig, 315 migat', 315 milyj, 316 mir, 316 mjagkij, 319 mjagok, 319 mjaknut', 318 mjaso, 312 mjasti, 314 mjat', 319 mladenec, 562 mnit', 318 moč', 298 mox, 326 m6xa, 326 moj, 561 mokr, 301 m6kryj, 301 molit', 302 m6lnija, 544 molodnja, 544 molod6j, 561 mol6n 'ja, 544 mol6t', 303 mor, 305 m6re, 305 morgat, 320 mormulit', 326 mošna, 301 motrit', 307 mozg, 308, 413 mučit', 305 mudryj, 303 muxa, 326 mukti, 318 mykat', 543 myt', 307 na, 338 nag, 339 nagoj, 339 natina, 337 nav', 337 naz6l, 511 naz6la, 511

ne, 331 nebo, 118 nebo, 118 nerest, 333 nereta, 333 nesti, 334 ni, 331 nit', 335 noč', 328, 487 noga, 327 n6got', 327 n6ne, 338 nora, 328 n6ros, 329 n6rost, 329 n6rost', 329 nos, 336 n6vyj, 330 nozdrja, 330 nuža, 562 nyne, 338 6ba, 43 obitat', 502 6blyj, 59 ob6r, 59 6bor, 59 obora, 59 obUt', 73 očnut'sja, 216 očutit'sja, 209 odolet', 114 odva, 510 og6n ', 478 6ko, 47 olen ', 152 6lovo, 53 ol'xa, 50 Ol 'sa, 50 6mex, 278 ome/a, 54 omeš, 278 on, 54 orat', 61 orei, 155 orex, 382 os ', 63 osa, 488, 542 osel, 62

637

INDICES 6sen', 555 oset', 46 oseter, 156 osetr, 156 osina, 154 osk6rd, 565 os6t, 65 ost', 48 osten, 48 6strov, 387, 424 6stryj, 64 osva, 488 ot(o), 66 otverzt', 499 ovca, 74 ovčina, 73 oven, 73 ovi!s, 74 6zero, 158 ozor6d, 513 OŽ, 160 pamjat', 319 pazuxa, 545 pčela, 91 peč', 238 pexij, 353 peklo, 355 peles, 342 peli!syj, 342 pena, 418 pepel, 349 pere-, 352 peret', 353 pero, 419 persi, 358 perst, 358 perst', 357 pert', 358 pervyj, 357 pest, 354 pešij, 353 pxat', 359 pixat', 359 pila, 563 pisat', 354 pišča, 354 piščat', 359 pit', 563

pjad', 420 pjata, 352 pjatyj, 351 pjat', 351, 356 plakat', 361 plamja, 348 plast, 362 plavat', 364 pleč6, 362 plexan, 366 plena, 365 plesen ', 349 pieva, 366 plevat', 422 pljusk, 546 pljU5ki, 366 pijusna, 362 pijusna, 546 pl6skij, 361, 545 plot, 363, 546 plyt', 368 po, 368 pod, 342 pad, 342 p6jas, 214 p6lnyj, 356 p6/omja, 348 pol6n, 350 po/6va, 350 polov6j, 343 pol6vyj, 343 por6g, 352 p6rox, 545 porosenok, 344 postič', 427 potol6k, 345 p6zdyj, 345 pra-, 369 presen, 370 presnyj, 370 pri, 371 prjač', 423 prjači, 423 prjast', 423 prjažit', 423 prjažit', 423 pro, 369 pro-, 369

prosejat', 398 prosit', 370 ptica, J74 pudit', 84 pudit', 84 pugat', 83 pugovica, 546 puxlyj, 373 pup, 343 pur, 373 pura, 373 purka, 373 pustoj, 563 put', 563 puto, 344 pyrej, 372 rajat', 384 rak, 155 rakita, 533 nilo, 60 ramena, 203 rataj, 62 razorit', 60 rdet', 384 redkij, 547 redok, 547 redr, 384 redr, 384 redra, 384 redryj, 384 redryj, 384 rejat', 547 rjad, 383 rog, 375 rokita, 533 rosa, 376 rov, 379 r6zga, 379 rub, 385 rudoj, 377 rndyj, 377 ruka, 376 rvat', 379 rygat', 385 rylo, 547 ryt', 379 sad, 416 sadit', 417

sani, 454 saža, 435 seč', 205 sed'm6j, 394 sej, 451 sejat', 395 sel6, 387 sem ', 393 sem )a, 441 semja, 393 sen ', 549 seno, 447 serdce, 449 serebr6, 396 sereda, 443 seren, 443 seren, 443 seren ', 443 serna, 429 seryj, 564 sest', 395 sestra, 395 set', 386 sever, 447 sidet', 391 si/a, 397 si/6, 67 si/o, 67 siryj, 442 sito, 397 sivyj, 451 skorbet', 410 skorbit', 411 sk6rblyj, 411 sk6rbnut', 411 skoroda, 404, 565 sk6ryj, 403 skresti, 407 skubti, 410 skust', 410 slabyj, 411 slava, 453 slimak, 412 slina, 550 s/6vo, 452 sluka, 412 s/Ušat', 249

INDICES

638 smazat', 315 smejat'sja, 551 smerdet', 415 smert', 321 sm6rod, 414 sneg, 416 snovat', 551 sočit', 387 soxa, 367, 439 sok, 387 s6lnce, 390 sol6dkij, 388 sol6ma, 548 solovej, 564 solov6j, 564 sol6vyj, 564 sol', 548 som, 440 son, 389 sor6ka, 440 sosat', 552 sovat', 441 spex, 419 spet', 420 srat', 450 ssat', 552 stamik, 433 stam6j, 433 stan, 429 star, 430 staryj, 430 stat', 430 stavit', 430 stega, 551 stenat', 427 stereč', 394 steržen ', 565 stezja, 551 stlat', 565 sto, 448 stog, 426 stol, 426 st6rož, 389 strežen ', 565 stroj, 432 struja, 424 strilmen, 424 strup, 378

su-, 388 sux6j, 390 suk, 67 sur6vyj, 437 sušit', 391 šutit', 396 svat, 437 svekor, 446 svekr6v', 455 svekry, 455 svest', 437 svet, 456 svjat6j, 456 svoj, 437 svojačenica, 437 svojak, 437 syn'b, 435 sfpat', 436 syr, 437 syr6j, 436 sftyj, 418 ščerbd, 405 ščit, 404 šeršen ', 450 šerst', 451 šest', 446 šest6j, 446 šit', 400 šula, 455 šulo, 455 tak6j, 468 teč', 462 tek, 553 temen, 458 temnyj, 458 teneto, 467 teneto, 467 tepti, 464 teret', 468 tesat', 459 tjanut', 466 tjat', 467 tjažkij, 467 tlo, 465 tok, 457 tol6č', 463 t6lstyj, 475 t6nkij, 464

t6nok, 464 t6šč, 475 t6ščij, 475 toska, 462, 476 tot, 459 trest', 472 tretij, 470 tri, 471 tropat', 470 trost', 472 trud, 472 trup, 566 trupit', 473 trut, 469 truten ', 469 tučnyj, 460 tuk, 459 tur, 460 tuta, 462 tvar', 477 tverd, 477 tverdyj, 477 tvorit', 476 ty, 473 tyl, 474 tysjača, 473 t'ma, 553 U, 68, 556 u-, 68, 556 učit', 208 ugol, 54 ugol', 55 ugor', 56, 479 uxa, 216 uxo, 71 uj, 74 ulej, 70 ulica, 70 um, 71 unuk, 58 US, 566 usta, 482 utepti, 464 Utka, 57 utolit', 457 utro, 72 uzel, 75 uzkij, 56

už, 55 uže, 207 v(o), 197 varit', 554 vdova, 567 večer, 485 vedat', 566 vedr6, 494 vejat', 499 vek, 501 veko, 509 velet', 496 verba, 505 verba, 505 veres, 507 vereščat', 497 veresk, 507 verx, 506 verša, 492 versta, 491 vertet', 506 ves', 502, 507 vesna, 493 vesti, 499 veter, 500 vetx, 500 vetxij, 500 vezti, 500 vid, 494 videt', 495 vix6r, 501 vixor, 501 vixr', 501 vir, 505 vit', 508 vjazat', 75 vkupe, 233 vladet', 486 vleč', 504 vn-, 197 vnuk, 58 voda, 488 vodit', 484 voe, 197 volčica, 503 v6lja, 487 volk, 503 volna, 504

INDICES v6lna, 504 vol6č', 504 volodet', 486 vol6ga, 486 v6loga, 486 v6lok, 487 v6los, 485 v6lot', 487 voložit', 486 v6rog, 490 v6ron, 491 vor6na, 490 voron6j, 491 vorota, 492 vor6ta, 492 vorotit', 492 vos'm6j, 64 v6sem ', 65 vosem ', 65 vosk, 493 vozit', 493 vret', 507 vuj, 74 vy, 215 vydra, 477 vymja, 346 žab'e, 557 žaba, 557 žadat', 345 žal', 167 zametit', 307 zarja, 513 zar6d, 513 zastrjagnut', 432 zastrjanut', 432 zastrjat', 432 zaveret', 498 zdor6vyj, 434 zeli!nyj, 512 zelezo, 169 zelezy, 169 zel6, 161 zemlja, 516 zern6, 520 zjalezo, 169 zjat', 516 znat', 520 z6loto, 554

zoloza, 169 zol6za, 169 zorja, 513 zor6d, 164, 513 zret', 517, 520 zub, 512 zubr, 433 zver', 524 zvezda, 523 zvjač', 524 žat', 170, 535 ždat', 167 žeč', 119 želč', 475 železa, 169 železo, 169 železo, 169 želna, 176 želt, 169 želtyj, 169, 475 želud', 175 želvak, 533 želvi, 533 žena, 558 žerex, 172 žeriixa, 172 žere/6, 172 žerstva, 525 žerstva, 525 ževat', 517 ž{ca, 175 zijat', 520 žila, 558 žfla, 179 zima, 518 žit', 179 žito, 557 živ6j, 180 živ6t, 180 žolv', 533 žrat', 172 žuravl', 172

Old Russian ablanb, 339 ai(1>)čbn?>, 49 ai(1>)kati, 51 alčen?>, 49

63 9 badati, 76 bebro, 85 bez?>, 84 blizna, 9 6 bljasti, 94 blbvati, 94 bobro, 85 balana, 79 bolonb, 80 boronb, 81 borošbno, 527 bortb, 106 borzdo, 104 bydlo, 105 b?>rtb, 106 bbbT'b, 85 cevije, 438 cevb, 438 čerem?>xa, 239 čeres?>, 403 čerez?>, 403 Čbrsti, 247 derevnja, 133 dikyi, 129 djužij, 117 dolja, 113 duti, 145 dvogubyj, 150 erjabb, 212 ežb, 160 ez?>, 159 gajati, 174 gbežb, 535 goi, 162 gomola, 163 gomula, 163 gramada, 190 gresti, 187 gręsti, 187 grjazti, 188 gromada, 191 gruda, 191 grolo, 195 gversta, 525 KVbrsta, 525 gvbrzda, 525 f;b(b)nuti, 192 f;bbežb, 535

gbrlo, 195 xorobryj, 550 imela, 54 inii, 201 inije, 201 iva, 198 jabloh, 340 jablonb, 339 jabl?>h, 340 jati, 200 jatro, 559 jatry, 211 javMyj, 341 (j)az?>, 63 jesetro, 156 (j)ez?>, 159 kaŠbib, 254 kefo, 559 klešča, 252 kolot?>, 221 kolpb, 192 kopa, 225 kopotb, 268 korob?>, 226 korb, 246 kasa, 231 krakati, 260 krupnyj, 255 kuna, 242 k?>rb, 246 lačbn?>, 49 lajati, 293 lakati, 51 lapa, 292 len?>, 279 ljaga, 279 ljuby, 282 ljub?>Vb, 282 lodbja, 152 lom?>, 271 ląka, 272 majati, 324 mati, 324 mene, 304 mja, 304, 562 mjahkyi, 319 myšca, 326 m?>ne, 303

INDICES

6 40 m'bX'b, 326 moX'b, 326 naVb, 337 nereta, 333 nesfera, 332 netii, 332 obora, 59 očutiti, 209 odva, 510 od'bva, 510 olovb, 53 ol'b, 53 ome/a, 54 orjabb, 212 osetr'b, 156 OVbS'b, 74 ože, 212 OŽb, 160 padoroga, 115 pero, 419 pixati, 359 pljuča, 362 pod'b, 342 polon'b, 350 pomavati, 324 porosja, 344 pozd'b, 345 pUgbVb, 546 pugy, 546 pbrfb, 358 pbxati, 359 renb, 156 ritb, 382 r'bVafi, 379 sad'b, 416 sani, 454 serestb, 451 serstb, 451 semija, 441 silo, 67 sočiti, 387 soxa, 439 solovii, 564 str'bi, 432 stryi, 432 svekr'b, 446 svekry, 455 svestb, 437

SVbSfb, 437 Sb, 451 sbrna, 429 sbršenb, 450 šerstb, 451 Šbršenb, 450 teči, 462 tjati, 467 trud'b, 469 trupb, 566 tuk'b, 459 fVOr'b, 476 f'b, 459 tblo, 465 ukotb, 56, 493 ulica, 70 uty, 57 uxa, 216 UŽb, 55 vermije, 490 veverica, 510 vxu, 507 ViX'brb, 501 voloči, 504 vologa, 486 voronyi, 491 Vbrsta, 491 zjabnuti, 515 Zbdati, 519 žeravlb, 172 žerelo, 172 žereti, 178 žreti, 178 Žrbti, 178 Žbrati, 172

Ukrainian bdžola, 91 berehtf, 90 bereza, 88 bereža, 87 bibr, 85 blejaty, 528 bleknuty, 338 blidfj, 92 bloxa, 9 6 blyščati, 95 blyzna, 96

blfzna, 96 bojaty sja, 89 bolon ', 80 boroda, 82 borodatyj, 82 b6rošno, 527 bor6ty, 82 bart, 106 bart', 106 b6syj, 83 brat, 102 braty, 88 brestf, 101 brid, 97 brjaknuty, 101 brusfty', 98 bfdlo, 105 bzdity, 89 eina, 217 člfred, 239 čeremuxa, 239 čeremxa, 239 čeres/6, 240 čerevo, 559 čolovik, 484 dehot', 119 derhaty, 131 dfhot', 119 dilja, 120 dim, 328 dobei, 110 d6lja, 113 drizd, 431 dupa, 116 dužyj, 117 hliva, 182 hnizd6, 290 h6lka, 555 h6rod, 164 hrjastf, 187 hruda, 191 hrnda, 191 hrust', 192 hustf, 166 ihla, 555 iho, 213 im 'a, 556 inej, 201

iti, 151 jalovyca, 526 jaty, 200 javida, 341 jaz, 159 jazgar, 159 jelen ', 152 jevja, 208 jCvnja, 208 jivolga, 509 jiz, 159 již, 160 klfšavyj, 252 k6pit, 268 kruk, 258 kry/6, 409 kuka, 232 kuna, 242 kyla, 262 kyla, 262 Iajati, 293 Iasyj, 291 lemiš, 278 leviti, 282 lid, 277 Ijaxa, 289 16dja, 152 lokn6, 295 los6s', 274 luka, 272 lukn6, 295 luna, 561 lut, 280 lfko, 296 m 'a, 556 maladnja, 544 mene, 304 meža, 309 morokva, 306 mox, 326 nat', 337 naga, 327 ob6ra, 59 odjahty, 122 ohen ', 478 oh6n ', 478 ol'os, 50 6len ', 152

6 41

INDICES oles, 50 onuk, 58 osa, 488 6sin ', 555 6sit', 46 osfna, 154 OŽ, 160 pčola, 91 pezdfty, 89 pid, 342 pliva, 366 pol6n, 350 prjasty, 423 rih, 375 rijaty, 547 rokita, 533 rasa, 376 rub, 385 sany, 454 seren, 443, 444 sik, 387 sim ]a, 441 sm6rid, 414 snih, 416 som, 440 stih, 426 stil, 426 strup, 378 stryj, 432 stryžen ', 565 suk, 67 šula, 455 šyty 400 tjaknuty, 462 tjažkfj, 467 toloka, 457 tur, 460 večir, 485 verba, 505 vermjatyj, 567 visk, 493 v6hkyj, 503 v6vna, 504 zalizo, 169 zaloza, 169 zemlja, 516 zorja, 513 zub, 512 ,

žalibycja, 442 želizo, 169 žorstva, 525 žuravel', 172 žyto, 557

Old Ukrainian baviti, 108 brjazčaty, 99 brjažčaty, 99 Belorussian al'sa, 50 ales, 50 asec, 46 asetka, 46 azjar6d, 513 barada, 82 baradaty, 82 bel', 77 beragčy, 90 bjar6za, 88 bljaknuc, 338 bljuzna, 96 bore', 106 borzdyj, 104 brjaknuc', 101 bydlo, 105 d6lja, 113 dužy, 117 eunja, 208 eunja, 208 ez, 159 glabac, 181 h6rad, 164 horšy, 61 fnej, 201 jadžgar, 159 jauja, 208 jaz, 159 juxa, 216 klfšavyj, 252 kalat, 221 kruk, 258 kuka, 232 lajac, 293 las6š, 274 ljameš, 278

ljaska, 276 lokn6, 295 mox, 326 ob6ra, 59 osetka, 46 osva, 488 pal6n, 350 pur, 373 purka, 373 roh, 375 rub, 385 stoh, 426 stol, 426 strup, 378 stryj, 432 stryžen ', 565 suk, 67 šula, 455 unuk, 58 večar, 485 (v)6sec, 46 zalezo, 169 zal6za, 169 zelezo, 169 žarstva, 525

Czech a, 339 baba, 96 baba, 96 bati se, 89 baviti, 108 bdfti, 104 behati, 86 bes, 77 bez, 84 bfda, 85 bfly, 78 blana, 79 blana, 80 blato, 80 bl e dy, 92 blecha, 96 blesk, 528 bleti, 528 blfti, 94 blizna, 9 6 bloud, 93

blouditi, 93 blud, 93 blut, 94 blyšteti, 95 bo, 75 bobr, 85 bodati, 76 bosy, 83 brada, 82 bradaty, 82 brat, 102 brati, 88 bratr, 102 brazda, 91 bfednouti, 101 bfezi, 87 bflza, 88 brod, 97 broditi, 97 broditi se, 97 brousiti, 98 brf, 107 brusnice, 103 brva, 103 brzda, 104 bučeti, 84 buditi, 83 busti, 89 bydlo, 105 byti, 108 byvati, 108 bzdfti, 89 cediti, 400 cely, 559 cena, 217 ceniti, 218 ceva, 438 čary, 238 čas, 560 často, 244 časty, 244 čemer, 236 čermucha, 239 černy, 247 č(e)rstvy, 247 červ, 246 česati, 231 č{sti, 553

INDICES

642 čisty, 405 čitati, 401 dtiti, 209 cizi, 461 človek, 484 čren, 238 čfiti, 247 čtvery, 241 čtvrty, 242 čtyfi, 241 dan, 146 dati, 147 davati, 530 dech, 148 ded, 118 dehet, 119 d(e)chnouti, 148 delati, 121 deliti, m den, 127 desaty, 124 deset, 124 devaty, 126 devet, 126 diti, 125 dlab, 113 dlan, 121 dlapa, 292 dlato, 556 dlouhy, 199 dno, 144 doba, 110 dosici, 391 doupa, 116 doupe, 116 douti, 145 drahy, 530 drati, 132 drhati, 131 dfiti, 123, 132 drobesk, 137 drobiti, 137 drouh, 136 drouk, 136 drozd, 431 droždi, 135 drpati, 532 druh, 137

drzy, 136 dfevo, 123 duha, 114 duch, 118 ditm, 328 dupa, 116 duše, 117 duži, 117 dva, 143 dvefe, 147 dvere, 147 dvoji, 149 dvitr, 149 dychati, 148 dym, 145 had, 167 hasiti, 173 hladky, 183 hlava, 162 hledeti, 534 hlina, 182 hliva, 182 hlobit; 180 hnati, 177 hnida, 183 hnizdo, 290 hnouti, 192 hnus, 184 hod, 194 hoditi, 534 hody, 194 homole, 163 honiti, 164 hora, 178 horčti, 165 housti, 166 hrad, 164 hfada, 189 hrdlo, 195 hromada, 191 hrouda, 191 hrst, 536 hruby, 190 hruditi, 185 hryzti, 185 hfe(b)sti, 186 hfiva, 535 hfmeti, 191

hfmfti, 191 hitra, 178 hus, 514 husty, 536 hutny, 536 hvezda, 523 hyže, 196 chabif, 407 chabiti, 407 chaby, 407 chloud, 406 chomout, 223 chvoj, 410 ihla, 555 ikro, 199 iskaf, 198 isty, 537 ja, 63 jablko, 340 jablo, 340 jablon, 339 jahoda, 480 jalovy, 526 jarka, 154 jaro, 154 jasan, 481 jasan, 481 jasaf, 215 jasny, 45 jcitra, 559 jazyk, 285 je, 157 ječeti, 202 jedle, 151 jedva, 510 jehla, 555 jekati, 202 jelen, 152 jelše, 50 jenž, 212 jefab, 212 jefabek, 212 jesen, 481 jesen, 481 jeseter, 156 jest, 157 ješter, 403 ještefice, 403

ješterka, 403 jeti, 213 jeviti, 341 jez, 159 jezero, 158 jež, 160 (j)ež, 212 ježdik, 159 jho, 213 jicha, 216 jikra, 199 jil, 537 jini, 201 jiny, 201, 501 jisti, 157 jiti, 151 jitro, 72 jiva, 198 již, 207 jizva, 46 jmeli, 54 jmeno, 556 jsem, 157 jucha, 216 juny, 209 jutro, 72 kamen, 47 kasati, 231 kašel, 254 kašlati, 254 kde, 265 kelka, 262 kef, 246 kleisti, 252 klat, 221 klati, 222 klečeti, 250 klešte, 252 kmen, 224 kaleno, 235 kopa, 225 kopati, 225 kopt, 268 kofiti, 218 koufiti, 267 kousati, 231 kout, 224 kauti, 234

6 43

INDICES kra, 199 krabuše, 226 krakati, 260 krasti, 539 krat, 229 kratky, 230 krava, 230 kfemen, 539 kfesla, 257 krev, 255 krevni, 261 krevny, 261 kfičeti, 259 kfidla, 409 kfivy, 256 kropiti, 408 kroupa, 540 kruch, 261 kryti, 256 kui, 263 kuna, 242 kvet, 456 kyj, 262 kyla, 262 kypeti, 264 kysati, 541 lačny, 49 lan, 153 /apa, 292 l'aska, 276 /ata, 542 Zati, 293 leb, 294 lebavy, 269 lebka, 294 leci, 280 led, 277 ledva, 510 lehky, 280 lekno, 295 lemeš, 278 len, 287 leteti, 278 leviti, 282 lezti, 543 thati, 295 licha, 289 liet, 280

lide, 281 liny, 279 lfska, 276 list, 271 liti, 284 lizati, 285 lnouti, 288 lad', 152 lakati, 271 laket, 51 lam, 271 lamiti, 272 lapata, 293 lasos, 274 lauč, 561 laučiti, 273 lauka, 272 laupiti, 276 lauže, 290 lub, 296 luh, 279, 560 luk, 273 luna, 561 luska, 542 lut, 280 lyko, 296 machati, 323 mak, 44 mam, 323 mamiti, 323 maso, 312 masti, 314 mavati, 324 mazati, 315 me, 562 mech, 326 mech, 299 med, 309 mekky, 319 meknouti, 318 me/, 414 melf, 54 mena, 298 meniti, 299 meno, 556 mes{c, 311 mesti, 313 metit, 307, 314

meze, 309 mha, 317 mhla, 317 mih, 315 m ihati, 315 mily, 316 mir, 316 mišek, 299 m isiti, 300 mknouti, 325 mladenec, 562 mlady, 561 mlha, 317 mliti, 303 mina, 544 mne, 303 mneti, 318 mniti, 318 moci, 298 modla, 302 modliti, 302 mokry, 301 mor, 305 mofe, 305 mošna, 301 moucha, 326 moudry, 303 mouka, 318 mozek, 413 mrgaf, 320 mfiti, 321 mfiže, 543 mrknouti, 320 mrmrati, 326 mučiti, 305 muj, 561 myti, 307 na, 338 nahy, 339 na(, 337 naviti, 338 ne, 331 nebe, 118 nehet, 327 nesti, 334 n i, 331 nif, 335 noc, 328

noha, 327 nora, 328 nos, 336 nouze, 562 novy, 330 nozdra, 330 nyni, 338 oba, 43 obly, 59 obofiti, 60 obouti, 73 octnouti se, 216 od(e), 66 odoleti, 114 ohen, 478 oko, 47 alavo, 53 olše, 50 ome/a, 54 ome/o, 54 orati, 61 ofech, 382 orei, 155 osa, 154 osel, 62 oset, 65 oškrd, 565 oškrt, 565 osm, 65 osmy, 64 osf, 48 osten, 48 ostry, 64 otevfiti, 67 ovad, 480 ovce, 74 ovčina, 73 oves, 74 paliti, 348 parne(, 319 pas, 214 pata, 352 paty, 351 pazucha, 545 pchati, 359 peci, 238 pek/o, 355 pena, 418

64 4 pero, 419 pero, 419 peši, 353 pet, 351 pice, 354 pichati, 359 pid', 420 piskati, 359 pist, 354 pista, 354 pišteti, 359 piti, 563 plamen, 348 plavy, 343 plen, 350 plena, 365 pieš, 366 pieva, 350 plice, 362 plisen, 349 pliti, 422 pliva, 350 plny, 356 plosky, 545 plauti, 364 plvati, 422 pnouti, 356 po, 368 pouchly, 373 pou(, 563 pouto, 344 pozde, 345 prach, 545 prah, 352 prahnouti, 423 prase, 344 pražiti, 423 pre-, 352 pfesny, 370 pfi, 371 pfisti, 423 pfiti, 353 pro-, 369 prositi, 370 prs, 358 prsa, 358 prskati, 370 prso, 358

INDICES prst, 358 prst; 357 prvy, 357 psati, 354 ptak, 374 puda, 342 puk, 546 pupek, 343 pusty, 563 pfr, 372 fad, 383 fada, 383 radlo, 60 rak, 155 rame, 203 rameno, 203 fidky, 547 fihati, 385 fit; 382 roh, 375 rokyta, 533 rosa, 376 rov, 379 rozbfesk, 99 rub, 385 rudy, 377 ruka, 376 rvati, 379 rydlo, 547 ryti, 379 sad, 416 saditi, 417 sahati, 391 sahnouti, 391 saknouti, 392 san, 454 sane, 454 sane, 454 sati, 552 saze, 435 sedeti, 391 sedm, 393 sedmy, 394 sedmy, 394 sen, 389 seno, 447 sestra, 395 šesty, 446

sever, 447 sici, 205 siesti, 395 sila, 397 sime, 393 sin, 549 sirf, 442 sit; 386 siti, 395 sito, 397 sivy, 451 slaby, 411 sladky, 388 slama, 548 slap, 388 slava, 453 slavik, 564 slina, 550 slovo, 452 sluka, 412 slunce, 390 slušeti, 249 smati, 551 smrad, 414 smrdeti, 415 smrt, 321 snih, 416 snouti, 551 snovati, 551 socha, 439 sok, 387 sou-, 388 souti, 436 souvati, 441 spech, 419 speti, 420 srdce, 449 srna, 429 sršen, 450 srst, 451 stan, 429 stary, 430 stati, 430 staviti, 430 stenati, 427 stez, 551 stezka, 551 stežka, 551

stlati, 565 sto, 448 stoh, 426 straka, 440 stfeda, 443 stfemcha, 239 stfevo, 559 stfibro, 396 stfici, 394 stfin, 443 stfin, 444 stfislo, 240, 245 strumen, 424 strumen, 424 strup, 378 stryc, 432 stržen, 565 stul, 426 suchy, 390 suk, 67 sul, 548 sušiti, 391 svaty, 456 svekr, 446 syn, 435 sypati, 436 sfr, 437 syrf, 436 syty, 418 šest, 446 šesty, 446 šiti, 400 šterba, 405 štit, 404 tahnouti, 466 taky, 468 tchnouti, 148 teei, 462 temny, 458 ten, 459 teneto, 467 tenky, 464 tepati, 464 tesati, 459 težky, 467 tisic, 473 titi, 467 tla, 465

64 5

INDICES tlapa, 292 tlo, 465 tlouci, 463 tma, 553 tok, 457 trest', 472 troud, 469 trst, 472 trud, 472 trup, 566 tfen, 238 tfeti, 470 tfevo, 559 tfi, 471 tfida, 239 tfislo, 240, 245 triti, 468 tučny, 460 tuk, 459 tur, 460 tvar, 477 tvar, 477 tvor, 476 tvrdy, 477 ty, 473 tyl, 474 učiti, 208 uhel, 55 uhof, 479 ucho, 71 ujec, 74 uz, 70 ulice, 70 um, 71 usta, 482 uzel, 75 uzky, 56 v, 197 vafiti, 554 vati, 499 vazati, 75 včela, 91 vdova, 567 večer, 485 vedeti, 566 vedro, 494 vek, 501 veleti, 496

ves, 502 vesna, 493 vesti, 499 vetchy, 500 veverica, 510 veverka, 510 vezti, 500 vid, 494 videti, 495 vichr, 501 viko, 509 vir, 505 viskati, 198 viti, 508 vitr, 500 vlaha, 486 vlak, 487 vlaka, 487 vlat', 487 vleci, 504 vlha, 509 vlhky, 503 vlk, 503 vlna, 504 v(n)-, 197 voda, 488 voditi, 484 vosa, 488 vosk, 493 vous, 566 voziti, 493 vrah, 490 vrana, 490 vrata, 492 vrata, 492 vratiti, 492 vrba, 505 vrch, 506 vichr, 501 vrstva, 491 vrše, 492 vrteti, 506 vfes, 507 vfešteti, 497 vfiti, 507 ville, 487 vy, 215 vydra, 477

vyhen, 478 vyknouti, 214 zafe, 513 zati, 520 zavfiti, 498 z(e), 206 zed', 564 zeleny, 512 zem, 516 zeme, 516 zet', 516 zeti, 520 zima, 518 zlato, 554 znati, 520 zora, 513 zofe, 513 zrno, 520 zub, 512 zubr, 433 zvčf, 524 žaba, 557 zabsti, 515 žadati, 345 žal, 167 žalud, 175 že, 212 žeci, 119 železo, 169 žena, 558 žila, 179 žiti, 170, 179 život, 180 živy, 180 žlaza, 169 žluč, 475 žluna, 176 žluty, 169 žluva, 533 žfidlo, 172 zfiti, 517 žuva, 533

Old Czech blane, 80 blesk, 95 blesti, 94 blivati, 94

blvati, 94 bosti, 89 bran, 81 bran, 81 brat, 102 bratr, 102 brev, 103 brt, 107 bfezk, 99 bfisti, 101 cev, 438 ceva, 438 ciev, 438 cieva, 438 cievka, 438 čary, 238 čfieti, 247 dati, 147 dci, 145 debf, 532 dehna, 119 devef, 128 dieti, 125 dieže, 519 dfvi, 147 hniezdo, 290 hnus, 184 hoj, 162 holemy, 162 hfesti, 186 hus, 514 chlud, 406 chrabry, 550 jadati, 482 jalovice, 526 jatrev, 211 jaz, 63 jedl, 151 jiezva, 46 jiskati, 198 jme, 556 jmele, 54 juž(e), 207 kaky, 253 kličeti, 251 kmen, 224 kopet, 268 kosa, 231

646 kovati, 234 kra, 199 krupny, 255 lakati, 51 lani, 153 leb, 294 lecha, 289 lekno, 295 leny, 279 lhati, 295 libi, 269 lodi, 152 lom, 271 luby, 282 Zuč, 561 lučiti, 273 l'udie, 281 luh, 560 luska, 542 /Uže, 290 mati, 324 mel, 414 mhla, 317 miesti, 314 mieti, 319 mnieti, 318 modla, 302 mrknuti, 320 nav, 337 nava, 337 naviti, 338 nenie, 338 nefest, 333 nuže, 562 OS, 63 oškrd, 565 oven, 73 pazucha, 545 pieti, 356 plesna, 563 plef, 546 pieva, 350 plike, 362 pluti, 364 priesti, 423 prsi, 358 rataj, 62 fUti, 377

INDICES saze, 435 s doli, 113 sedmy, 394 selo, 387 sieci, 205 sien, 549 sit, 398 smieti, 551 ssati, 552 stlati, 565 straka, 440 (s)tfevo, 559 stfieci, 394 stze, 551 suvati, 441 svekrev, 455 šery, 564 šesty, 446 trest, 472 tresf, 472 tfemcha, 239 tfie, 471 tšti, 475 vati, 499 veš, 507 vevefice, 510 vieko, 509 vieti, 499 vlaf, 487 zef, 516 zielo, 161 zieti, 520 ždati, 167 žerab, 172 žerav, 172 žito, 557 žlaza, 169 žleza, 169 žrieti, 172

Slovak baba, 96 bafsa, 89 bdief, 104 behaf, 86 bes, 77 bieda, 85 biely, 78

blana, 79, 80 bledy, 92 blesk, 528 blcha, 96 blud, 93 bludi(, 93 bl'uvaf, 94 bodaf, 76 bosy, 83 brada, 82 bradaty, 82 brat, 102 bra(, 88 brat(e)r, 102 brazda, 91 breza, 88 brod, 97 brodif(sa), 97 bfsf, 101 brt, 107 brU5if, 98 brusnica, 103 brva, 103 brzda, 104 buča(, 84 budif, 83 bydlo, 105 byf, 108 cedif, 400 cely, 559 cena, 217 cenif, 218 citif, 209 cudzi, 461 čar, 238 čas, 560 často, 244 časty, 244 čemer, 236 červ, 246 česa(, 231 čierny, 247 cieva, 438 čisty, 405 čitat; 401 človek, 484 čremcha, 239 čren, 238

črevo, 559 čfieda, 239 črieslo, 240 črie(, 247 dan, 146 daf, 147 davaf, 530 dech, 148 decht, 119 delif, m den, 127 desat; 124 desiaty, 124 devėif, 126 deviaty, 126 diky, 129 dlaba, 113 dlan, 121 dlap, 113 d/ato, 556 dlhy, 199 dochnuf, 148 dom, 328 drahy, 530 draf, 132 drevo, 123 drief, 123 drozd, 431 droždie, 135 druh, 137 drnh, 136 drzy, 136 duha, 114 duch, 118 dupa, 116 dupa, 116 dupa, 116 duša, 117 duži, 117 dvakrat, 229 dvor, 149 dychaf, 148 dym, 145 hl'adaf, 534 hladky, 183 hlina, 182 hliva, 182 hn ida, 183

INDICES hniezdo, 290 hnus, 184 hnuf, 192 hoj, 162 honit; 164 hora, 178 horief, 165 hrad, 164 hrada, 189 hrdlo, 195 hriebsf, 186 hriva, 535 hnnief, 191 hromada, 191 hrsf, 536 hrubf, 190 hruda, 191 hryzf, 185 hus, 514 hU.Sf, 166 hustf, 536 hutnf, 536 hviezda, 523 chabif, 407 chabf, 407 chomut, 223 chvoja, 410 ihla, 555 ikra, 199 il, 537 il, 537 imelo, 54 inf, 201, 501 iskaf, 198 isf, 151 iva, 198 jablko, 340 jahoda, 480 jalovica, 526 jalovf, 526 jarka, 154 jasen, 481 jasnf, 45 jaf, 200 jazero, 158 jazva, 46 jazyk, 285 jedl'a, 151

jeleii, 152 jelcha, 50 jemelo, 54 jerab, 212 jeseii, 555 jeseter, 156 jesf, 157 jež, 160 jeier, 158 jmelo, 54 jucha, 216 kameii, 47 kašel; 254 kašlaf, 254 kde, 265 ker, 246 klasf, 252 klaf, 222 klat, 221 kliešte, 252 kmeii, 224 kol, 263 koleno, 235 kopa, 225 kopaf, 225 kopt, 268 korif, 218 koterf, 232 kotorf, 232 kotrf, 232 kova(, 234 krakaf, 260 kratky, 230 krava, 230 kremeii, 539 krh, 261 krch, 261 kričat; 259 kridlo, 409 krieslo, 257 krivf, 256 kropif, 408 krpa, 266 kruk, 258 krupy, 540 krvnf, 261 kryf, 256 kuna, 242

6 47 kurit; 267 kU.Saf, 231 kuf, 234 kut, 224 kf, 230 kyj, 262 kyla, 262 kypie(, 264 laba, 292 lačnf, 49 l'ad, 277 l'ahkf, 280 lako(, 51 laii, 153 l'an, 287 laf, 293 leb, 294 ledva, 510 ledvo, 510 lekno, 295 lemeš, 278 letief, 278 lhaf, 295 lieska, 276 liezf, 543 list, 271 lizaf, 285 lomif, 272 lopata, 293 losos, 274 lub, 296 /Uč, 561 lučif, 273 l'udia, 281 luh, 560 luhaf, 295 luk, 273 /Uka, 272 luna, 561 IUpif, 276 lyko, 296 mach, 326 machaf, 323 mak, 44 makky, 319 maknUf, 318 mamif, 323 mi:iso, 312

miif, 319 mava(, 324 mech, 299 med, 309 medza, 309 menif, 299 meno, 556 mesiac, 311 miast; 314 mier, 316 miesif, 300 m igaf, 315 mih, 315 m ilf, 316 mladenec, 562 mlady, 561 mlief, 303 m fzf, 311 mnief, 318 mocf, 298 modla, 302 modlif, 302 moj, 561 mokrf, 301 mor, 305 more, 305 mošna, 301 mreža, 543 mrief, 321 mrknuf, 320 mučif, 305 mucha, 326 mudry, 303 myf, 307 na, 338 nahf, 339 naf, 337 navif, 338 ne, 331 nebo, 118 necht, 327 neres, 333 neresf, 333 ni, 331 nies(, 334 nif, 335 noc, 328 noha, 327

INDICES

648 nos, 336 novy, 330 nozdra, 330 nudza, 562 obuf, 73 ocitnouf sa, 216 od(o), 66 odolief, 114 ohen, 478 oraf, 61 orech, 382 orei, 155 orol, 155 OS, 63 osa, 488 osem, 65 osmy, 64 osol, 62 ost; 48 ostry, 64 ovca, 74 ovos, 74 pamiif, 319 pas, 214 piif, 351 piita, 352 pazucha, 545 pchaf, 359 peklo, 355 pena, 418 pera, 106 perna, 106 pero, 419 peš(, 353 piad', 420 piaty, 351 pichaf, 359 piecf, 238 piest, 354 pfsaf, 354 pif, 563 plamen, 348 plavy, 343 plen, 350 plesen, 349 pieva, 350 plny, 356 plt; 546

pluca, 362 pluf, 364 pl'u ti, 422 pnuf, 356 pozde, 345 prah, 352 prach, 545 prasa, 344 pražif, 423 priasf, 423 prosif, 370 prsia, 358 prskaf, 370 prst, 358 pupek, 343 pusty, 563 pUt', 563 puto, 344 pfr, 372 rad, 383 radlo, 60 rak, 155 rakyta, 533 ramii, 203 riedky, 547 rihaf, 385 roh, 375 rokyta, 533 rosa, 376 rov, 379 rub, 385 rudy, 377 ruka, 376 rvaf, 379 rydlo, 547 ryf, 379 sad, 416 sadit', 417 sadza, 435 saf, 552 sedem, 393 sedief, 391 sen, 389 seno, 447 sestra, 395 sever, 447 siaf, 395 siedmy, 394

sien, 549 sief, 386 sila, 397 siry, 442 sito, 397 sivy, 451 slaby, 411 sladky, 388 slama, 548 slava, 453 slina, 550 slnce, 390 slovo, 452 sluka, 412 slušaf, 249 smiaf, 551 smrad, 414 smrdief, 415 smrf, 321 sneh, 416 snovaf, 551 socha, 439 sol; 548 spief, 420 srdce, 449 srien, 444 srna, 429 sršen, 450 srst; 451 stan, 429 stary, 430 staf, 430 stavif, 430 sto, 448 stoh, 426 stol, 426 straka, 440 streda, 443 striebro, 396 stryc, 432 stržen, 565 su-, 388 suchy, 390 suk, 67 sušit', 391 sviity, 456 svokor, 446 syn, 435

sypaf, 436 syr, 437 syty, 418 šesf, 446 šiesty, 446 šif, 400 štit, 404 fažky, 467 temny, 458 ten, 459 tenky, 464 tesat; 459 tiahnouf, 466 tiecf, 462 tisfc, 473 tlapa, 292 tlcf, 463 tma, 553 tok, 457 treti, 470 tri, 471 trief, 468 trst; 472 trud, 472 trup, 566 trut, 469 tučny, 460 tuk, 459 tur, 460 tvar, 477 tvar, 477 tvor, 476 tvrdy, 477 ty, 473 tylo, 474 učif, 208 uhol; 55 uhor, 56, 479 uhor, 479 ucho, 71 ui; 70 ulica, 70 um, 71 usta, 482 už, 207 uzky, 56 uzol, 75 v(o), 197

INDICES vari(, 554 včela, 91 vdova, 567 večer, 485 vedef, 566 vedro, 494 vek, 501 veko, 509 ves, 502 veverica, 510 viaf, 499 vid, 494 videf, 495 viest, 499 vietor, 500 viezf, 500 vichor, 501 vir, 505 vif, 508 vlcidaf, 486 vlaha, 486 vlak, 487 vlha, 509 vlhky, 503 vliecf, 504 vlk, 503 vlna, 504 voda, 488 voditi, 484 v6l'a, 487 vosk, 493 vozif, 493 vrah, 490 vrana, 490 vrcita, 492 vrcitif, 492 vfba, 505 vrch, 506 vres, 507 vrief, 507 vrstva, 491 vrtef, 506 vtcik, 374 vy, 215 vydra, 477 z(o), 206 žaba, 557 žalud', 175

zaf, 516 žaf, 170 zavrief, 498 zelenj, 512 zem, 516 zima, 518 zlato, 554 znaf, 520 zora, 513 zriet; 517 zrno, 520 zub, 512 zubor, 433 zver, 524 že, 212 železo, 169 žena, 558 žeriav, 172 žiadaf, 345 žial; 167 žila, 179 žif, 179 život, 180 živj, 180 žl'aza, 169 žlč, 475 žlna, 176 žltj, 169 žriedlo, 172

Old Slovak dciti, 147 jinie, 201 Upper Sorbian bledy, 92 bl6to, 80 bludzic, 93 bluzna, 96 bojec so, 89 bosy, 83 brac, 88 bratr, 102 brciza, 88 br6d, 97 broda, 82 brodaty, 82 brodiic, 97

6 49 br6n, 81 brazda, 91 bučee, 84 cydiic, 400 cywa, 438 cemny, 458 cma, 553 čerw, 246 čorny, 247 črjewo, 560 črj6da, 239 črj6slo, 240 draby, 135 drob, 531 dwerja, 147 dw6r, 149 dien, 127 diiki, 129 hlowa, 162 hora, 178 hr6d, 164 jablon, 339 jasen, 481 jasotr, 156 jec, 213 jedi, 151 jemjel, 54 jerbina, 203 jerjab, 212 jesetr, 156 jezer, 158 jež, 160 kmen, 224 kolp, 192 kotry, 232 kr6wa, 230 kruwa, 230 lac, 280 ledma, 510 len, 287 leska, 276 lochc, 51 l6chc, 51 16d, 277 lom, 272 luska, 542 mech, 299 med, 309

mjeza, 309 mlec, 303 moch, 326 m6ch, 326 njebjo, 118 n6c, 328 nochc, 327 pčola, 91 pena, 418 pjata, 352 pluwa, 350 pr6h, 352 pfasc, 423 pfeCiwo, 546 redki, 547 sl6dki, 388 sloma, 548 solobik, 564 s6n, 389 sowjer, 447 spech, 419 srjeda, 443 sroka, 440 sr6ka, 440 syc, 205 syc, 395 sydom, 393 sylobik, 564 šesc, 446 šesty, 446 tcha, 96 t6n, 459 wčola, 91 wichor, 501 wloha, 486 wohen, 478 wola, 487 w6lša, 50 worjol, 155 wosa, 154 w6som, 65 w6st, 65 wres, 507 wrj6s, 507 wr6h, 490 wrota, 492 wuhor, 479 wuknyc, 214

650 žadac, 345 žalza, 169 žolma, 176

Lower Sorbian bledy, 92 bloli, 80 blužiš, 93 bluzna, 96 blysk, 95 b6jaš se, 89 bosy, 83 bra5, 88 bratr, 102 bratš, 102 breza, 88 brod, 97 broda, 82 brodaty, 82 broli, 81 brazda, 91 broziš, 97 bžeš, 104 carny, 247 cerw, 246 cola, 91 gla, 555 herjel, 155 herjol, 155 horal, 155 jabloli, 339 jaboln, 339 jemjol, 54 jerjel, 155 jerjol, 155 jesotr, 156 jes, 213 jež, 151 k6tary, 232 lajai, 294 lec, 280 leska, 276 mawa5, 324 nokš, 327 pata, 352 pcha, 96 pcola, 91 pršešiwo, 546

INDICES psesc, 423 sec, 205 sedym, 393 seš, 395 wichar, 501 wichor, 501 wogeli, 478 wola, 487 w6sa, 154 woset, 65 wosom, 65 wosym, 65 wugof, 479 zalza, 169 žalza, 169 žedaš, 345

Polish a, 339 baba, 96 bac się, 89 bare, 107 bawic, 108 beltac, 90 bialy, 78 bieda, 85 biegac, 86 biel, 77 bielaw, 77 bies, 77 bladny, 338 blady, 92 blaknqc, 338 blask, 528 blizna, 96 bluc, 94 blwac, 94 blqd, 93 blqdzic, 93 blona, 79, 80 bloto, 80 blyszczec, 95 bosy, 83 b6br, 85 bose, 89 brac, 88 brat, 102 brew, 103

brnqc, 101 broda, 82 brodaty, 82 brodzic, 97 broli, 81 br6c się, 82 br6d, 97 brusic, 98 brusznica, 103 bruzda, 91 brzask, 99 brzoza, 88 brzuch, 346 buczee, 84 budzic, 83 byc, 108 bydlo, 105 bywac, 108 bzdziee, 89 caly, 559 cedzic, 400 cena, 217 cenic, 218 chlqd, 406 choja, 410 chomqt, 223 chrobry, 550 chybac, 410 ciqc, 467 ciqgnqc, 466 ciec, 462 ciemny, 458 cienki, 464 cię:iki, 46 7 ciosac, 459 cucic, 209 czar, 238 czarny, 247 czas, 560 czczy, 475 czemier, 236 czerstwy, 247 czerw, 246 czesac, 231 często, 244 częsty, 244 czlowiek, 484 czmiel, 223

cztery, 241 czujny, 109 czwarty, 242 czworo, 241 czysty, 405 czytac, 401 dac, 147 dqc, 145 dali, 146 dawac, 530 dqzyc, 115 dech, 148 dęga, 114 dlapa, 292 dloli, 121 dlugi, 199 dluto, 556 dno, 144 doba, 110 dola, 113 dom, 328 drqg, 136 dreszcz, 142 drogi, 530 drozd, 431 dro:id:ie, 135 drzee, 123 drzewo, 123 drzwi, 147 duch, 118 dupa, 116 dusza, 117 dužo, 117 du:iy, 117 dwa, 143 dwoje, 149 dw6r, 149 dychac, 148 dym, 145 dziac, 125 dziad, 118 dzialac, 121 dziegiee, 119 dziela, 120 dzielic, m dzieli, 127 dziergac, 131 dzierzgac, 131

65 1

INDICES dziesiqty, 124 dziesięc, 124 dziewiqty, 126 dziewięc, 126 dziki, 129 gad, 167 gardlo, 195 garse, 536 gasic, 173 gifSc, 166 gdzie, 265 gęsty, 536 gęs, 514 giqc, 192 glina, 182 glabac, 181 gladki, 183 globic, 180 glowa, 162 gnac, 177 gniazdo, 290 gniazdo, 290 gnida, 183 gnus, 184 gody, 194 godzic, 534 gom6la, 163 gonic, 164 gorszy, 61 gorzec, 165 g6ra, 178 grabic, 189 gręby, 190 gromada, 191 gr6d, 164 gruby, 190 gruda, 191 grudzic, 185 gryžc, 185 grzesc, 186 grzęda, 189 grzmiei, 191 grzywa, 535 guga, 196 gwiazda, 523 ic, 151 igla, 555 ikra, 199

il, 537 imię, 557 imiola, 54 imiono, 557 inny, 201, 501 iskac, 198 isty, 537 isc, 151 iwa, 198 ja, 63 jablko, 340 jablon, 339 jagoda, 480 jalowica, 526 jalowy, 526 jamiola, 54 jar, 154 jarka, 154 jarzqb, 212 jarzqbek, 212 jasien, 481 jasion, 481 jasny, 45 jaszcz, 159 jaszcz6r, 403 jaszczur, 403 jaszczurka, 403 jawia, 208 jawic, 341 jawny, 341 jaz, 159 jazgar, 159 jazgarz, 159 jazgier, 159 jazgierz, 159 jaždž, 159 jqc, 200 jqtrew, 211 jedla, 151 jegla, 555 jelen, 152 jel, 537 jemiesz, 278 jemiola, 54 jesiec, 46 jesien, 481, 555 jesion, 481 jesiory, 158

jesi6tka, 46 jesiotr, 156 jest, 157 je5c, 157 jewnia, 208 jei, 160 jezioro, 158 jęczee, 202 jędza, 153 język, 285 jodla, 151 jownia, 208 ju, 207 jucha, 216 jugo, 213 jutro, 72 juž, 207 kaki, 253 kamien, 47 karpa, 266 kasac, 231 kaszel, 254 kaszlac, 254 kqsac, 231 kqt, 224 kęsac, 231 ki, 230 kiel, 263 kielb, 244 kien, 224 kierz, 246 kij, 262 kila, 262 kipiee, 264 kisac, 541 klee, 250 klęczei, 250 kleszcze, 252 kliszawy, 252 kla5c, 252 klota, 221 kluc, 222 kolano, 235 kopa, 225 kopai, 225 kopiee, 268 korzyc, 218 kowac, 234

k6l, 263 krakac, 260 kra5c, 539 krech, 261 krew, 255 krewny, 261 kroba, 226 kropic, 408 krowa, 230 kr6tki, 230 kruk, 258 krupny, 255 krupy, 540 kryc, 256 krzaslo, 257 krzemien, 539 krzeslo, 257 krzyczec, 259 krzydlo, 409 krzywy, 256 kui, 234 kulsza, 263 kuna, 242 kurzyc, 267 lac, 284 laska, 276 lecha, 289 leciee, 278 ledwie, 510 ledwo, 510 lekki, 280 lemiesz, 278 len, 287 ležc, 543 Zgnqc, 288 list, 271 lizac, 285 16d, 277 ludzie, 281 lajai, 294 lam, 292 lapa, 292 lasy, 291 lqczyc, 273 lqg, 279, 560 lqka, 272 leb, 294 lęk, 273

6 52 lęt, 280 lgac, 295 l6dž, 152 lokac, 271 lokiee, 51 lom, 271 lomic, 272 lopata, 293 losos, 274 lub, 296 luna, 561 lupic, 276 luska, 542 luža, 290 lyko, 296 machac, 323 mak, 44 mamic, 323 manic, 323 margai, 320 mqdry, 303, 304 mqka, 318 mech, 326 melnia, 544 męczyc, 305 mgla, 317 mial, 414 miana, 298 miano, 557 miqc, 319 miech, 299 miedza, 309 mienic, 299 mierzchnqc, 320 miesiqc, 311 miesic, 300 miesc, 313 mię, 562 miękki, 319 mięknqc, 318 mięso, 312 mily, 316 miono, 557 mi6d, 309 mir, 316 mknqc, 325 mlee, 303 mlody, 561

INDICES mlodzieniec, 562 mnie, 303 modla, 302 modlic, 302 mokry, 301 m6r, 305 morze, 305 moszna, 301 m6c, 298 m6j, 561 mrok, 320 mrugac, 320 mrzee, 321 mrzost, 333 mucha, 326 myc, 307 na, 338 nac, 337 nagi, 339 na5miewano, 334 nerest, 333 nędza, 562 ni, 331 nic, 335 nie, 331 niebo, 118 niesc, 334 noc, 328 noga, 327 nogiee, 327 nora, 328 nos, 336 nowy, 330 nozdrze, 330 n6ra, 328 nura, 328 oba, 43 obora, 59 obuc, 73 ocknqc się, 216 od(e), 66 ogien, 478 oko, 47 olcha, 50 olesie, 50 olsza, 50

orati, 61 orzech, 382 orzel, 155 osa, 154, 488 oset, 65 osiec, 46 osiem, 65 osina, 154 osiol, 62 osiory, 158 osi6tka, 46 oskard, 565 ostryj, 64 OS, 63 OSC, 48 oscien, 48 owad, 480 owca, 74 owies, 74 osmy, 64 pamięc, 319 pas, 214 pazucha, 545 pqc, 563 pqgwica, 546 pchac, 359 pchla, 96 pczela, 91 pczola, 91 pelny, 356 perz, 372 pęp, 343 pępek, 343 pęto, 344 piana, 418 piasta, 354 piqc, 356 piqty, 351 pic, 563 piec, 238 pieklo, 355 piers, 358 pierwszy, 357 pieszy, 353 pięc, 351 piędž, 420 pięta, 352 pi6ro, 419

pisac, 354 piskac, 359 piszczee, 359 plesn, 349 plesz, 366 plewa, 350 plon, 350 pluc, 422 plwac, 422 plet, 363, 546 plomien, 348 plowy, 343 pluco, 362 po, 368 podbrzusze, 346 popi6l, 349 pragnqc, 423 pražyc, 423 proch, 545 prosic, 370 prosię, 344 pr6g, 352 prza5ny, 370 przq5c, 423 prze-, 352 przeciew, 546 przec, 353 przy, 371 pszczola, 91 ptak, 374 ptak, 374 pur, 373 pura, 373 pusty, 563 radlo, 60 rak, 155 ramię, 203 rqb, 385 ręka, 376 rokita, 533 rosa, 376 r6g, 375 r6w, 379 r6zga, 379 rudy, 377 rwac, 379 ryc, 379 rzadki, 547

INDICES rzfĮd, 383 rzyc, 382 rzygac, 385 sadza, 435 sadzic, 417 sanie, 454 sarna, 429 są-, 388 sen, 389 ser, 437 serce, 449 sęk, 67 siac, 395 siano, 447 siąknqc, 392 sią§c, 395 sidlo, 67 siec, 205 sid, 386 siedem, 393 siedm, 393 siedzid, 391 siemię, 393 sien, 549 siersc, 451 sila, 397 siolo, 387 siostra, 395 si6dmy, 394 sito, 397 siwy, 451 skrobac, 407 slaby, 411 slawa, 453 slodki, 388 sloma, 548 slomka, 412 slonce, 390 slowik, 564 slowo, 452 sluszac, 249 smr6d, 414 snuc, 551 socha, 439 soczyc, 387 sok, 387 s6l, 548 srebro, 396

sroka, 440 ssac, 552 stac, 430 stan, 429 stary, 430 stawic, 430 sto, 448 st6g, 426 st6l, 426 str6ž, 389 strumien, 424 strup, 378 stryj, 432 strzec, 394 suc, 436 suchy, 390 sum, 440 suszyc, 391 suwac, 441 syn, 435 sypac, 436 syty, 418 szczerba, 405 szczyt, 404 szerszen, 450 szesc, 446 szorstki, 451 sz6sty, 446 szren, 444 szron, 444 szyc, 400 sciežka, 551 slina, 550 smiac, 551 smierc, 321 smierdzid, 415 5nieg, 416 sroda, 443 swiekr, 446 swięty, 456 taki, 468 tchnąc, 148 ten, 459 tlo, 465 tloczyc, 463 tloka, 457 tl6ka, 457 tluc, 463

6 53 tok, 457 trqd, 469 trqt, 469 tresc, 472 trud, 472 trup, 566 trut, 469 truten, 469 trzeci, 470 trzd, 468 trzemcha, 239 trzem ucha, 239 trzewo, 560 trzoda, 239 trzon, 238 trzosla, 240 trz6sla, 240 trzy, 471 tuczny, 460 tuk, 459 tur, 460 twardy, 477 twarz, 477 tw6r, 476 ty, 473 tyl, 474 tysiqc, 473 u, 68, 556 u-, 556 ucho, 71 uczyc, 208 ul, 70 ulica, 70 um, 71 usta, 482 ustrząc, 432 utulic, 457 warstwa, 491 warzyc, 554 wqs, 566 wąski, 56 wąž, 55 wdowa, 567 w(e), 197 welna, 504 węgiel, 55 węgorz, 479 węzel, 75

wiac, 499 wiadro, 494 wiatr, 500 wic, 508 wicher, 501 widziec, 495 wiecz6r, 485 wiedziec, 566 wiek, 501 wieko, 509 wiercic, 506 wiersza, 492 wierzba, 505 wierzch, 506 wies, 502 wiesc, 499 wiewi6rka, 510 wiežc, 500 wilczyca, 503 wilga, 509 wilgi, 503 wilk, 503 wiosna, 493 wir, 505 witac, 502 wiwielga, 509 wlec, 504 wladac, 486 wlok, 487 wl6k, 487 wn-, 197 woda, 488 wodzic, 484 wola, 487 wosk, 493 wozic, 493 wrona, 490 wrota, 492 wr6cic, 492 wr6g, 490 wrzec, 507 wrzeszczd, 497 wrzos, 507 wuj, 74 wy, 215 wydra, 477 wywilga, 509 wywiolga, 509

6 54 zastrzqc, 432 zawrzeč, 498 zqb, 512 z(e), 206 ziač, 520 ziarno, 520 zięč, 516, 517 zielony, 512 ziemia, 516 zima, 518 zloto, 554 znač, 520 zolzy, 169 zorza, 513 žr6dlo, 172 žaba, 557 žal, 167 žalobnik, 442 žqc, 170 žqdac, 345 že, 212 žec, 119 želazo, 169 žolqdž, 175 žona, 558 ž6lč, 475 žalty, 169 ž6lwi, 533 ž6lwie, 533 žrec, 172 žubr, 433 žuraw, 172 zwierz, 524 žyc, 179 žyla, 179 žyto, 557 žywot, 180 žywy, 180

Old Polish biada, 85 blona, 79 bluzna, 96 bratr, 102 brzazg, 99 bydlo, 105 czrzoda, 239 czterzy, 241

INDICES cztwarty, 242 cztyrze, 241 czysč, 553 debrz, 532 dęga, 114 drač, 132 droždža, 135 drug, 137 dura, 147 dziewierz, 128 gqz, 196 giža, 196 ględač, 534 ględziee, 534 globič, 180 golęby, 170 ikro, 199 jablo, 340 jqkač, 202 jai, 213 jaro, 154 jasien, 481 jasiotr, 156 jaz, 63 jedl, 151 jedla, 151 jedwa, 510 jedwo, 510 jemiol, 54 jemiola, 54 jemiolo, 54 jesiotr, 156 ješm, 157 ježdžyk, 159 justrzejszy, 72 justrzenka, 72 karpa, 266 kasač, 231 kasa, 231 krupy, 540 kry, 255 krzaslo, 257 lecha, 289 lemiesz, 278 lemięsz, 278 leny, 279 lic, 284 limiesz, 278

lnqč, 288 luby, 269 laczny, 49 lani, 153 lania, 153 lodzia, 152 lokač, 271 lom, 271 luna, 561 mat, 324 mial, 414 miel, 414 mnieč, 318 mrost, 333 mrzeža, 543 niee, 332 niesč, 332 niesciora, 332 ninie, 338 nozdrza, 330 nozdrze, 330 nynie, 338 ofiera, 69 ol6w, 53 ošm, 65 owien, 73 pica, 354 pieršč, 357 pierwy, 357 pkiel, 355 ploski, 545 przasny, 370 pyrz, 372 rataj, 62 sani, 454 sierce, 449 sierszen, 450 som, 440 ščdza, 551 srzebro, 396 szulo, 455 tluka, 457 trant, 469 tszczy, 475 utolič, 457 wlodač, 486 wola, 487 wszy, 507

zarza, 513 zorza, 513 zubr, 433 zqbr, 433 zqbrz, 433 žrzee, 517 žarstwa, 525 žerstwa, 525

Kashubian bli'zna, 96 hazajce, 433 jarzbina, 203 jerzbina, 203 kelb, 244 kelp, 244 kėlp, 192 kwlp, 192 v;iblėknpc, 338 zajci!, 433 zblėknpc, 338 jwšč, 159 jwžj, 159 Slovincian babii, 96 biifdii, 91 bfdle, 105 bjięgiic, 86 bjiiųli', 78 bladf, 92 blq3ec, 93 bloųn, 80 bl1'11te, 80 briisc, 101 briit, 102 bredati; 82 br1'11dii, 82 brn11za, 88 b1'11jec sq, 89 cię3ec, 400 čds, 560 drm, 145 droųzd, 431 droJJg, 136 dvii, 143 dvor, 149 3ięvjinc, 126

655

INDICES 3frzi', 136

ftdt'X> 374

glana, 182 gnliyzde, 290 griibf� 190 grasc, 185 jqkac, 202 jięgla, 555 jięsc, 157 jięzora, 158 j uxa, 216 jable, 340 jasoyn, 481 jie, 151 karn, 540 kąsac, 231 kluęc, 222 ke·rjp, 192 kifyt, 224 kra, 255 krapii, 540 krek, 258 kruę, 199 kfidle, 409 kuka, 232 zast, 271 l&yska, 276 Iebi, 269 lega, 279 lemješ, 278 lempž, 278 lięsc, 543 lnifyc, 288 lajac, 294 lqt, 280 margac 320 mjiex, 299 mluęc, 303 mfięža, 543 muęlnliy, 544 pary, 352 pxza, 96 pjinc, 351 plięva, 366 pl� te, 364 rak, 155 sa3ac, 417 sqk, 67 ,

sarka, 440 shem, 393 sneg, 416 strap, 378 stfifyda, 239 ščit, 404 šięsc, 446 tluęka, 457 trifyd, 469 triid, 472 vješčięfiica, 403 vjic, 508 vjige, 213 vuęgoyn, 478 vuęsem, 65

Polabian ait, 151 blcln, 80 b/ana, 80 blaxa, 96 brada, 82 brot, 102 cela, 92 jagla, 555 jaista, 202 jakra, 199 jeserai, 158 jptra, 559 layze, 290 mauna, 544 mi.izdeni.i, 413 mi.izdin, 413 peta, 352 Serbo-Croatian a, 339 biiba, 96 biidar, 105 biivit, 108 biiviti se, 108 bazdjeti, 89 bdjeti, 104 bez, 84 bijeda, 85 bl'jel, 78 bl'jes, 77 bl'ti, 108

bivati, 108 bjegati, 86 blato, 80 blazina, 81 blejati, 528 blesti, 94 bli'jed, 92 bli'jesak, 528 bliještati (se), 95 blfz, 94 bli'zak, 94 blizna, 96 bli'zna, 96 blfzna, 96 bli'zno, 96 bljuvati, 94 blud, 93 bluditi, 93 bo, 75 bodar, 105 bodar, 105 bOjati se, 89 bos, 83 bOsti, 89 brada, 82 bradat, 82 bran, 81 briišno, 527 brat, 102 brati, 88 brazda, 91 breda, 87 breknuti, 101 breme, 87 brez, 88 breza, 88 brijeCi, 90 bfknuti, 103 bflog, 450 brod, 97 broditi, 97 brUsiti, 98 brU5nica, 103 britt, 98 bfv, 103 bfz, 104 brzdica, 104 bučati, 84

buditi, 83 buha, 96 cijediti, 400 ci'jel, 559 cijena, 217 cijeniti, 218 ci'jev, 438 cri'jemuša, 239 crijevo, 560 cfn, 247 cfv, 246 čiis, 560 čela, 92 čeljad, 244 čemer, 236 česati, 231 čest, 244 četiri, 241 četver, 241 četvrti, 242 čl'st, 405 čisti, 553 čitati, 401 čovjek, 484 čovjek, 484 čreda, 239 črez, 403 črijeslo, 240, 245 čvfst, 247 cutjeti, 209 dabar, 85 dah, 148 dahnuti, 148 dan, 146 dan, 127 dati, 147 davati, 530 debeo, 531 debri, 532 deset, 124 desea, 124 desni, 124 devet, 126 deveti, 126 dihati, 148 dijel, 120 dijeliti, 111 dl'm, 145

INDICES

65 6 dji!d, 118 djelati, 121 djelo, 112 djesti, 125 djeti, 125 djever, 128 dliika, 291 dliin, 121 dlijėto, 120, 556 dno, 144 doba, 110 dom, 328 dospjeti, 420 drag, 530 drapati, 135 drati, 132 drijėti, 123, 132 dri'jevo, 123 dr6ba, 135 droban, 531 drobina, 135 drozak, 431 drozd, 431 drožda, 135 drag, 136, 137 di'znuti, 140 dubiti, 129 dug, 199 duga, 114 duga, 114 duh, 118 duh, 118 dupe, 116 duša, 117 duti, 145 dva, 143 dvari, 147 dveri, 147 dvogub, 150 dvoji, 149 dvor, 149 giid, 167 ganuti, 192 gasiti, 173 giiziti, 185 gdje, 265 gl'(d)ža, 196 gliidak, 183

glava, 162 gledati, 534 glji'va, 182 gniiti, 177 gnijėzdo, 290 gnji'da, 183 gnji'la, 182 gnils, 184 god, 194 goditi, 110, 534 goj, 162 golem, 162 gomolja, 163 goniti, i64 gora, 178 gorjeti, 165 griibiti, 189 grad, 191 grad, 164 griijati, 190 gramada, 190 gramada, 190 greda, 189 grėpsti, 186 gresti, 187 grėsti, 187 grl's ti, 185 griva, 535 gi'lo, 195 grmada, 191 grmljeti, 191 gromada, 191 gromada, 191 gfst, 536 grnb, 190 grnda, 191 gab, 192 gast, 536 glisti, 166 habiti, 407 hl(j)eb, 406 hOmot, 223 hOmut, 223 hrabar, 550 hv6ja, 410 hvoja, 410 iCi, 151 igla, 555

igo, 213 ikra, 199 il, 537 i'me, 557 imela, 54 i'n, 201, 501 inje, 201 iskati, 198 i'skra, 206 isti, 151 i'sti, 537 iti, 151 i'va, 198 l'z, 206 ja, 63 jiibuka, 340 jiibuko, 340 jdd, 151 jagla, 555 jiigoda, 480 jiihati, 213 jiilov, 168, 526 jiilovica, 526 jar, 154 jiira, 154 jiireb, 212 jiirka, 154 jarka, 154 jiisan, 45 jiisen, 481 jasika, 154 jiister, 403 jiišterica, 403 javi, 341 javiti, 341 jiiz, 63 jaz, 159 jaž, 159 jaža, 159 je, 157 ji!cati, 202 ječati, 202 jėdva, 510 jekati, 202 jekati, 202 jela, 151 ji!la, 151 jėlen, 152

jelha, 50 jelša, 50 jėmeš, 278 jėsam, 157 jesen, 555 jėsetra, 156 jėsika, 154 ji!st, 157 jesti, 157 jeti, 200 ji!tra, 559 jetra, 559 jetrva, 211 ji!trva, 211 jetrva, 211 jez, 159 jezer, 158 ji!zero, 158 jėzik, 285 jež, 160 j igla, 555 jigo, 213 juha, 216 jun, 209 jutro, 72 kakz, 253 kiiki, 253 kai, 263 kiimen, 47 kiisan, 267 kiisati, 231 kiišalj, 254 kašljati, 254 kci, 145 kij, 262 ki'la, 262 kipjeti, 264 kisati, 541 kl'sati, 541 kliisti, 252 kliiti, 222 klato, 221 klečati, 250 kll'cati, 251 klijėšta, 252 klijėšte, 252 kll'jet, 250 kll'kati, 251

6 57

INDICES kljuka, 252 kojr, 230 koljeno, 235 kopa, 225 kopa, 225 kopati, 225 kar, 218 korijen, 238 koriti, 218 kasa, 231 kateri, 232 kovati, 234 krdj, 259 krakati, 260 kri:lsti, 260, 539 krdt, 229 kratak, 230 krava, 230 kremen, 539 kričati, 259 krilo, 409 kri'ti, 256 kriv, 256 kfn, 540 kfnja, 540 kfnja, 540 krojiti, 259 kropiti, 408 ki'pa, 266 kruh, 261 krtlpa, 540 krilpa, 540 krupa, 540 krtipan, 255 krilpan, 255 kfv, 255 kfvan, 261 krvn1, 261 kfvnf, 261 kuf, 193 kuk, 262 kuka, 232 kuna, 242 kup, 233 kup, 193 kuriti, 267 ktisati, 231 kut, 224

lačan, 49 liida, 152 lagak, 280 lagati, 295 lajati, 294 lak, 280 lakat, 51 Iam, 292 lan, 287 lane, 153 lapa, 292 led, 277 lėmeš, 278 lėmež, 278 lėtjeti, 278 leviti, 282 lijėha, 289 ll'jen, 279 lijep, 270 lijėska, 276 ll'k, 296 ll'ko, 296 list, 271 ll'ti, 284 lizati, 285 lokati, 271 lOm, 272 lOm, 272 lomiti, 272 lOpata, 293 lub, 296 lUč, 561 lučiti, 273 lud, 289 lug, 279, 560 lak, 273 luka, 272, 529 lUna, 561 Zupiti, 276 lUska, 542 luža, 290 ljesti, 543 ljubav, 282 ljubov, 282 ljudi, 281 lj Ciska, 542 magia, 317 mdh, 326

mahati, 323 majati, 324 mak, 44 maknuti, 325 mamiti, 323 maniti, 323 mati, 324 mazati, 315 me, 304, 562 med, 309 mėda, 309 mek, 319 meknuti, 318 mel, 414 mėla, 54 melj, 414 mene, 304 mene, 304 meso, 312 mesti, 314 mėsti, 314 mig, 315 mi'gati, 315 mi'jeh, 299 mijėna, 298 mijėniti, 299 mijėsiti, 300 mfkati, 543 mi'o, 316 mir, 316 mi'ti, 307 mižati, 322 miždati, 317 mjera, 307 mjesec, 311 mjesto, 321 mldd, 561 mladjenac, 562 mljeti, 303 mni'ti, 318 mnjeti, 318 moCi, 298 moj, 561 mokar, 301 mokar, 301 moliti, 302 mor, 305 mare, 305

mošnja, 301 mOtriti, 307 mozak, 308, 413 moždena, 413 mrak, 320 mreža, 543 mri'jest, 333 mrijėti, 321 mrknuti, 320 mrmljiti, 326 m učiti, 305 mudar, 303 muha, 326 munja, 544 mCisti, 311 na, 338 ndg, 339 ne, 331 nebo, 118 neciik, 332 nėstera, 332 nesti, 334 ni, 331 ni't, 335 noc, 328 noga, 327 nokat, 327 nos, 336 nov, 330 nozdra, 330 nužda, 562 oba, 43 obad, 480 obao, 59 obuti, 73 od(a), 66 odoljeti, 114 oganj, 478 6je, 197 oko, 47 Olavo, 53 omela, 54 on, 54 on, 54 orah, 382 orao, 155 orati, 61 OS, 63

INDICES

658 osa, 488 asam, 65 osao, 62 osmi, 64 ostan, 48 asti, 48 astrov, 424 astve, 48 oštar, 64 aštar, 64 6van, 73 ovan, 73 ovas, 74 6vca, 74 pakao, 355 paliti, 348 parnet, 319 pas, 214 pavit, 508 pazuho, 545 pčela, 92 pea, 238 ped, 420 pepeo, 349 pero, 419 pet, 351 peta, 352 peti, 356 petl, 351 pl'ca, 354 pi'r, 372 pisati, 354 pi'ti, 563 pjena, 418 pješe, 353 plakati, 361 p/amen, 348 pliiv, 343 pll'jen, 350 pll'jesan, 349 pll'ti, 368 pljeva, 350 pljuvati, 422 pluta, 362 plUto, 364 plūta, 364 po, 368 pad, 342

pad, 342 pajas, 214 prag, 352 priih, 545 priise, 344 presti, 423 pri, 371 prid, 371 prijesan, 370 prositi, 370 pfsa, 358 pfsi, 358 pfskati, 370 pfst, 358 pfvl, 357 pi'žiti, 421 ptl'ca, 374 pun, 356 pap, 343 pupak, 343 pupak, 343 pCtst, 563 pat, 563 puto, 344 rak, 155 rakita, 533 ralo, 60 rame, 203 ratiir, 62 razoriti, 60 red, 383 rigati, 385 rijedak, 547 rl'jedki, 547 rl'lo, 547 rl'ti, 379 rog, 375 rasa, 376 rov, 379 razga, 379 rCtb, 385 rud, 377 ruka, 376 tvati, 379 siid, 416 saditi, 417 sam, 157 san, 389

siini, 454 siione, 454 saoni, 454 sasūti, 436 sati, 552 sav, 507 sedam, 393 sedmi, 394 segnuti, 391 selo, 387 sestra, 395 sezati, 391 sl'jati, 395, 398 sl'jeno, 447 sl'la, 397 sfn, 435 sl'pati, 436 sl'r, 437 sl'rov, 436 sl't, 418 sl'to, 397 sl'v, 451 sjeCi, 205 sjediti, 391 sjedjeti, 391 sjeme, 393 sjen, 549 sjesti, 395 sjever, 447 skfbiti, 411 skupsti, 410 slab, 411 sladak, 388 slama, 548 slana, 439 sliip, 388 slatki, 388 slava, 453 slavuj, 564 slavūj, 564 sll'na, 412, 550 s/Ovo, 452 slitšati, 249 smijati, 551 smriid, 414 smfdjeti, 415 smft, 321 snl'jeg, 416

snovati, 551 s6, 548 sočiti, 387 soha, 439 sok, 387 sam, 440 spjena, 418 si'ce, 449 srebro, 396 srijeda, 443 srl'jemuša, 444 sfna, 429 si'šljenj, 450 stiin, 429 star, 430 stiiri, 430 stati, 430 staviti, 430 staza, 551 stenjati, 427 stl'Ci, 427 štft, 404 sto, 426, 448 stag, 426 stog, 426 strfc, 432 struja, 424 strCtp, 378 suh, 390 sunee, 390 sušiti, 391 sviist, 437 svekar, 446 svekrva, 455 svet, 456 svraka, 440 šCf, 145 šest, 446 šestt, 446 šl'ti, 400 š/juka, 412 šulj, 455 tiij, 459 taki, 468 tama, 553 taman, 458 tiiman, 458 tanak, 464

INDICES tiJ.št, 475 tea, 462 tepsti, 464 tėsati, 459 tetiva, 463 težak, 467 tf, 473 ti'suca, 473 tl'ti, 109, 460, 553 tlaka, 457 tie, 465 tlo, 465 treCi, 470 tri, 471 tfst, 472 tfti, 468 trad, 469, 472 trap, 566 trUt, 469 tua, 463 tad, 461 tUr, 460 tvdr, 477 tvoriti, 476 tvfd, 477 U, 68, 197, 556 u-, 68, 556 učiti, 208 udovica, 567 ugalj, 55 ugljen, 55 ugor, 479 uho, 71 ujac, 74 ujak, 74 ulica, 70 um, 71 usta, 482 utoliti, 457 utva, 57 uvo, 71 uzak, 56 uzao, 75 va-, 197 variti, 554 veče, 485 vėllm, 496

velju, 496 vesna, 493 vesti, 500 vf, 215 vid, 494 vi'djeti, 495 vl'dra, 477 vi'dro, 494 vl'ganj, 478 vi'har, 501 vl'jati, 499 vijedro, 494 vl'jek, 501 vi'knuti, 208, 214 vi'me, 346 vfr, 505 vlti, 508 vjėdro, 494 vjetar, 500 vjeverica, 510 vladati, 486 vlaga, 486 vlak, 487 vldt, 487 voda, 488 voditi, 484 volja, 487 vosak, 493 voziti, 494 vrag, 490 vrdn, 491 vrana, 490 vrata, 492 vratiti, 492 vfba, 505 vreti, 507 vfh, 506 vri'jes, 507 vrištati, 497 vfsta, 491 vfša, 492 vftjeti, 506 vuCi, 504 vučica, 503 vuga, 509 vuk, 503 vuna, 504 zavrijeti, 498

6 59 zelen, 512 zemlja, 516 zepsti, 515 zet, 516 zid, 564 zidati, 519 zijati, 520 z{ma, 518 zjati, 520 zlato, 554 znati, 520 zora, 513 zreti, 517, 520 zfno, 520 zub, 512 zvi'jer, 524 zvijezda, 523 žaba, 557 žilo, 167 ždrijelo, 172 žea, 119 želūd, 175 žėljezo, 169 željūd, 175 žėna, 558 žerav, 172 žeti, 170, 535 žl'ca, 175 ži'la, 179 žl'to, 557 žfv, 180 živjeti, 179 život, 180 žlijėzda, 169 žuč, 475 žuja, 176 žuna, 176 žunja, 176 žut, 169

Č akavian bi(l), 78 biel, 78 bis, 77 bi'ti, 108 bivat, io8 blejati, 528 blfd, 92

b/iet, 92 blišdti se, 95 bljuvat, 94 bojati se, 89 bos, 89 bOsti, 89 brat, 102 brazda, 91 breja, 87 brod, 97 brilzda, 91 buhii, 96 cena, 217 ci(l), 559 cidi'ti, 400 cie(l), 559 eina, 217 cfva, 438 cfn, 247 čas, 560 čela, 92 čela, 92 čemer, 236 česati, 231 četl'ri, 241 četvfti, 242 č'is, 405 či'st, 405 čovlk, 484 čreda, 239 črfvo, 560 čfn, 247 čfv, 246 čfv, 246 čvfst, 247 cer, 145 cūti'ti, 209 dah, 148 d&h, 148 dahnuti, 148 dan, 127 d&n, 127 dilt, 147 dilti, 147 davat, 530 dJvati, 530 debe, 531 delat, 121

INDICES

660 derat, 132 derati, 132 dever, 128 devet, 126 deveti, 126 dev'eti, 126 dld, 118 d'eli't, 111 dlhat, 148 dl'hati, 148 dl'lati, 121 dill'ti, 111 dim, 145 dim, 145 dl'ver, 128 dlan, 121 dliin, 121 dlJn, 121 dno, 144 dobii, 110 doba, 110 daga, 114 dom, 328 drozak, 431 dr&g, 530 dug, 199 duga, 114 dūh, 118 d"or, 149 dūša, 117 dvii, 143 dvJ, 143 dvor, 149 glava, 162 g{edati, 534 griizdo, 290 gnjizlO, 290 g6d, 194 godl't, 534 gonlti, 164 gora, 178 gr&d, 164 greda, 189 gres, 186 grl'sti, 185 gflo, 195 grūb, 190 hCi, 145

hlud, 406 hl"ot, 406 'eš, 160 igla, 555 lme, 557 l'sti, 537 l'sti, 537 jii, 63 jii, 63 jJ, 63 jagoda, 480 jiirka, 154 jiisen, 481 jiišcerica, 403 jazl'k, 285 jedva, 510 jela, 151 jelen, 152 jesen, 481 jesen, 481, 555 jetrva, 211 jetrva, 211 jezero, 158 jež, 160 jl'lo, 537 jfsto, 202 jogla, 555 jūhii, 216 kaš{ati, 254 kipet, 264 kisati, 541 klat, 222 klati, 222 klato, 221 k{ečati, 250 kli'cat, 251 k{l'cati, 251 klišca, 252 kaleno, 235 kopa, 225 kopati, 225 kovati, 234 kriitak, 230 kr&tak, 230 krava, 230 kremen, 539 krif, 256 krij, 255

krflo, 409 kropl'ti, 408 kfpa, 266 krūpa, 540 krūpa, 540 kri'lpan, 255 kfv, 255 kūk, 262 kuka, 232 kup, 233 kūrl't, 267 kut, 224 lačan, 49 lJda, 152 lajati, 294 lakat, 51 lakat, 51 liin, 287 led, 277 lemeš, 278 letl'ti, 278 lfn, 279 list, 271 li'sti, 543 ll'ti, 284 Uzati, 285 lokati, 271 lomi'ti, 272 lopata, 293 lūč, 561 !Ud, 289 lūka, 272 lūna, 561 lūpl't, 276 lūska, 542 {ūbJv, 282 fudi, 281 magia, 317 mah, 326 miit, 324 mati, 324 med, 309 meja, 309 mek, 319 meso, 312 mesti, 314 ml'gati, 315 mih, 299

mina, 298 ml'sec, 311 ml&d, 561 mll'ti, 303 moCi, 298 moj, 561 mokar, 301 moli'ti, 302 mriža, 543 mučiti, 305 mūdar, 303 mūdar, 303 muhii, 326 muha, 326 m"oj, 561 mas, 311 miisti, 311 nebo, 118 nes, 334 nesti, 334 netjiik, 332 nOc', 328 noga, 327 nohat, 327 nos, 336 novi, 330 novi, 330 nozdrva, 330 n"of, 330 odoli'ti, 114 ogan, 478 ogan, 478 on, 54 orati, 61 oreb, 212 orl'h, 382 osa, 488 osa, 488 osam, 65 osan, 65 osmi, 64 6smf, 64 osti, 48 oštiir, 64 pakai, 355 parst, 358 piizoka, 545 piizuha, 545

661

INDICES

pea, 238 pena, 418 pero, 419 pet, 351 petd, 352 peti, 351 pieta, 352 pl'na, 418 pfr, 372 pisati, 354 pi't, 563 pl'ti, 563 p/amen, 348 plena, 365 pieva, 350 pli'va, 350 p/Uca, 362 pfūca, 362 pod, 342 prag, 352 prah, 352 prdh, 545 presti, 423 prosi'ti, 370 pfs, 358 pfst, 358 pugva, 546 pun , 356 pūn , 356 pūst, 563 put, 563 pūt, 563 rak, 155 Raki'ta, 533 ri'gati, 385 rftak, 547 rosa, 376 rūb, 385 rūka, 376 rvati, 379 s(v)a, 507 s( v)ekar, 446 siidi't, 417 sadi'ti, 417 saji, 435 san, 389 sJ n, 389 se, 541

sedam, 393 sedan, 393 sedet, 391 sejat, 398 selo, 387 seno, 447 sesti, 395 sestra, 395 sl'Ci, 205 sidi'ti, 391 si'me, 393 sfn, 435 si'pat, 436 si'pati, 436 sir, 437 sir, 437 si't, 418 ši'ti, 400 si'to, 397

slab, 41l slama, 548 sla na, 439 slap, 41l slava, 453 s/Ovo, 452 s/Ušati, 249 smijati, 551 smrad, 414 smrdeti, 415 snfg, 416 soha, 439 sraka, 440 sfce, 449 srida, 443 sfšen, 450 stiir, 430 star, 430 stari, 430 staza, 551 staza, 551 sto, 426 sto, 448 stric, 432 sūh, 390 sūnce, 390 sūnce, 390 sūši't, 391 svils, 507

svekrva, 455 svet, 456 šest, 446 šesti, 446 ta, 459 td man, 458 tanak, 464 taše, 475 tea, 462 tesat, 459 težak, 467 ti, 473 ti, 473 tf, 473 ti'ca, 374 tla, 465 tfd, 477 treti, 470 treti, 470 trf, 471 tmd, 472 trūd, 472 trūp, 566 trūt, 472 tūCi, 463 tUk, 459 tvfd, 477 uči'ti, 208 udovi'ca, 567 ugiinj, 478

ug{en, 55 ugor, 479 ugor, 479 uho, 71 ūho, 71 ūlj, 70 •oš, 55 •osmi, 64 usta, 482 ūsta, 482 ūstd, 482 vdri'ti, 554 vas, 507 večer, 485 večer, 485 vejat, 499 veli, 496 vi, 215

vi, 215 vfd, 494 vl'dit, 495 vl'jati, 499 vi'tar, 500 vlaga, 486 vl& dati, 486 voda, 488 voditi, 484 vo{a, 487 volja, 487

vori't, 554 ( v)osak, 493 vozi'ti, 494

vrdg, 490 vrana, 490 vrdti'ti, 492 vrba, 505 vfh, 506 vrsta, 491 vfša, 492 vrti'ti, 506 vūCi, 504 vūk, 503 (v)una, 504 Z, 206 zavriti, 498

zelen, 512 zem{a, 516 zemlja, 516 zesti, 515 zet, 516 zfd, 564 zidat, 519 zies, 515 zijati, 520 zima, 518 zft, 564 zlato, 554 z/Oto, 554 znati, 520 zora, 513 zfno, 520 zūb, 512 zvfr, 524 žaba, 557 železo, 169 želva, 533

662

že{ud, 175 žena, 558 ži'to, 557 žfv, 180 žfvi'ti, 179 život, 180 žut, 169 ž(>lva, 533 žuč, 475 Kajkavian gniezde, 290 mieglo, 317 ped, 342 si5uk, 67 zamljo, 516 Slovene a, 339 baba, 96 bati se, 89 baviti se, 108 bčęla, 92 bdęti, 104 bebJr, 85 bačęla, 92 będa, 85 bJdęti, 104 bęgati, 86 bęl, 78 bęs, 77 biti, 108 bivati, 108 bldna, 79 blanja, 80 blato, 80 blazfna, 81 blęjati, 528 blesti, 94 blęščati, 95 blj JVati, 94 bljuti, 94 bljuvati, 94 blod, 93 blpditi, 93 blęd, 92 blęsk, 528 bobar, 85

INDICES

b(>dati, 76 bodN, 105 bojati se, 89 b6lha, 96 bolščati, 95 bos, 83 bosti, 89 brada, 82 bradat, 82 brdn, 81 brašn9, 527 brat, 102 brdtN, 102 brati, 88 brazda, 91 bfcniti, 103 bręja, 87 bręsk, 99 bresti, 101 bręz, 88 bręza, 88 bfkniti, 103 bfna, 106 br(>d, 97 br6diti, 97 brozda, 104 bfsniti, 103 brt, 107 brnsiti, 98 brusnica, 103 bruzda, 104 bfzda, 104 bUčati, 84 budfti, 83 cęl, 559 cęna, 217 cęniti, 218 cęv, 438 cęvka, 438 čdr, 238 čas, 560 čbęla, 92 bbęla, 92 cędfti, 400 čemfr, 236 česati, 231 čfst9, 244 četfrje, 241

četfti, 242 četvęr, 241 čist, 405 čitati, 401 čl6vęk, 484 čmęlj, 223 čmęr, 236 čręda, 239 čręmha, 239 čręmoš, 239 čręmsa, 239 čręslo, 240 čręv(>, 560 čręz, 403 čfn, 247 čfv, 246 čutiti, 209 čutiti, 209 čvfst, 247 dah, 148 dah, 148 dahniti, 148 ddn, 127, 146 ddnj, 146 dati, 147 davati, 530 davri, 147 debel, 531 debar, 532 dęd, 118 degat, 119 dfgniti, 119 dahniti, 148 dęjati, 125 dęlati, 121 dęliti, 111 delj, 120 dęrati, 132 desan, 124 deset, 124 deseti, 124 dęti, 125 dęvęr, 128 dęver, 128 devęt, 126 devfti, 126 dihati, 148 dim, 145

dlaka, 291 dlan, 121 dnŲ, 144 dpb, 110 d6ba, 110 dpbalj, 529 dpga, 114 dolg, 199 d(>m, 328 drdg, 530 drfgati, 139 dręst, 333 dreti, 123 drev/5, 123 dfgati, 131 drpg, 139 drpg, 136 drpzd, 431 drpzg, 431 drožje, 135 dfpati, 532 drug, 137 dfz, 136 dfzati, 131 dah, 118 dupa, 116 duri, 147 duša, 117 dvd, 143 dvfri, 147 dvogilb, 150 dvor, 149 dv(>j, 149 gad, 167 gasfti, 173 gaziti, 185 gmfti, 192 glabiti, 181 gladak, 183 glava, 162 glfdati, 534 glęn, 182 glfna, 182 gliva, 182 gnati, 177 gnęzd9, 290 gnida, 183 gnas, 184

INDICES

g(!d, 194 goditi, 534 goditi se, 110 goj, 162 gŲja, 162 gom6la, 163 g6niti, 164 g6ra, 178 goręti, 165 g(!s, 514 gpst, 536 gŲsti, 166 gŲza, 196 grabiti, 189 grad, 164 grajati, 190 gramada, 190 grebsti, 186 greda, 189 gristi, 185 griva, 535 gfl9, 195 grmada, 190, 191 grmęti, 191 grpb, 190 gromada, 191 gfst, 536 grnda, 191 grnditi, 185 grCtst, 192 gUba, 193 habiti, 407 habiti, 407 hčfr, 145 hči, 145 hlŲd, 406 hlpd, 406 hŲja, 410 hpja, 410 hompt, 223 hraboµm, 108 cpuTAOV, 105 xe1µwv, 519 xeA.uc;, 533 XEAUV'l, 533 x�v, 514 xewv, 516 xA.wp6c;, 169, 512 xoA.�, 511 xoA.oc;, 475 xop6c;, 512 xpfw, 188 1jlm