Cohen, M., Snell, D. & Weisberg, D. - The Tablet and The Scroll, Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William W. Hallo. FS Hallo, 1993 [PDF]

Zitiervorschau

THE TABLET AND

THE SCROLL Near Eastern Studies in Honor of WILLIAM W. HALLO

edited by Mark E Cohen Danie] C. Sne ]l David B. Weisberg

W, Hallo

CDL Press Bethesda, Ma ry land 1993

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

d the scroll: Near Eastern studies in honor of William W. Hallo / edited by Mark E Cohen, Daniel C. Snell, David B. Weisberg. cmp. Includes bibliographical references (p. xi). ISBN o-962°013-9-2 t. Semitic philology 2. Middle East — Civilization. I. Hallo, William W. II Cohen, Mark E. III. Snell, Daniel C. EV Weisberg, David B. PJ3oo225H26 1993 92-42780 CEP

The creation of this volume would have been impossible without the suppo rt of the following persons and institutions:

Rochelle and Mark Cohen Sally Dunham Richard Henshaw Renee Ga ll ery Kovacs Peter Machinist Karen Nemet-Nejat Laurie E Pearce The Royal Insc ri ptions of Mesopotamia Project of the Universi ty of Toronto Ronald Sack Herbert Sauren and the Catholic Universi ty of Louvain Rene Sigrist Daniel Snell Ivan Starr Ronald Wallenfels Optera and David Weisberg The editors express their appreciation to Laurie Pearce for assembling the bibliography of Bill Hallo's publications, to U lla Kasten for her continued assist an ce, to Paul H. Wnght and Ronaele Carpenter for their help in copy-editing, an d to Linda Katzper for designing the cover. And, most of all, the editors thank all the friends and colleagues of Bill Hallo who contributed the articles that have made this volume possible.

ISBN 0-962oot3-9-2

P.O.

Box

by CDL Press 34454 Bethesda, MD 20827 1 993

Printed in Ann Arbor, MI by

Cushing -Malloy, Inc.

TABLE of CONTENTS William W. Hallo• An Appreciation The Publications of William W. Hallo

ix xi

TZVI ABUSCH Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial. Pa rt I The Meaning of the Dialogue and its Implications for the History of the Epic

i

BENDT ALSTER Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs PINHAS ARTZI and ABRAHAM MALAMAT The Great King. A Preeminent Royal Title in Cuneiform Sources and the Bible ..............................

.

JOSEF BAUER Ein sumerisches Sprichwort

39

PAUL -ALAIN BEAULIEU The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy ..................................................4 i GARY BECKMAN Some Observations on the Suppiluliuma-Sattiwaza Treaties ,,,,,„,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 53 GIORGIO BUCCELLATI Through a Tablet Darkly. A Reconstruction of Old Akkadian Monuments Described in Old Babylonian Copies ............................................................ MIGUEL CIVIL On Mesopotamian Jails and Their Lady Warden MARK E COHEN Two Venions of a Fara-Period Name-List

79

L. TIMOTHY DOTY Akkadian bit pirilti ....................................................................................... 8 . BARRY L. EICHLER mar-URU 5 Tempest in a Deluge WALTER FARBER Forerunners” and `Standard Version s A Few Thoughts About Terminology

90

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BENJAMIN R. FOSTER Letters and Literature: A Ghost's Entreaty

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y8

DANIEL A. FOXVOG Astral Dumuzi CYRUS H. GORDON Vocalized Consonants: The Key to urn-ma t en-ma / RIVKAH HARRIS Gendered Old Age in Enuma Elfish HARRY A. HOFFNER, JR. Akkadian srumma immeru Texts and Their Hurro-Hittite Counterparts THORKILD JACOBSEN The Descent of Enki JACOB KLEIN A Self-Laudatory Sulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur

HERBERT SAUREN Nammu and Enki

198

I09

AARON SHAFFER From the Bookshelf of a Professional Wailer

209

III

AKE W. SJOBERG The Ape from the Mountain who Became the King of Tsin

211

103

116

BARUCH A. LEVINE On the Semantics of Land Tenure in Biblical Literature: The Term 'ahuzzâh

HENRI LIMET Le Vocabulaire Technique du Droit en Sumérien PETER MACHINIST and HAYIM TADMOR Heavenly Wisdom P IOTR MICHALOWSKI The Torch and the Censer KAREN RHEA NEMET-NEJAT A Minor Belonging to the Lady-of-Uruk JACOB NEUSNER Systemic Integration and Theology: The Concept of Zekhut in Formative Judaism DAVID I. OWEN Some New Evidence on Yahmadiu = Ahlamû LAURIE E PEARCE Statements of Purpose: Why the Sc ri bes Wrote BARBARA NEVLING PORTER Conquest or Kudurru's? A Note on Peaceful Strategies of Assyrian Government

221

120

S. DAVID SPERLING I jBR and Fnends

225

124

IVAN STARR A New Omen Text Concerning the "Yoke," (niru) of the Liver

230

PIOTR STEINKELLER Obse rvations on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources an d on the Onomasticon of Mari and Kish

236

1 34

MARTEN STOL Biblical Idiom in Akkadian

246

140

JEFFREY H. TIGAY On Evaluating Claims of Literary Borrowing

250

MATITIAHU TSEVAT Amos 7:14 - Present or Preterit?

256

ERLE LEICHTY Sheep Lungs

DANIEL C. SNELL Ancient Israelite and Neo-Assyrian Societies an d Economies

132

146

MARC VAN DE MIEROOP 152

An Inscribed Bead of Queen Zakûtu

259

R. J. VAN DER SPEK Assyriology and History: A Comparative Study of War and Empire in Assyria, Athens, and Rome

262

HARTMUT WAETZOLDT and MARCEL SIGRIST Haftung mit Privatvermögen bei Nicht-Er tillung von Dienstverpflichtungen

271

181

RONALD WALLENFELS Zodiacal Signs among the Seal Impressions from Hellenistic Uruk

281

185

STANLEY D WALTERS Childless Michal, Mother of Five .......................................................................... 290

163

170

1 94

DAVID B. WEISBERG A Sale of Property in Uruk from the Time of Easarhaddon, "King of Lands" ....... 297

NORMAN YOFFEE The Late Great Tradition in Ancient Mesopotamia MAMORU YOSHIKAWA On the Aspectual Difference Between TOM and TOM -MU RAN ZADOK On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia

300

309

315

WILLIAM W. HALLO AN APPRECIATION David B. Weisberg

Bi ll was born on March 9, 1928 in Kassel, Germany, son of Dr Gertrude Rubensohn Hallo and Dr. Rudolph Hallo. Bi ll is the youngest of three children. His older sisters are Suzanne Kalem and Ruth Landman. When gathering clouds darkened the skies of Europe, Bi ll and his sisters left Germany for England on a children's transpo rt in March, 1939. In August, 1940, they, together with their mother, immigrated to the U.S.A. (Bi ll 's father, a distinguished scholar, had passed away in 1 933, when Bi ll was five years old.) r Settling on the east coast of the United States, Bill attended Boys' High in Brooklyn graduating in 1945, and Harvard, from which he graduated magna cum laude class of 1950. After receiving the B.A., Bill won a Fulbright to the Unive rs i ty of Leiden, Netherlands, in 1950-51, where he fulfilled the requirements for the Candidatus Litterarum Semiticarum with Honors. In 1952, following a romantic Leiden-Amsterdam courtship, Bi ll and Edith Sylvia Pinto were married. The young couple returned to the U.S. and went to Chicago, where Bill had received a fellowship to the O ri ental Institute He earned the Ph.D degree in 1955. His dissertation, "Early Mesopotamian Royal Tides: A Philologic an d Historical Analysis," was written under lus mentor, I. J Gelb, and published by the American O ri ental Society in 1957. During these years, Bi ll served as an assistant to Benno Landsberger. Bi ll taught at Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, from 1956 to 1962. Speaking with students who studied with Bill in the Queen City during those years, one hears, among other things, about his course in the Psalms, his syllabus on Hebrew grammar, and his work in Sumerian in the graduate program. Students recalled the Hallo's home hospitality and Bi ll 's readiness to advise

them in matten of importance to their careen and their hves. In 1962, Bill was invited to Yale, where he has served with distinction through the present (at the time of this writing, it is a period of 3o years, we wish him a long and healthy continuation). During his tenure at Yale he was appointed Curator of the Babylonian Collection an d William M. Laffan Professor of Assyriology and Babylonian Literature. To mention only two of his numerous honors. he received the degree of Doctor of Humane Letters (hon. caus ) from Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati in June, 1986 an d he served as President of the American O ri ental Socie ty in 1988-89. In pondering Bill's intellectual achievements, please consider the title chosen for this volume. The Tablet and the Scroll. This refers to two major areas of his interest Assyriology especially Sumerian literature, history and language, and biblical studies. These are two separate fields, each requinng painstaking preparation. But Bi ll has done more than master each separately; accepting the formidable intellectual challenges, he has excelled in understanding how they Interact with each other. Bill's writings have served as a paradigm for those who would seek clarity of focus in the one (Assyriology), the other (Bible), or both. Clear insight into Bill's methodology in the study of the cuneiform texts (and other Ancient Near Facteurn sources), be they "laundry lists' or literary treasures like the Gilgamesh Epic, is not hard to find. In his presidential address to the American O ri ental Socie ty , "The Limits of Skepticism," Bi ll stressed that "the abundant textual documentation from Mesopotarma and its environs provides a precious resource for tracing the origins and evolution of countless facets of civilization unrivalled anywhere on the globe for so early a period "2 Rather than limiting the inferences we extract from the data, Bill urged us to engage in a critical sifting of

1 wish to express my grateful appreciation to Edith Hallo, Suzanne Kalem and Ruth Landman, for their willingness to share pleasant reminiscences about Bi ll for this essay. 1. See Joel Kraemer, "Hallo, Rudolf," Encyclopaedia Judaita Vol. 7 (Jerusalem, Keter, 1971), columns Izo1-1zo2.

,

ix

p. 187.

x

An Appreciation

each fragment of the evidence in order to reconstruct a total picture of antiquity. In Biblical studies, a central statement of his procedure can be found in his essay "Biblical History in its Near Eastern Setting: The Contextual Approach." A summary statement extols .. the comparative or contextual approach to the study of biblical history, culture or literature. Such a method attempts to analyze the Bible against the backg ro und of the larger Near Fictern scene." 3

Bi ll 's bibliography gives a firm idea of his breadth an d depth. Whether we relish his skillful translation of Rosenzweig's The Star of Redemption or scrutinize his meticulous Sumerian Archival Texts the one word that comes to mind is: "vision." No 'Appreciation' of Bill would be complete without some words about his personal life Bi ll is assuredly a "family m an ." Despite his unceasing a tt ention to his

3. Scripture in Context: Essays on the Comparative Method, edit-

ed by Carl D Evans, William W. Hallo and John B. White (Pittsburgh, the Pickwick Press 198o), pp vii and I-26.

scholarly projects and teaching responsibilities, his devotion to his family is something extraordinary. In the spring of 1991, within the space of a few months, Bill and Edith became proud grandparents of two grandchildren A grandson, Bram, was born to son, Ralph (a lawyer practicing environmental law in Europe) an d Margrete. A granddaughter, Justine Bria, was born to daughter, Jacque li ne (a social studies teacher in Brookline, Massachusetts) and David Bunis. Bi ll keeps in fine shape and continues to work out frequently on the tennis cou rt s. He regularly beats friends who dare come in range of his well-practiced forehand, backhand and serve! Bi ll has always possessed a healthy interest in community life current events and politics, as well as in the Temple, where he is an active and involved member. It is a delight to discuss with him his views on matters of contemporary importance. When asked to summarize her fee li ngs about Bi ll 's work, Edith responded thoughtfully with the following remark, which I believe speaks for all of those who have had the privilege of studying under Bi ll : "I have never seen a more caring teacher for his students."

THE PUBLICATIONS OF WILLIAM W. HALLO

BOOKS EDITED

BOOKS AND MONOGRAPHS 1. The Ensi's of the Ur III Dynasty. Universi ty of Chicago Microfilm. 2. Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles: a Philologic and Historical Analysis. American O ri ental Series, 43 (American Oriental Socie ty , New Haven), 1 957. 3. Sumerian Archival Texts. Tabulae Cuneiformes a F.M.Th. de Liagre Böhl Collectae, Leidae Conservatae, III (Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, Leiden), 1963. 4. The Exaltation of Manna. William W. Hallo an d J.J.A. van Dijk. Yale Near Eastern Researches, 3 (Yale University Press New Haven an d London) 1968; (reprinted AMS Press, New York), 1982. 5. The. Star of Redemption, by Franz Rosenzweig. Translated from the Second Edition of 193o by Wi ll iam W. Hallo. The Littman Library ofJewish Civilization, 5 (Holt, Rinehart an d Winston, Inc , New York), 1971. 6. The Ancient Near East: a History. William W. Hallo an d William Kelly Simpson (Harcou rt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., New York), 1971. 7. Heritage: Civilization and the Jews, a source reader. Wi ll iam W. Hallo, David B. Ruderman an d Michael Stanislawski (Praeger, New York), 1984. 8. Heritage: Civilization and theJews, study guide. William W. Hallo, David B. Ruderman and Michael Stanislawski Benjamin R. Gampel, ed. (Praeger New York), 1984 9. The Tablets of Ebla: Concordance and Bibliography. Sco tt G. Beld, Wil li am W. Hallo, Piotr Michalowski (Eisenbrauns Winona Lake, IN), 1984. to. The Book of the People. Brown Judaic Studies, Vol. 225 (Scholars Press, Atlanta), i991.

I I.

Essays in Memory of E.A. Speiser. American Oriental Series, 53 (American Oriental Society, New Haven), 1968.

Scripture in Context: Essays on lhe Comparative Method. Carl D. Evans, Wi ll iam W. Hallo and John B. White, eds Pittsburgh Theological Monograph Series, 34 (The Pickwick Press, Pittsburgh), 1980. t 3. Early Near Eastern Seals in the Yale Babylonian Collection. By Briggs Buchanan. Introduction an d Seal Insc ri ptions by Willi am W. Hallo. Edited by Ulla Kasten (Yale University Press, New Haven), 1981. 12.

14. Scripture in Context II: More Essays on the Comparative Method. Wi ll iam W. Hallo, James C. Moyer and Leo G. Perdue, eds (Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake IN), 1983. 15. The Bible in the light of Cuneiform Literature: Sc ripture in Context IIL William W. Hallo, Bruce William Jones and Gerald L. Mattingly, eds. Ancient Near Pastern Texts and Studies, 8 (The Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston, NY), 199o. i6. The Biblical Canon in Comparative Perspe ct ive: Sc ripture in Context IV. K. Lawson Younger, Jr., William W. Hallo, Bernard F. Batto, eds Ancient Near Easte rn Texts an d Studies , i r (The Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston, NY)

ARTICLES Zariqum," JNES 15 (1956), 220-225 18. "The Place of Oriental Studies in a Universi ty Cur ri culum. a Symposium, " Journal of Higher Education 27 (1957), 11-16. 19. "Isaiah 28: 9-13 and the Ugaritic Abecedaries," JBL 77 ( 1 95 8 ). 324-33 8 20. "Contributions to Neo-Sumerian," HUCA 29 (1958). 69-107 an d pls. 1-26. t7

.

"

xii

The Publications of William W. Hallo

21. "Money and Merchants in Ur III," HUCA 3o ( 1 959), 103-139 With J B. Curtis. `Oriental Institute Museum Notes No. to: The Last Years of the Kings of Isin," JNES 18 ( 1 959), 54- 72 . 23. "From Qarqar to Carchemish: Assyria and Israe in the Light of New Discoveries," BA 23 (1960) 34- 61 and 132. Re-issued in The Bobbs-Merri 1 Reprint Series in European History, E-95. Re vised edition in Biblical Archaeologist Reader, 2. Ed ward F. Campbell Jr. and David Noel Freedman eds. (Doubleday & Co., New York), 1964, 152188. 24. "A Sumerian Amphictyony," JCS 14 (1960), 88I14.

Dictionary of Biblical Archaeology. Charles F. Pfeiffer, ed. (Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, MI), 1966.

agre Böhl Dedicatae. M.A. Beek, A.A. Kampman, C. Nijland, J Ryckmans, eds (E J. Brill, Leiden), 1 973 180-184

3 8 . "Akkadian Apocalypses," IEJ 16 (1966), 231-242. 39. "Mesopotamia, Education in," Educational Encyclopedia 4(1966), 39-46. In Hebrew. 40. New Hymns to the Kings of Isin," BiOr 23 (1966), 2 39-247.

"Postscript" to Shalom M. Paul, "Heavenly Tablets and the Book of Life," JANES 5 ( 1 973), 35 2 f.

22.

25. "Royal Insc ri p ti ons of the Early Old Babylonian Period a Bibiliography,' BiOr 18 (1961) 4-14. 26. `New Viewpoints on Cuneiform Literature," IEJ

'

4t.

3r. "The Road to Emar " JCS 18 (1964), 57-88. 32. "The Slandered B ri de, ' in Studies Presented to A. Leo Oppenheim Robe rt M. Adams, ed. (University of Chicago Press Chicago) 1 9 6 4, 95- 1 05. 33. Translation of Martin Buber, Church, State, Nation, Jewry," and Franz Rosenzweig, "The Way Through Time: Ch ri stian History, ' apud David W. McKain, ed., Christianity: Some Non Christian Appraisals (McGraw-Hill, New York), 1964, 175-

203

34. Translation of selections from Rosenzweig, Weiszaecker, Frankel, Trueb, and Heidegger apud Maurice Friedman, ed. The Worlds of Existentialism; a Critical Reader (Random House, New York), 1 9 6 4, 3 2 7-9, 4 0 4f 4 68 497 - 505, 5 2 7- 533. 35 , "A 'Persian Gulf Seal on an Old Babylonian Mer canule Agreement," in Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on His Seventyfffth Birthday Hans G. Güterbock and Thorkild Jacobsen, eds (University of Chicago Press, Chicago), 1965, 199-203. With B. Buchanan. 36. "The Coronation of Ur-Nam u, JCS 20 (1966), 133-141. 37. Ar ti cles on Carchemish, Gozan, Habor River, Hadatu, Harare, Nimrud Dagh, Tell Ta yinat, Terqa, Til Barsip and Un in The Biblical World: a

`Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies in Jerusalem," BiOr 23 (1966), 215f.

42. "Offerings to the Temple Gates at Ur," HUCA 38 (1967), 17-58. With B A. Levine. 43.

'Assyriology," Encyclopedia Hebraica, Suppl. Vol. (1967), 604-608. In Hebrew.

44.

`Individual Prayer in Sumerian: the Continuity of a Tradition, ' JAOS 88 (1968), 71-89. Reprinted in Essays in Memory of E A. Speiser. American Oriental Series, 53. W.W. Hallo, ed. (American Oriental Socie ty , New Haven), 71-89.

12 (1962), 13-26.

27. "Lexical Notes on the Neo-Sumerian Metal Industry," BiOr 20 (1963) 136-142 28. ' On the Antiquity of Sumerian Literature," JAOS 8 3 ( 1 96 3), 167-176. 29. 'Beginning and End of the Sumerian King List in the Nippur Recension," JCS 17 ( 1 96 3), 5 2 -57. Roy al Hymns and Mesopotamian Unity," JCS 17 (1963), 112- I18

The Publications of William W. Hallo

45- "The Rise and Fall of Kalah," JAOS 88 (1968), 772- 775. 46. "Mesopotamia," Hebrew Biblical Encyclopedia 5 (1968), III-130. With H. Tadmor. In Hebrew. 47. `New Texts from the Reign of Sin-iddinam," JCS 21 ( 1 96 9), 95 - 99 48. 'The Lame and the H al t," Eretz Israel 9 (1969). 66-70. 49. "The Neo-Sumerian Letter Orders," BiOr 26 ( 1 969), 171-176. 50. 'Antediluvian Cities," JCS 23 (1970), 57-67. $I. The Cultic Setting of Sumerian Poetry," CRRA 1 7 ( 1 97 0 ), 116-134. 52.

"Biblical Studies in Jewish Perspective," in The Teaching ofJudaica in American Universities: The Proceedings of a Colloquium, Leon A. Jick, ed. (KTAV, New York), 1970, 43-46. 53. ` Harman, " Encyclopedia Judaica 7 (1971), 1328-1330. 54. `Akkad," EnryclopediaJudaica 2 (1971), 493-494. 55. `Mesopotamia: History," Encyclopedia Judaica 16 (1971), 1483-1508. 56. `Gutium ' RLA 3 (1971), 708-720. 57. 58.

'Habil-kin, ' RLA 4 (1972), 13-14. 'The House of Ur-Meme," JNES 31 (1972), 8795.

59. "Problems in Sumerian Hermeneutics," Perspectives in Jewish Learning 5 (1973), I-12. 6o. "The Date of the Fara Period: a Case Study in the Historiography of Early Mesopotamia," OrNS 42 ( 1 973), 228-238. 61.

'Choice in Sumerian,"JANES 5 (1973), 165-172. 62. The Seals of Aggur-Renianni," in Symbolae Biblicae et Mesopotamicae Francisco Mario Theodoro de Li-

64.

'Ferris J. Stephens,' MO 24 (1973) 247f. (Obituary)

65. "Dedication" (to Albrecht Goetze), in Shin T. Kang, Sumerian Economic Texts from the Umma Archive (Universi ty of Illi nois Press, Urbana), 1 973, vii-ix. 66. "Genesis and Ancient Near Eastern Literature," in The Torah: a Modern Commentary, I (1974), W.G. Plaut, ed. (Union of American Hebrew Congregations, New York), 1974, xxi-xxvi. 67. `The First Half of History," Yale Alumni Magazine 37/8 ( 1 974), 13-17.

78. "A Lawsuit from Hazor," IEJ 27 (1977), I-I I. With H. Tadmor. 79. "Briggs W. Buchanan," AfO 25 ( 1 974- 77), 337 (Obituary). 80. "Simurrum and the Human Frontier," RHA 36 ( 1 978), 71-83. 81. "Assyrian Historiography Revisited," Eretz Israel 82. 83.

84.

68. ' Another Sumerian Literary Catalogue?" StOr 46 ( 1 975) 77-80, 48/3:3. 69. 'Jacob J. Finkelstein," Assur 1/4 (1975), tf (Obituary). 70. "The Royal Correspondence of Lana: I. A Sumerian Prototype for the Prayer of Hezekiah," in Kramer Anniversary Volume: Cuneiform Studies in Honor of Samuel Noah Kramer. Bar ry L. Eichler, ed., with Jane W. Heimerdinger and Ake W. Sjôberg (Neukirchener Verlag, NeukirchenVluyn), 1976, 209-224.

85.

71. "Monumental Texts from Pre-Sargonic Lagash," Onens Antiquus 15 (1976), I-9. With V. Donbaz. 72. "Toward a History of Sumerian Literature," in Sumerological Studies in Honor of ThorkildJacobsen on His Seventieth Birthday. Stephen J. Lieberman, ed. (Universi ty of Chicago Press, Chicago), 1975, 181-203. 73. Cont ri butions to Ancient Mesopotamian Art and Selected Texts. The Pierpont Morgan Library: New York, (1976) 22, 2 7, 2 9- 34. 74. "Women of Sumer," in The Legacy of Sumer. Denise Schmandt-Besserat, ed (Undena Publicadons, Malibu) 1976, 23-40, figs I-18. 75• "New Moons and Sabbaths: A Case-Study in the Contrastive Approach," HUCA 48 (1977), I-18. Republished in Bible and Spade 9 (1980) LOI -I Io. 76. 'Seals Lost an d Found," in Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East. McGuire Gibson and Robe rt D. Biggs, eds (Undena Pub li ca ti ons, Malibu), 1 977, 55- 60 . 77. "Haplographic Marginalia," in Essays on the Ancient Near East in Memory of Jacob Joel Finkelstein. Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts an d Sciences, Vol 19. Maria deJong Ellis, ed. (Archon Books, Hamden, CT), 1977, IOI-103.

88.

86.

87.

89.

90.

92.

9394. 95. 96.

1 4 ( 1 97 8 ) , I *- 7* • "The Fragmentary B ri ck Insc ri ption," RA 73 ( 1 979), 88-89. 'God, King and Man at Yale," in Slate and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East, L On'entalia vaniensia Analecta, 5. Edward Lipinski, ed. (Departement Oriëntalistiek, Leuven), 1979, 99-III. "Notes from the Babylonian Collec ti on, I: Nungal in the Egal: An Introduction to Colloquial Sumerian?" JCS 31 (1979), 161-165. "The First Tablet of the SB Recension of the Anzu-Myth, ' JCS 31 (1979), 65-115. With William L Moran 'Obiter dicta ad SET," in Studies in Honor of Torn B. Jones. AOAT 203. Marvin A. Powell, Jr. and Ronald H. Sack, eds (Neukirchener Verlag Neukirchen-Vluyn), 1979 I-14. 'Leviticus and Ancient Near Eastern Literature," In The Torah. a Modern Commentary, 3. B. Bamberger, ed. :Union of American Hebrew Congregations, New York), 1979, xxiii-xxx. 'Numbers and Ancient Near Easte rn Literature," In The Torah. a Modern Commentary, 4. W.G. Plaut, ed (Union of American Hebrew Congregations, New York), 1 979, xxi-• "Where Old and New Meet: Ancient Near Eastem Studies, ' Yale Alumni Magazine 42/5 ( 1 979), 9-13. "Royal Titles from the Mesopotamian Periphery," AnSt 3o (1980), 18 9-1 95. "Biblical History in its Near Eastern Setting: the Contextual Approach," in Scripture in Context Essays on the Comparative Method. Carl D. Evans, W.W. Hallo and John B. White, eds. (The Pickwick Press Pittsburgh), 1980 I-26. The Expansion of Cuneiform Literature," Proceedings of the American Academy of few sh Research 4647 ( 1 9 80) , 307-322 Zabalam = lbzaikh," RA 74 (1980), 94 -95. "Sullanu," RA 74 ( 1 9 80 ), 94. "John Bruce Alexander," MO 27 (1980), 236 (Obituary). ` Appendix to David I. Owen: Of Birds, E Turtles,' ZA 71 (1981), 48-5o. '

The Publications of William W. Hallo

The Publications of William W. Hallo

xiv

97. Appendix to David Owen: Tax Payments from Some Ci ty Elden in the Northeast," Ada Sumerologica 3 (1981), 69-76. 98. 'A Letter Fragment from Tel Aphek," Tel Aviv 8: 18-24 and pl. 3. Reprinted in Aphek Antipatris 1978-1985: The Letter from Uga ri t: Philological, Historical and Archaeological Considerations. D.I. Owen, W.W. Hallo, I. Singer, P. Beck and M. Kochavi, eds. (Tel Aviv Universi ty , Sonia and Marco Nadler Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv), 1981. Rep ri nt Series No. 7, 1987, 18-24. 99. "Correction to Seals Lost and Found'," RA 75 (1981), 95. 'Letters, Prayers and Letter-Prayers," in Proceedings of the Seventh World Congress ofJewish Studies: Studies in the Bible and the Ancient Near East (1981), 17-27.

101. "Exodus and Ancient Near Eastern Literature," in The Torah: a Modern Commentary, 2. W.G. Plaut, ed (Union of American Hebrew Congregations, New York), 1981, xxiii-xxxiii. 102. 'Notes from the Babylonian Collection, II: Old Babylonian tiAR-ra," JCS 34 (1982), 81 -93 103. 'Nebukadnezar Comes to Jerusalem, ' in Through the Sound of Many Voices: Writings Contributed on the Occasion of the loth Birthday of W. Gunther Piaui. Jonath an V. Plaut, ed. (Lester and Orpen Dennys, Ltd., Toronto), 1982 4 0 -57. 104. "Notes on Translation," Eretz-Israel 16 (1982), 99*-Io5*. 105. The Royal Correspondence of Larsa: II. the Appeal to Utu," in zikir (uniini: Assyriological Studies Presented to F.R. Kraus on the Occasion of Hts Seventieth Birthday. G. van Driel, Th.J.H. Knspijn, M. Stol and K.R. Veenhof, eds. (E J Brill, Leiden), 1982,95-I09. 106. The First Pu ri m," BA 46 (1983), 19-29. 107. "Lugalbanda Excavated, ' JAOS 103 (1983), 1651 80. Reprinted in Studies in literature from the Andent Near Fact by Members of the American Oriental Socie ty , Dedicated to Samuel Noah Kramer. Jack M Sasson, ed American Oriental Series, 65 (American O ri ental Socie ty , New Haven), 1984, 165ISo. 108. "Dating the Mesopotamian Past: the Concept of Ens from Sargon to Nabonassar," Bulletin of the Society for Mesopotamian Studies 6 (1983), 7-18. tog. "Sumerian Historiography," in History, Historiography and Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures. H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld, eds. (The Magnes Press, Jerusalem) 1983 9-20 I I0. " As the Seal upon Thine Ann': Glyptic Metaphors in the Biblical World," in Ancient Seals and the Bible. Leonard Gorelick an d Elizabeth Wil-

liams-Forte, eds (Undena Publications., Malibu), 1983, 7-17 and pl. xii. "Cult Statue and Divine Image: a Preliminary Study," in Scripture in Context IL. More Essays on the Comparative Method. William W. Hallo, James C. Moyer and Leo G. Purdue, eds. (Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, IN), 1983, I-17 112.

113

114.

I15.

116.

I17.

"Deuteronomy and Ancient Near Eastern Literature," in The Torah: a Modern Commentary, 5. W.G. Plaut, ed (Union of American Hebrew Congregations, New York), 1983, xxv-xxxiv. "Postscript" to Rudolf Hallo, ' Ch ri stian Hebraists," tr. by Ge rt rude Hallo, Modern Judaism 3 (1983), III -I16. 'The Concept of Eras from Nabonassar to Seleucus," JANES 16-17 ( 1 984/5) 1 43-1 5 1 . "Biblical Abominations and Sumerian Taboos," JQR 7 6 (1985), 21-40. 'The Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary (PSD)• a Review Article," JCS 37 (1985), 114-126. "As the Seal upon Thy Hea rt : Glyptic Roles in the Biblical World," Bible Review Or (1985), 2027.

I18.

"Back to the Big House: Colloquial Sumerian, Continued," OrNS 54 ( 1 9 8 5), 5 6-64.

I19.

"Moshe Held (1924-1984)," Proceedings of the American Academy of -Jewish Research 52 (1985), 5-8 (Obituary).

120.

'Scripture in Context: A Photo Essay on the Yale Babylonian Collection," Orim 1/2 (1986), 84-95.

I2I.

"The Origins of the Sacrificial Cult: New Evidence from Mesopotamia an d Israel," in Ancient Israelite Religion. Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross. Patri ck D Mi ll er, Jr. Paul D. Hanson and S. Dean McBride, eds (Fortress Press, Philadelphia), 1 98 7, 3-13. 'The Birth of Kings," in Love and Death in the Andent Near East: Essays in Honor of Marvin H. Pope. John H. Marks and Robert M. Good, eds (Four Quarters Publishing Co., Guilford, CT) 1987,

I22.

45 - 52. 123.

124.

I25.

126.

"An Assurba ni pal Text Recovered," The Israel Museum Journal 6 (1987), 33-37. "Tablet with Seven-Day Ritual," in Treasures of the Bible Lands • the Eke Borowski Colle ct ion, Rivka Merhav, ed. (The Tel Aviv Museum / Modan Publishers), 1987, No. 35. 'The Ancient Near East," in History of the World Vol L John W. Hall, ed. (Ga ll e ry Books, New York, 1988), 24-49. "Tens, Statues an d the Cult of the Divine King," VTS 4o (1988), 54-66.

127. "The Nabonassar Era and other Epochs in Mesopotamian Chronology and Chronography," in A Scientific Humanist Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs. Erle Leichty, Ma ri a deJ. Ellis and Pamela Gerardi, eds., Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund, 9 (The Universi ty Museum, Philadelphia), 1988, 175-190. 128. "A German Jewish Past, an American Jewish Future," American Jewish Archives 4o (1988), 343-345. Reprinted as "A German Past an American Future," in The German Jewish Legacy in America: from Bildung to the Bill of Rights. Abraham J. Peck, ed. (Wayne State Universi ty Press, Detroit, 1989), 1 57-IS9•

129. "Sumerian Literature: Background to the Bible," Bible Review 4/3 (1988), 28-38. 13o. "Franz Rosenzweig übersetzt," in Der Philosoph Franz Rosenzweig 0886-1929), Vol. I• Die Herausforderung jùdischen Le rnens. Wolfdietrich SchmiedKowarzik, ed. (Karl Alber Verlag, Freiberg/Munich), 1988, 287-301. 131. "Nippur Originals," in Dumu-e 2 -dub-ba-a: Studies in Honor of Ake W. Sjoberg. Hermann Behrens, Darlene Loding, and Martha T. Roth, eds , Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund, t t (The Universi ty Museum, Philadelphia), 1989 237-247. 132. "German an d Jewish Culture: a L an d of Two Riven?" Shofar7/4 (1989) I-10. 133. (A. Bartlett Giamatti), Yale Alumni Magazine (December, 1989) 3 (Obituary). 134. "More on Bows, ' Yigael Yadin Memorial Volume, Eretz-Israel 20 (1989), 68*-76*. 135. 'Compare and Contrast: the Contextual Approach to Biblical Literature," in The Bible in the Light of Cune form Literature: Scripture in Context III. William W. Hallo, Bruce William Jones an d Gerald L. Mattingly, eds. (The Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston, NY), 1990, I-30. 136. "The Limits of Skepticism," JAOS i w (1990), 187-199. 137. "Assyriology an d the C an on," The American Scholar 59 (1990), to5-1o8. 138. "Proverbs Quoted in Epic," in Lingering over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern literature in Honor of William L. Moran. Tzvi Abusch, John Huehnergard, Piotr Steinkeller, eds. (Scholars Press, Atlanta), 199o, 203-217 139. "'1 he Concept of Canonicity in Cuneiform an d Biblical Literature: a Comparative Appraisal," in The Biblical Canon in Comparative Perspective. K. Lawson Younger, Jr., Wi lliam W. Hallo, Bernard F Batto, eds. (The Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston NY), 1 99 1 . I-19.

140. "The Death of Kings. Traditional Historiography in Contextual Perspective," in Ah, Assyria...: Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor. Scripta Hierosolymitana XXXIII. Mordechai Cogan and Israel Eph'al, eds. (The Magnes Press, Jerusalem) 1991 148-165. 141. "The Royal Correspondence of Lana. III. The Princess and the Plea," in Marchands, diplomates et empereurs. Etudes sur la civilisation mésopotamienne offe rtes d Paul Gareth. Textes réunis par D. Charpin et F. Joannès (Editions recherche sur les civilisadons, Pa ri s), 1991 377-3 88 142. "Trade and Traders in the Ancient Near Fast. Some New Perspectives,' La circulation des biens, des personnes et des idées dans 6 Proche-Orient ancien, Actes de la XXXVII! Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, Paris), 1 99 1 , 35 1 -35 6 . 143. "Two Centenaries," Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 3 6 ( 1 99 1 ), 491-50o. 144. ' Royal Ancestor Worship in the Biblical World,"

in 'Sha'arei Talmon': Studies in the Bible, Qumran, and the Ancient Near East Presented to Shemaryahu Talmon. Michael Fishbane and Emanuel Toy, eds With the assistance of Weston W. Fields (Eisenbrauns,Winona Lake, IN), 1992, 381-401. 145. 'Vorwo rt " to Felix Blocher, Siegelabrollungen auf friihaltbabylonischen Tontafeln in der Yale Babylonian Collection (Profil Verlag, Munich), 1992 8-9. 146. "From Bronze Age to Iron Age in Western Asia: Defining the Problem," in The Crisis Years: the 12th Cenriry B.C. from beyond the Danube to the Tigris W.A. Ward and M.S. Joukowsky eds (Kendill/Hunt, Dubuque), 1992, 1-9. 147. ' Sumerian Literature," in D.N. Freedman, ed., The Anchor Bible Dictionary (Doubleday, New York), 1992, 6 234 -2 37. 148. Foreword to Denise Schmandt-Bes serat , Before Writing (2 vv., Universi ty of Texas Press, Austin), 1992, ix-xi .

REVIEWS 149. E.C. Hobbs, ed. A Stubborn Faith. In Studies in Bibliography and Booklore 3 ( 1 957) , 7 1- 73. 1 50, M Cig, H. Kizilyay an d A. Salonen Die PuzriJDagan-Texte der Istanbuler Archäologischer Museen: Teil L in BiOr 14 (1957), 230-232. E. Sollberger. Corpus des inscriptions royales" présargoniques de Lagos' In JNES 17 (1958), 210216.

The Publications of William W. Hallo

152. H. Schmoekel. Geschichle des alten Vorderasien. In JAOS 78 (1958), 305-308. 153. L. Vanden Berghe and H.F. Mussche. Bibliographie analytique de l'assyriologie et de l'archéologie. In Studies in Bibliography and Booklore 3 (1958), 141f. 154 J. Pereman. Material for a Bibliography on Psalms (In Hebrew). In Studies in Bibliography and Booklore 3 (1958), 168f. 155. D.O. Edzard Die "Zweite Zwischenzeit" Babyioniens. In BiOr 16 ( 1 959), 2 34-2 3 8 . 156. V. Christian. Beiträge zursumerischen Grammatik. In BiOr 18 (1961), 6of 157. E. Horowitz. How the Hebrew Language Grew. InReligious Education S7 (1962), 304. 158. S.H. Hooke. Babylonian and Assyrian Religion. In JBL 82 ( 1 96 3), 33 8f. 159. W.F. Albright. The Biblical Period from Abraham to Ezra. In JBL 8z (1963), 362. 160. WE Leemans. Foreign Trade in lhe Old Babylonian Period In JCS 17 (1963) 59f. 161. S N. Kramer. The Sumerians. In JBL 83 (1964), 183f. 162. Th.G. Pinches Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, Part 44. In JCS 19 ( 1 96 5), 57f. 163. C.J. Gadd and S.N. Kramer literary and Religious Texts, First Part (= UET 6/i). In JCS 20 (1966), 8 9-93. 164. E. Ebeling and E. Weidner, eds. Reallexikon der Assyriologie 11I/1. In JAOS 87 (1967), 62-66. 165. E.A. Speiser. Oriental and Biblical Studies. In JAGS 88 (1968), 529. J.B P ri tchard, ed. The Ancient Near East In JAOS 90 ( 1 970), 5 2 5. 167. M. Çig and H. Kizilyay. Sumerian Literary Tablets and Fragments in the Archaeological Museum of Istanbul I In JCS 24 (1971), 38-40. t68. Rykle Borger. Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur. In BiOr 33 ( 1 976), 37.

169. G. Pettinato and H. Waetzoldt. La Collezione Schol!meyer (= MVN I). In BiOr 33 (1976), 38-40. 170. H. Goedicke and JJ.M. Robe rt s, eds Unity and Diversity. Essays in the History, literature and Religion of the Ancient Near East. In JAOS 97 (1977), 171. 172.

173.

174.

594f. Marie Joseph Seux Hymnes et Prières aux Dieux de Babylonie et d'Assyrie. In JAOS 97 ( 1 977), 5 82- 5 8 5. Bendt Alster. The Instructions of Shuruppak• a Sumerian Proverb Collection. In JNES 37 ( 1 97 8), 269273. Werner Mayer. Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der Babylonischen Gebetsbeschwörungen. In Religious Studies Review 4/3 (1978), 212. Horst Klengel. Handel und Handler im alten Orient. In BiOr 38 (1981), 276f.

175. Jerrold S. Cooper. The Return of Ninurta to Nippur. In JAOS Ioi (1981), 2 53-2 57. 176. D.O. Edzard, ed. Reallexikon der Assyriologie VI/ i

BiOr 39 (1982), 119f. 177. C.B.F. Walker. Cuneiform B rick Inscriptions. In JCS 34 (1982), 112-117. 178. D.O. Edzard, ed. Reallexikon der Assyriologie IV, V. In BiOr 4o (1983), 87-89. 179. D.O. Edzard, ed Reallexikon der Assyriologie VI/34. In BiOr 41 (1984), 124-126. 2. In

180. D. Wolkstein and S.N. Kramer manna: Queen of Heaven and Earth. In BA 47 (1984), 188. 181. D.O. Edzard, ed Reallexikon der Assyriologie VI/56, 7-8. In BiOr 42 (1985), 636-638. 182. Wolfram von Soden. Einführung in dieAltorientalistik. In BiOr 44 (1987), 164€. 183. Samuel Noah Kramer. In the World of Sumer: an Autobiography. In Biblical Archaeology Review 14/1 (1988), Iof. 184. D.O. Edzard, ed. Reallexikon der Assynologie VII/ 1-2. In BiOr 46 (1989), 34 6-349.

GILGAMESH'S REQUEST AND SIDURI'S DENIAL Pa rt I THE MEANING OF THE DIALOGUE AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR THE HISTORY OF THE EPIC Tzvi Abusch Brandeis University

My purpose here is to offer some comments on an Old Babylonian text that deals with loss and recovery, death and life I shall try to define and solve a problem that occurs in the justly famous exchange between Gilgamesh and the divine tavernkeeper Siduri in an Old Babylonian version of the Epic of Gilgamesh (= OB Gilg. Meissner, cols. ii-iii') and, thereby, offer a new interpretation of the dialogue. I shall then explore some of the implications of my study for the history of the epic. Professor Wi lliam W. Hallo is a scholar of broad interests, who has made significant cont ri butions to our understanding of Mesopotamian literary history. It is a

pleasure to dedicate this study of an Akkadian literary text to Bill Hallo, colleague and friend. The text of the first interchange between Gilgamesh and Siduri in the Old Babylonian version reads: col. ii Iibri fa ararmnufu dannif] ittiya ittallaku kalu man Enkidu fa ara► nmufu dannif iltiya ittallaku kalu marsâlim illikma ana fimâlu au^ili► tim 5•

6'. This essay and its companion study ("Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial. Pa rt II: An Analysis and Interpretation of an Old Babylonian Fragment about Mourning and Celebration," which will appear in JANES 22) have benefitted greatly from the comments of several scholars. Stephen A. Geller discussed the text with me in great detail, and both he and Kathryn Kravitz read the several drafts and made a number of valuable comments and suggestions. En addition, William L. Moran discussed the text with me, Mordechai Cogan critiqued an early draft, and Diane Felnman and Michael Rosenbaum suggested improvements in the final draft. I am grateful to all these friends for their interest and help. The Meissner fragment was published by B. Meissner, Ein altbabylonisches Fragment des Gilgamosepos, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft 7/I (Berlin, 19oz). More recently, it has been joined to a fragment in the B riti sh Museum; see A.R. Millard, 'Gilgamesh X: A New F ra gment," Iraq 26 (1964), pp• 99-105. For t ra nslations of both the Old Babylonian text and the later Standard Babylonian version of the epic, see, e g , E A Speiser and A.K. Grayson Ancrent Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, ed. J.B. P ri tchard, 3 d ed. (Princeton, NJ. 1969), pp. 72-99, 503-7 and S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, The Rood, Gilgamesh and Others (Oxford/New York, 1989), pp. 39-153. Whenever possible, the line count of the twelve-tablet version follows R. Campbell Thompson, The Epic of Gilgamesh (Oxford, 1930). In this essay, t ra nslations of that ve rs ion are usually drawn from the recent t ra nslations by Dailey, Myths, or M.G. Kovacs, The Epic of Gilgamesh (Stanford, 1989) For studies of the epic, cf, e.g. Th. Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness: A History of Mesopotamian Religion (New Haven, 1976), pp. 195-219 J.H. Tigay, The Evolution ol die Gilgamesh Epic (Philadelphia, 1982); T. Abusch, "Eshtar's Proposal and Gilgamesh's Refusal: An Enterpretation of The Gilgamesh Epic, Tablet 6, Lines 1-79," History of Religions 26 (1986), pp. 143-87 (an abbreviated ve rs ion, together with a number of other essays on Gilgamesh, has been anthologized in Classical and Medieval literature Criticism, vol. 3, ed. J. Krstovic et al. [Detroit, 1989], pp 3 6 5 - 74)•

7r.

8'. 9'

iftu warkifu ul üta balâlam

attanaggif kima babilim qabaltu yen Manna sâbiturn âtarnar pâniki mütam la âtanaddant ayâmur

sâbiturn ana falu n izzakara ► n ana dGilganief

t.

,

urn u m17fi elifu abki ul addiffu ana gebéri► n ibriman ilabbe'am ana rigmiya sebel ûmi u sebe rnufiâtim adi tülttm itnqutam ina appifu

col iii d Gilganief êf tadâl 2. balâtam fa tasabhunt la tut ta 3 , inûma art ibnta awilütam 4. mütam ifkunii ana awiliuim 5. balâtam ina qatilunu issabtü t.

6.

attâ dGilgamef lû mali karaflea 7. urn u mûri hitaddu attâ 8. ütnifarn fukun hidgtam 9• urn u müfi sür u mail to. lii ubbubü subâtüka 1 I. qaqqadka lii niese rn lu ramkâta subbi sehram sâbitu gâtika marhiturn lihtaddâm tria süni(kJa

Gilgarnesh's Request and Siduri's Denial

TZVI ABUSCH

2

col. ii My friend, whom I love dearly, Who with me underwent all hardships, Enkidu, whom I love dearly, Who with me underwent all hardships, Has gone to the fate of mankind.

Prior to this summary is the text which is the initial focus of our essay, a four-line quatrain which forms the third and last stanza of Siduri's response:

lû ubbuba subâtaka qaqqadka la mese mê lû ramkdta subbi se/iram sâbitu gätika marbitum libtadddm Ma sani[k]a

s'. Day and night I wept over him, 6'. 7'. 8'. 9'

I would not give him up for burial (saying) "my friend perhaps will rise up to me at my c ry !' Seven days and seven nights Until a worm dropped out at me from his nose.

ioe. Since his death, I have not found life. I keep roaming like a hunter in the open coun12'. 13'.

Now, alewife, that I have seen your face, The death that I constantly fear may I not see. The alewife spoke to him, to Gilgamesh:

col Gilgamesh, whither do you rove? 2. The life that you pursue you shall not find. 3. When the gods created mankind, 4* Death they appointed for mankind. 5. Life in their own hands they held. i,

6. 7. 8. 9.

You, Gilgamesh, let your stomach be full. Day and night keep on being festive. Daily make a fes ti val Day and night dance and play

to. Let your clothes be clean, t t . Let your head be washed, in water may you bathe. 12. Look down at the child who holds your hand, 13. Let a wife ever delight in your lap.

Wear fresh clothes, and wash your head, and bathe. Look at the child that is holding your hand, and let your wife delight in your embrace. 3

Problem Let us now examine more closely this third stanza of Siduri's response 4 In spite of its apparently straightforward meaning, the passage poses some difficulty The quatrain is made up of two couplets, but their arrangement is odd. Precisely because of the common everyday meaning of the text, we are struck by the peculiar order of its elements: in the first couplet, wearing of clean clothes is enjoined prior to washing of head and body, in the second couplet, relationship with a child is mentioned prior to sexual rela ti ons with a woman This ordering of elements contradicts a logical or, at least, a more usual causal or temporal sequence. Normally, one first washes before putting on clean clothes; so, for example, GE XI 247-252 5 . OB Gilg. P iii 22-276; and 2.

These lines (iii 14-16) might be read:

anndma fi-pi[r sinniltim/awilûtim] [d Gisr ê! taddll !a ba-al-14 l[i-ib-du balätam] This alone is the concern of woman/man. Gilgamesh, whither do you rove? Let him who u alive enjoy life. Possibly, but less likely, line 16 might read'

la ba-al-lG 'la' [i-bad-du-4 balätam] Should not he who is alive enjoy life? I owe the restorations of lines is-16 to Thorkild Jacobsen.

I. PROBLEM AND IN I h.RPRETATION

Introduction

This interchange or dialogue between Siduri and G il gamesh comprises a speech and its response. After describing his anguish at the loss of Enkidu, Gilgamesh expresses his hope that Sidon will provide a solution to his predicament. Siduri's speech provides her response and her advice. Each speech contains three stanzas. At the end of the third stanza of Siduri's speech, there are an additional three lines that are largely broken.' The first of the three lines and perhaps the two that follow seem to be a concluding summary construction of her message.

3. Translation: Th. Jacobsen, "The Gilgamesh Epic: Romantic and Tragic Vision," in Lingering Over Words: Studies in Ancient Near Pastern Literature in Honor of William L. Moran, ed. T. Abusch, J Huehnergard, and P. Steinkeller, HSS 37 (Atlanta, i990), pp. 24o-41. Because of its greater forcefulness, I cite Jacobsen's translation of these four lines, though I have suppressed "And" at the beginning of the first line. 4. In my estimation, my analysis of iii 10-13 is not materially affected by the broken lines 14-16. 5. "Ur-shanabi took him away and brought him to the washing-place. / He washed his matted hair with water like ellu / He cast off his animal skin and the sea carried it off. / He moistened his body with fine oil, / and made a new wrap for his head. / He put on a royal robe worthy of him ..." (Translation: Kovacs, Gilgamesh, p. Jos). 6. "With water he washed / his hairy body, / rubbed himself with oil, / and became a man / He put on a garment, / was like a young noble " (T ra nslation Jacobsen, "Gilgamesh Epic "in Lingering Over Words, p. 237. Note that Jacobsen's translation follows the restoration (mil-i; others restore (ma-hi-i, for which cf. GE X1 248, quoted above).

elsewhere, c£, e.g., 2 Samuel 12 . 20 7 And one normally imagines love-making as preceding the birth of a child; one expects that the mention of a relationship of an adult male with a woman will precede the men ti on of his relationship with a child. Why then did the composer order the elements in this unusual and somewhat jarring way?

Solution a. Chiasm The elements of each couplet seem to be inverted. Inversions or revenals are characteristic of chiastic form. The occurrence here of such characteristics should perhaps not surp ri se us, for I note that Sidun's speech contains other circular forms and chiasms 8 and, in line with chiastic structure, even takes the last pa rt of Gilgamesh s speech as its point of departure. Actually, the dialogue as a whole seems to be arranged chiastically Not only do Gilgamesh's address and Siduri s answer run parallel to each other, but as J.H Tigay has also noted these speeches also form a chiastic pattern: Gilgamesh had told the barmaid that: i) Enkidu, whom he loves, is dead; 2) he mourned Enkidu for seven days and nights; and 3) he has not found the immortality he seeks. In reply, the barmaid tells Gilgamesh: The life you pursue you shall not find. When the gods created mankind, Death for mankind they set aside, Life in their own hands retaining. As for you, Gilgamesh, let your belly be fu ll , Make merry day and night. Of each day make a feast of rejoicing, Day and night dance and play! Let your garments be sparkling fresh, Your head be washed; bathe in water. Pay heed to a little one that holds on to your hand. Let a spouse delight in your bosom, For this is the task of [woman].

the void left in your life by Enkidu's death. In sum: Embrace reality. 9

Thus, the overall chiastic structure of this dialogue might possibly provide an explanation for the inverted order of elements in the last stanza of Siduri s response for the second half of a chiasm will often be arranged in reverse. Influenced by his knowledge that the second half of a chiastic structure normally reverses the sequence of its first half, the composer here may thus simply have chosen to reverse also the order of individual elements within the last stanza. Perhaps. But further reflection on the nature of chiastic construction suggests that the chiastic mode of composition neither requires nor adequately accounts for the composer's use of an apparently illogical sequence here an d the disruption, thereby, of normal order. A chiasm should make sense. The structure of an entire chiasm follows a coherent train of thought. Certainly, gratuitous distortions of reality will be avoided. Thus, while the second half of a chiasm does indeed reverse the order of the first half, this reversal will normally achieve the rhetorical and psychological goals for which it is intended without grossly distorting reality. But, whereas a l ar ge unit can normally be repeated in reverse order without disruption of logic, a small, tightly formed unit will usually retain its normal everyday order, since a reversal of the sequence of its internal elements will often create an impossible representation. ° Thus, even when a literary work follows a chiastic order, elements of individual small units will ordinarily occur in their normal narra ti ve order. Accordingly, the reversal of order in our last stanza and the subsequent presentation of events in an abnormal temporal sequence are, as such, not required by a chiasm and seem even to ignore the logical norms of chiastic composition. Therefore, we cannot simply explain the inve rs ion as a normal feature of chiastic composition. Still, it seems impossible to disregard chiastic patte rn ing as a factor in the formation of the last stanza. Inversion of elements and chiastic mode of composition a re closely associated, in our text and elsewhere. Thus, even

(Gilg Me. iii, 2-i4) In this advice, the barmaid responds to Gilgamesh's plaint in inve rs e order: 3) You will never find immortality, because it is reserved for the gods; 2) eat, bathe, put on fresh garments and rejoice (the opposite of what mourners do); and t) let your family fill "Thereupon David rose from the ground; he bathed and 7. anointed himself, and he changed his clothes" (translation: Tanakh. A New Translation of The Holy Scriptures According to the Traditional Hebrew Text [Philadelphia, 198s], p. 4 8 7)• 8 Cf. e g sü 6-9 the middle stanza in Siduri's answer. See Abusch, "Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial. Part lI," where I study the structure and meaning of both iii 6-9 and it 5'-9', the middle stanza in Gilgamesh's address.

9. Tigay, Evolution, pp. 50-5 t. to. Accordingly, such inversions are quite infrequent. Thus, for example, W.G.E Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry: A Guide to lu Techniques 'SOT Suppkrnent Series 26 (Sheffield, 1984)• P. 35 8 , notes that "The only example of inversion in Hebrew poetry is Hosea 9,11 where the natural sequence of events is reversed - depicting utter negation." Hosea 9:1 I: "No childbirth, no gestation, no conception," xampk of an "illogical" or unnatural sequence in which the elements of a small unit ne inverted and listed in reverse order. For this verse, cf., also, F I Andersen and D N. Freedman, Hosea, Anchor Bible 24 (New York, 198o), pp. 53 8 , 542-3. Certainly, Andersen-Freedman's claim that Hosea 9:116 begins its unit (pp. 9) supports the idea that such an inversion serves a distinct thenal purpose. For otherwise, the text would have followed a natural order since the vene's position at the beginning of the unit would have militated against inversion and would certainly not have fostered it.

TZVI ABUSCH

4

though the chiastic structure of the dialogue as a whole does not seem to justify the inversion of elements in the last stanza, it is not possible to dismiss as coincidence the occurrence here of an inversion within a chiastic structure. We may neither treat the inversions as the natural consequence of chiasm nor dismiss the connection between the inversions and the chiastic mode of composition of the dialogue. Perhaps we should consider explaining the inversions as marks of clumsy craftsmanship. The poet may have carried out his task in a mechanical way. Knowing that in a chiasm, he was expected to reverse the elements in the second half, the poet may have inverted some scenes by reversing also the order of those elements which normally would have been left in their usual order. ' Thus, it is possible that the structure of our stanza is simply the result of mechanz ical and uncorrected craftsmanship. Perhaps. But regardless of whether the inversions in our stanza are clumsily or skillfully formed, they are pa rt of a chiastic structure, and we should not mle out too hastily the possibility that even here inversion conveys meaning. At best, what we have done thus far is establish that our text is written in a s ty le that allows or encourages inve rs ion. We have yet to ascertain whether or not the apparently illogical inve rs ions have a special significance and se rv e a specific purpose. b. Interpretation i) Reexamining the passage now with an eye to spotting a possible special purpose to the inve rs ions, we notice that the inve rs ion is actually of significance and certainly deserving of an explanation. Enkidu having died, the composer in our passage now t ri es to convey to Gilgamesh the thought that to regain life he must seek a woman as the replacement for the dead friend for whom he grieved. The love that Gilgamesh felt for Enkidu was the love of a warrior for his comrade a love that finds poignant expression in the story of Achilles and Patroclus as well as in the famous lament of David over Jonathan. How have the mighty fallen in the thick of battle Jonathan, slain on your heights! i grieve for you, My brother Jonathan, You were most dear to me. u, I n further suppon of this characterization, note that this stanza remains an incomplete or partial chiasm within a larger chiasm, for while the elements of the quatrain under analysis are inverted, they are nor a reversal of a corresponding set of elements in the first half of the dialogue. The elements in our stanza follow the order BADC; thus neither do they re late directly to and reve rs e the dements in the first stanza of Gilgamesh s speech (which would require DCBA) nor do they forma miniature chiasm in themselves (ABBA). 12. Such a mistake would certainly be instructive for it would show how some composers might have gone about shaping chtasuc strtactores.

Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial Your love was wonderful to me More than the love of women. How have the mighty fallen, The weapons of war penshedj^ 3

That love must now give way, be given up, and the void filled by a new, or expanded, relationship with a woman. Therefore, just as the chiasm began with Gilgamesh's mention of Enkidu (ii i'ff.), so the 'wife' who is to be Enkidu's replacement should find mention at its end. Thus, the line citing the child (iii 12) is placed not after the mention of the woman, but rather before her mention so that the woman may appear at the end, in iii 13, as the counterpart of Enkidu. Here the need for emphasis overrides order. The change of order highlights the message. Final position is an emphatic and climactic position. It is thus a particularly appropriate and effec tive place to express and thereby emphasize the thought that a woman must replace Enkidu and take a central place in the protagonist's life This idea appears to be one of the most important elements — perhaps the most important of Siduri's message; in any c as e, it gives unity and significance to her overall advice. Thus, it is fitting that dosure will occur here in Siduri's speech with that statement which for her would have represented the most powerful thought that she needed to impart.' 4 As for the couplet at the head of our stanza, we may now suggest that here also the composer intentionally inverted the order of elements. A possible explanation, if not a wholly satisfying one, is that he reversed these elements so that the order in the first couplet would be consistent with that of the second By placing the wearing of clean clothes (iii to) prior to washing an d bathing the body (iii I I), the first couplet thus leads into and prepares us for the atemporal order of the second one.' S To. Let your clothes be clean, I I . Let your head be washed, in water may you bathe. I2. Look down at the child who holds your hand, I3. Let a wife ever delight in your lap.

The need to mention the woman at the end of Siduri's speech thus explains the strange order of the stanza. The stanza leads up to the affirmation of the import an ce in life of the wife 16 The speech ends with 13. 2 Samuel 1:25-27. (Translation: Tanakh, p. 471)• 14. Cf. B. Herrnstein Smith, Poetic Closure: A Study of How Poems End (Chicago, x968). 15. For an explanation of a different so rt we might suggest that the writer drew upon a source which presented the situation in a static form (e.g., a visual depiction of a festival scene). But when representing such scenes in a linguistic medium that stretches over u rn e, the author need not present the scene in an atemporal order. And even when the underlying scene was actually made up of several simultaneous events or proceedings, the linear order chosen should have some significance 16. The capping or climaxing of this thought would also find expression in the restored line i i 14 if we restore sinniltim: "For this alone is the concern of woman)." Should this restoration be collect, it would further suppo rt my analysis.

the mention of the human female partner in order thereby to recall the very beginning of the speech and thus to link this woman with Enkidu and to emphasize her role as his replacement. ii) But the woman's appearance at the end of the speech also se rv es another purpose. She replaces not only Enkidu of the beginning of Gilgamesh's speech but also recalls and replaces the divine woman (Siduri) mentioned at the end of Gilgamesh's speech. Thus, the text would seem to follow not only a chiastic structure, but also a parallel one This obse rv ation will allow us to resolve a further difficulty of this text and to attain a deeper understanding of the message itself At the conclusion of Gilgamesh's first address to Siduri, he states in its very last lines (ii 12I-13 /) that now that he has seen Siduri's face, he hopes no longer to see that is, experience — death. What is the meaning of these lines? This statement has been taken to mean that Gilgamesh hopes that Siduri will enable him to reach Utnapishtim (by directing him to Urshanabi, the boatman, who, in turn, will convey Gilgamesh to Utnapishtim), and that he will thereby attain immortality. But this is neither the o ri ginal meaning of these lines nor indeed what the text actually says. We would suggest that these lines mean that Gilgamesh now realizes that he wishes to live with a woman rather than remain in spi ri t with his dead male friend. But instead of choosing a normal, mortal woman, he has focused on an immortal because he thinks her capable of endowing him with eternal life. Hence his statement: warkiu'u ul Wet balatam ... Manna sabitum âtamarpnniki matam la âtanaddaru ayitmur

lira

Since his death, I have not found life, ... (but) now alewife, that I have seen your face, The death that i constantly fear may I not see.

He thinks that in her he has found life. He has not yet realized that for him now his woman must be mo rt al. Let us take up the text in detail. What does Gilgamesh's statement mean? Siduri is charactenzed as a sitbitu, a tavernkeeper. She an d her inn would function as a haven for the traveller an d provide a place of rest, food and drink, companionship, memment, and sex.' 7 But she is also a goddess, perhaps of the Ishtar type.' 8 Apparently, Gilgamesh believes that having come to Si17. Cf., e.g., R. Harris, "Images of Women in the Gilgamesh Epic," in Lingering Over Words, pp. 222-225 and references there, and Dailey, Myths, p. 132, n. io6. More generally, see H. Hoffner, " Th e Arran House, ' in Anatolian Studies Presented to Hans Gustav Giaterbock, ed., K. Bittel et al. (Istanbul, 1974). PP. 113-21. especially P` 113 for Mesopotamian references and pp. 119-20 for the sexual activities in the Arzana house 18. Cf. W.G. Lambert, "The Hymn to the Queen of Nippur," in Zikir Sumtim: Assyrialogical Studies Presented to F.R. K raus on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday, ed. G van Driel et at (Leiden, 1982). P. 208.

duri, he has, in effect, come to a goddess who is like Circe and Calypso and whose realm is similar to theirs.' 9 In the Odyssey, these goddesses offered Odysseus "inunortality" and a life of ease It suffices to cite some passages from Odysseus's encounter with Calypso. So he (Hermes) spoke, and Kalypso, shining among divinities, shuddered, and answered him in winged words and addressed him. You are hard-hearted, you gods, and jealous beyond all creatures beside, when you are resentful toward the goddesses for sleeping openly with such men as each has made her true husband. So now, you gods, you resent it in me that I keep beside me a man, the one I saved when he clung astride of the keel board all alone, ... but the wind and the current carried him here and here they drove him, and I gave him my love and cherished him, and I had hopes also that I could make him immortal and all his days to be endless.' So she (Kalypso) spoke, a shining goddess, and led the way swiftly, and the man followed behind her walking in the god's footsteps. They made their way, the man and the god, to the hollow cavern and he seated himself upon the chair from which Henries lately had risen, while the nymph set all manner of food before him to eat and d ri nk, such things as mortal people feed upon. She herself sat across the table from godlike Odysseus, and her serving maids set nectar and ambrosia before her.

19. For a recent study of Odysseus's encounters with Calypso and Circe as well as of Circe's Near Eastern connections, see G. C ra ne, Calypso: Backgrounds and Conventions of the Odyssey, Beiträge zur klassischen Philologie 191 (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), especially chapters 1-3. For the netherworld associations of these goddesses, see, e g. pp. 15ff. For Circe as a netherworld goddess and her island u a netherworld, see pp. 33-34 with nn. 15 and 23 on pp. 46-47. For the view of Calypso as a netherworld goddess see. e.g , p. 23, n 7 and G, Levy, The Sword from the Rock (London, 1953), p. 15 z with n. 4. En comparisons of scenes from the Epk of Gilgamesh with Calypso and Circe materials. usually Circe and/or Calypso are compared to Ishtar in GE Vi (age., Abusch. History of Religions 2,6 (1986J p. 161; A.B. Lord, "G il gamesh and Other Epics," in Lingering Over Words, p. 375= Crane, Calypso, pp. 63-665) and not to Siduri. But see Dailey, Myths, p. 48, for comparison of our story to that of Odysseus and Caly pso: 'The story of Odysseus and Calypso in Odyssey V u recognized to have some dose resemblances to the episode of Gagganiesh and Sidun: the lone female plies the inconsolable hero-wanderer with drink and sends him off to a place beyond the sea reserved for a spe.

cial chi of honoured people ._" In the courte of this be wen that our undemanding of the comparison

6

Gilgamesh's Request and Sid

TZVI ABUSCH

They put their hands to the good things that lay ready before them. But after they had taken their pleasure in eating and d ri nking the talking was begun by the shining goddess Kalypso: 'Son of Laertes and seed of Zeus, resourceful Odysseus, are you still all so eager to go on back to your own house and the land of your fathers? I wish you we ll , however you do it, but if you only knew in your own heart how many hardships you were fated to undergo before getting back to your count ry , you would stay here with me and be the lord of this household and be an immortal, for all your longing once more to look on that wife for whom you are pining all your days here.' ... Then resourceful Odysseus spoke in turn and answered her: 'Goddess and queen do not be angry with me ... She is mortal after all, and you a re immortal and ageless.' 2°

Such boons are what Gilgamesh hopes to be offered now that he has found Siduri. For her house and her embrace partake of the immortal?' Thus, if I am not mistaken, Gilgamesh is saying rather clearly that having finally reached Siduri, he hopes that she will now take him in and that he will thereby attain immortality. By saying that he has seen Siduri's face, Gilgamesh voices what might perhaps be a formula of marriage or relationship. In marriage contexts, where a b ri de is veiled, 22 to see her face is to have attained a degree of intimacy with her. The unveiling of the b ri de, it may be added, was a cardinal element of ancient wedding ceremonies, and it has even been su: Bested that the familiar Biblical use of the word 'know" to denote sexual relations referred originally to the bridegroom's coming to know the features of his bnde by lifting her veil before the consummation of the marriage. The Arab bridegroom, we are told, often sees his bride's face for the first time on that occasion, and in Turkey, the present which he then gives her is known explicitly as "the gift of the seeing-of-the-face " 23 20 Homer, Odyssey, 5 116-218 , trans. R.. Lattimore (New York, i975), pp 9e-93. 21. Perhaps what Gilgamesh is seeking here is not eternal life, but rather a form of death different from the death which had overcome Enkidu and was the expected form of death for normal men. As it turns out, Gilgamesh cannot have even this different form of death at this point in the development of the epic When finally he assumes the identity ofa dead god, he attains, perhaps, something like that form of death. Cf. Abusch, History of Religions 26 (1986) p. 1 43 87. 22. Cf. GE VIII ii 17. 23. Theodor H. Gastet, The Holy and the Profane: Evolution of Folkways, snd ed. (New York, 198o), p. io . Cf. S. Greengus, Babylonian Marriage Ceremonies and Rites, JCS so 0966) p.

Interpreters often read Gilgamesh's speech to Siduri as if it were his first encounter with her without regard to the fact that this speech occurs at the end of a large break. But I would surmise that in the break in the upper pa rt of col ii, prior to Gilgamesh s speech, Gilgamesh had already encountered the veiled Siduri and had persuaded her to unveil herself. 24 Originally, she was veiled, and it is surely no accident that in her first appearance in the Neo-Assyrian version, Siduri is associated with ve iling or covering (GE X i 4: kutummi kuttumatma ..), or that the name 'Calypso' has been taken to mean 'the covered/veiled one" and even treated as a translation of the Akkadian ' covers^ 5 Thus, when in our Old Babylonian passage Gilgamesh says that he has seen Siduri's face, he is stating that she has been unveiled and that some degree of intimacy has been established between them (though whether this intimacy extended also to sexual intercourse is unclear to me). z6 And he now expresses the hope that she will take lum in to live with her and to be her lover. For he believes that intimacy and co-habitation with a Calypso- or Circe-like goddess would bring immortality. Hence, "Now, alewife, that I have seen your face, may I not experience the death that I constantly fear.s 27 24. I thus disagree with Har ri s, "images of Women," in Lingering Over Words, p. 225, who implies that unlike Sharnhat, who undresses, Siduri remains veiled. 25. Cf., e.g., Dailey Myths, p. 132, n. to8. 26. Here, 'seeing the god's fa ce" is not a cultic term referring to a divine manifestation. But for such a cultic manifestation see, for example, the statement in the Nergal fuilla, BMS 27 (reedited recently by W. Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen "Cebetsbesdiwörungen," Studia Pohl. Senes Maior 5 Rome, 1976], pp: 478 -81), lines i5-18 (esp. line 17 aflum muppalsâta atamar panika), which I would interpret as a seeking after a cultic manifestation of the deity a seeking-out of the actual face of the deity in the form of his statue. The theme reflects not the actual Sitz-im-Leben of the luilla, but the temple experience of the liturgist responsible for the composition (cf. my remarks in "The Demonic Image of the Witch in Standard Babylonian Literature: The Reworking of Popular Conceptions by Learned Exorcists, ' in Religion, Science, and Magic ed. J. Neusner et al. New York/Oxford, i989], p. 36). 27 Gilgamesh also uses the phrase "Now that I have seen your face" when addressing Urshanabi (Meissner iv r2). There is a repetition of several phrases in the speeches to Shamash, Siduri, and Urshanabi in the Old Babylonian Meissner 1- Millard f ra gments. For a listing of these repentions, see Tigay, Evolution, pp. 96-98. These repetitions represent an early stage of the process of assimilation of similar passages to each other, for which p ro cess, see Tigay Evolution, pp. 81-103. In my estimation, our phrase originates in Gilgamesh's address to Siduri (Meissner ii 12') and is carried over from there to the address to Urshanabi as part of the aforementioned process of harmonization or assimilation of dialogues. This direction is indicated both by the fact that our phrase has a specific, not a general, meaning in the speech to Siduri and that the dialogue with Urshanabi empties it of specific meaning and links it with another general phrase, ' Show me (Meissner iv 13) that also occurs in Gilgamesh's address to Siduri (Millard iii 9') but is there separated from ' Now that I see your fa ce" (Meissner ii 12) by Siduri s first speech and by part of Gilgamesh's subsequent address. Thus, the speech to Urshanabi simply dews from speeches to Siduri, pulling together two separate phrases from two separate speeches. Also lines common to the speeches of Shamash and Siduri ("Gilgamesh, whither do you rove) ... ") were drawn from the Siduri dialogue, cf. below, n. 46.

Gilgamesh takes Siduri to be a form of Ishtar, but unlike Tablet VI of the later version where Gilgamesh re28 jects Ishtar's proposaI, here he wishes to stay with the goddess in her realm in order to escape death. He imagines that she will consent. But G il gamesh errs in his assessment, and Siduri must disabuse G ilgamesh of his belief and send him off. She t ri es to do so by means of her speech. In further suppo rt , then, of my interpretation of the last lines of Gilgamesh's speech, I would emphasize here that Siduri's speech to G ilgamesh is less than meaningful if his goal is other than to live with her. Their encounter gains in significance when we recognize that li ving with Siduri has now become Gilgamesh's goal; Enkidu is being pushed aside and Utnapishtim has not yet entered the scene And her speech takes on a new force when we further realize that she is responding not only to his cry for Enkidu at the beginning of his speech, but also to his proposal to her at its end. Siduri must dissuade Gilgamesh from his futile hope for immortality with her. Her purpose, then, is not only to encourage Gilgamesh to attach himself to a living female in place of Enkidu, but also to let him know that just as he cannot live forever with the dead Enkidu, so, too, he cannot live forever with an immortal female, a goddess, and must rather find fulfillment with a mortal female, a woman. It is not only to answer his points in the order of last to first, but also to disabuse him of his idea that he, a mortal, can enjoy immortality with her, a goddess, that she presents her reply as she does: the gods have designated immortality only for themselvesr5); instead the mortal Gilgamesh should enjoy festivals to their fullest (iii 6-9) and find fulfillment, finally, with a mortal wife (iii io-13). Siduri must express even more than the thought that Gilgamesh cannot hope to find immortality with a goddess. The way for the erstwhile warrior to go on living and even to lead a meaningful life, when he must finally withdraw from the world of combat an d adventure and surrender the love of his dead comrade, is for him to undertake normal activities and normal family relationships At another time, Siduri might have been willing to be Gilgamesh's temporary sexual partner (see below). But here she must refuse him, for she must not only disabuse him of the no ti on that he can attain immortality through a relationship with her, but also convey to him the necessity of selecting a fami li al sexual partner rather than a non-famili al one. Sex here is neither an act of immortality and eternity nor an act of the moment. For only through a familial context will G il gamesh regain a normal life ^9 Hence, the poet is constrained to mention the child in iii to an d to mention him prior to mentioning the woman. The mention of the child transforms the sexual relationship with the morbttsrsi into a family relaFor thu interpretation of Tablet VI, 6 (1986),

pp. 143-87, and see below, Section

's Denial

7

tionship. His partner is now also his 'wife', and the birth ofa child is a consequence of their relation. The woman, the child, both represent normality. We are further prepared for this movement into 'normal life' by the mention, even before the child, of clean clothes and body. G il gamesh is to be washed and clothed in normal clothes (not regnal clothes [contra his role in Tablet VI] nor animal skins [contra his role as a wanderer]) so that he may reenter a normal state and be attractive to a human woman rather than a goddess. 3° The sexual act is now a procreative act which brings into being the posterity and future signalled by the child. Progeny implies death, and thus the woman an d child also suggest mortality an d are a most pronounced way for Siduri to impart to Gilgamesh the notion of his morrality an d to express the hope that he accept his mortal nature. But progeny also implies immortality. A child is a form of immortality, and in our passage, this is the only form of immortality that G il gamesh can hope for. iii) To sum up our discussion thus far: the climax of Siduri's speech highlights the joy found in the relationship between mortal man and woman. Here the end of the second half of a chiasm resumes both the beginning an d the end of its first half. Thus, Siduri's speech itself builds up to and concludes with the theme ofa human wife so that this woman might replace both the male comrade Enkidu of the beginning of Gilgamesh's speech and the female goddess Siduri of its end. To enhance and give particular meaning to this climax, the poet inverted the order of the elements in the last stanza. clean clothes and bathing; a child and a wife. Actually the attempt to reintroduce Gilgamesh to normal life after his wandering in the wild recalls the humanizauon of Enkidu. The situation that is here meant to humanize an d acculturate Gilgamesh is similar to that which served to humanize Enkidu and bring him out of the wild. The cleansing an d clothing of Gilgamesh here remind us of the cleansing and clothing of Enkidu as an introduction to human life Moreover, the prostitute

This understanding of Sidu Gilgamesh back to norrnaliry agrees transition-point back to normal life for the patie nt who hss u gone magical rites. See, e.g., R I. Caplice . "The Akkadian Text Genre Namburbi" (Ph.D. dru.. University of Chicago, *963), pp. 88-89 and idem, The Akkadian Namburbi Terra: An Introduction, SANE 1/1 (Los Angeles, 1974). Q. is: and CAD, vol. S, p. 9: bit 1âhu 2 ' . This function of the tavern has now been discussed by Ste fa n M. Maul in ("Der Kneipenbesuch ah Neilveii.iliren") read before the A I (Paris, 1990; Maul there cites our Gilgamesh tat. 3o. Cf, s Samuel ii: so-25. where, after mourning, David bathes, anoints himself, and changes his clothes and subsequently has i ntercourse with Bathsheba, who chers bears him a sots, Solomon. So, too, Gilgamesh's wandering in the steppe, away from civilization. unwashed and uncaring skins, a trip, . in effect, through the world of the dead is a fomn or phase of rournini g washing and dressing and 29.

then taking a woman are stages in the termination of the state of mourre . ..

8

TZVI ABUSCH

Shamhat, 3 ' who humanizes Enkidu at the beginning of the tale, is like the alewife Siduri (as well as the 'wife' of her advice), who humanizes Gilgamesh at the end of the tale. And just as the human prostitute attracts and introduces Enkidu to normal human life by means of sex, just so the divine alewife who may once have made love to the traveler now suggests that Gilgamesh make love with a woman and thereby return to a normal state. But especially if this parallel is correct, a dissonant note is now heard, and perhaps it points up one more factor that is responsible for our inversions. The Enkidu tale may derive from a story of the humanization of a p ri mitive by a prostitute that would have been told in '32 Similarly, Siduri's advice the aftammu, "tavern/inn. would also seem to derive from and have its setting in the altammu or bil sâbî/ sâbiti. 33 But in "advice" or songs that emanate from institutions that provide d ri nk and sex, places like the bit scibî/snbiti or allammu, one does not expect to find the injunction, "Look down at the little one who holds your hand." The point of such an institution is to encourage a man to undertake sexual pleasure with a woman and to provide him with the opportunity to do so, not to suggest that he undertake the responsibilities of caring for children and family. 34 Elsewhere, in a treatment devoted to the second stanzas of the Gilgamesh-Siduri dialogue I will again examine the setting of portions of the text. Here, I would only mention that the Egyptian Harper's Songs, sections of the biblical Ecclesiastes, and other texts that have been cornpared with po rt ions of our written text, do not include For the character of Shamhat, cl recently Harris, "Images of Wom en," in Lingering Over Words, pp. zzz-24. See W,L. Moran, "Ovid's Blanda Voluptas and the Humane of Enkidu," JNES so (1991), pp. 121-27, especially pp. 126for the suggestion that the pub may be the setting for the telling of a story of the humanization of primitive ratan by sex with a prostitute, by drinking, etc, a ty pe of story that could have then served as the basis for the development of the Enkidu tale This setting, a place of drink and prostitution, is suggested by the fact that Siduri's establishment is such a place and by the fact that such an institution, or, at least, worldly drinking parties and banquets are assumed by the form and content of the advice itself (cf.. e.g., J. Assmann, ' Der schöne Tag — Sinnlichkeit und Vergänglichkeit im altägyptischen Fest," in Das Fest, ed. W. Haug and R. Warning, Poetik und Hermeneutik 14 [Munich, t989], pp. 23-25). For feasting in the altammu, see W,G. Lambe rt , Babylonian Wisdom literature (Oxford, 196o), p. 256: 9-to: ana Beret altammu L i tandlma, and pp- 339-4o, especially p. 34o top. En "Gilgamesh s Request and Siduri's Denial. Part II" I suggest that po rt ions of Siduri's advice reflect and play upon mortuary rites. This connection with mortuary ri tes does not contradict the association of Siduri s speech also with the altammu, for the banquet of the dead draws upon the mundane banquet as its model and, in the context of the Epic, is efectit ely refocused towards the living by the very character of the afhunmu as an institution for the hying. 34. Hence, for example, the ceremonial and therapeutic incantations and rituals of the laziga corpus (see R.D. Biggs SA.ZI.GA . Ancient 4%fesopotamian Potency Incarnations, TCS 2 [Locust Valley, N.Y.. 1967]), focus on restoring lost potency, but seem never to mention the desire for children and do not have reproductive goals En my estimation, the laziga materials originated or at least developed in the altammu,

a mention of children Accordingly, just as the tale of the p ri mitive human may have been taken up and made into the Enkidu tale by the bard responsible for the epic, 35 so too the aftammu proto type of Sidun's advice aught also have been modified by the epic bard and the theme of the child introduced. Just as the acceptance of kingship was a necessary final step for Enkidu and added by the epic poet, 36 so too the acceptance of children was a necessary ingredient in the advice to Gilgamesh and was also added by the epic poet. Actually, it is useful to realize that iii 32 was probably an addition. This observation may allow us to recognize and come to terms with the fact that this line is odd. Subbi sehram sâbitu gâtika (iii 1 2) is a strange formulation, a peculiar — or at least unusual — way to describe the father-son relationship that is being suggested to Gilgamesh. Perhaps the line is drawn from or influenced by another text In any case, our line is reminiscent of sabtat gitssu kirna . , ireddesru37 of the Old Babylonian Gilg. Penn. tablet (ii 31-32). The formulation of the fatherson relationship found in M iii 12 becomes understandable if we as sume that the epic poet drew on the earlier Enkidu-Shamhat episode when he added the mention of the child to his aftammu proto ty pe. He modelled M iii 12 on the earlier line in order, perhaps, to draw attention to the two passages and to link them together. This connection may perhaps also explain the use of the unusual marhitum 38 in the following line (M iii 13), for marhitum recalls rehil, 'to pour to have intercourse, to inseminate', of the contemporaneous Old Babylonian Enkidu-Shamhat encounter (P ii 8 II SB I iv 2 I) 39 Through these and other connections the author links the Siduri-Gilgamesh encounter with the earlier Shamhat-Enkidu encounter and suggests that they parallel each other. But the order of our last two lines is an inversion of the order of events in the earlier account, for there En-

35. Morn, JNES so (i991), pp. 126-127. 36. Morn, JNES 5o (1991), p 127. 37. The similarity of the two passages would be even greater were the conjectural reading sehram (sabot gnssu kima sehrim ireddelu) for Gilg. Penn- ii 32 again to find suppo rt . But for now, greater weight must be assigned to the reading preserved in later manuscripts from Boghazkoi (DINGIR-rim) and Uruk (DINGIR MES), for which see G Wilhelm, "Neue akkadische Gilgames Fra gmente aus tlattusa," ZA 78 (1988), p. tos 7 (cf, pp. 108-9) and E. von Weiher, "Ein Fragment des Gilgame"s-Epos aus Uruk," ZA 62 (i972) p. 224 = SpBTU 2, no. 30, obv. t r' . These readings suppo rt J. Renger's reading ("Gilg. P ii 32 [PBS 10/3]," RA 66 [1972] p. 190) of Gilg. Penn- ii 32 as DiNGIR! . Note, however, that the text of the line preserved in Boghazkoi: [... qri-as-si si- ab] -to-at-ma ki-ma DINGIRlim pa-ni-lu, does not fully agree with that of P ii 31-32 and that von Weiher in his commentary to the Uruk passage thought that "Die Wendung kima il504 steht hier wie ein Subjekt: 'wie die Götter (einen Menschen führen)', — so füh rt ihn (den Enkidu) die Dime. En der altbabylonischen Vers ion steht an dieser Stelle das Objekt. kima sebrim! 'wie einen Kleinen' (führt sie ihn), s. noch W. von Soden, ZA 53 ( 1 959), 210 " The occurrence of sehram in M iii 12 and the connection between the two passages would certainly add considerable weight to the reading sebrim in P ii 32 were all other evidence somehow equalized.

Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial kidu first had intercourse with Shamhat and only then does she take him by the hand, while here Siduri's advice to Gilgamesh concludes with the suggestion that he look upon the child who is holding his hand and then have intercourse with a woman Thus, in addition to its other purposes, it would seem that our inversion constitutes an attempt by the author to create a chiastic connection with the earlier Enkidu episode. 4° Perhaps the purpose of this chiasm is to round out the story and provide a (preliminary) closure to the epic by means of a larger chiasm.

*** The inversion conveys meaning on several levels. And yet, such writing remains strange to me. Its strangeness may reflect the reworking of an earlier literary form. But perhaps this way of ordering elements serves also by its very strangeness and unexpectedness to emphasize and highlight Siduri's advice to Gilgamesh. (Thus perhaps this is an example of what the Russian Formalists termed 'defamiliarization' or ostraneniye "making strange." Our effo rt s at interpretation have, I think, yielded further understanding. But I am not yet convinced that the odd forms do not also reflect a mechanical s ty le of composition or redaction,' a mechanical way of articulating meaningful and significant thought. I cannot set aside the impression that the poet has chosen a stilted 38. According to the dictionaries (see AHw and CAD, s v ), the term marhitum, with two exceptions, is limited to the Epic of Gilgamesh. It occurs here in OB M iii 13 and in SB Tablet Xi in Tablet XI, it se rv es as the designation for Utnapishtim's wife in the nonflood section of that tablet (lines zoz, 205, 209, 258). For the use of this and other terms for 'wife' in the Epic, see Tigay, Evolution, pp. 232-33. As Tigay has noted, the non- fl ood sections of Tablet XI were introduced into the Epic prior to the introduction of the flood account. Note, however, that marhitum in Tablet Xi occurs always as part of the formulaic speech introduction. The occurrence of marhitur in that tablet does not disprove my contention that Utnapishtim was not the o ri ginal goal of Gilgamesh's journey and that even the non-flood sections of Tablet Xi dealing with Utnapishtim and his wife were additions to the Epic (see below, Section EI). These portions of Tablet XI could easily have been added subsequent to the existence already of an early form of the Meissner f ra gment and drew upon and continued a term used by the older Old Babylonian text. The later writer's preference for marhitum is simply a preservation of an earlier choice. As for the meaning of marhitum in our passage: especially i f the Gilgamesh-Siduri dialogue is dependent on an earlier altammu prototy pe in which marhitum of iii 13 already occurred and if that dialogue is the primary instance of marhitum in the epic, then we should probably translate marhitum in M iii 13 not as 'wife', but as 'prostitute/harlot' or the like. 39 Note also that sex is joyful in both episodes: in the Siduri encounter, marhitum libtadddm Ina simika and in the earlier Shamhat account, the very name fambat is rendered most efTectisely by "Freudenmadchen." En this regard, cf. also P i zo and 32 - 34. 40. The chiastic form, then, is: sex - leading child (P) : : (leading) child - sex (M). While it might be possibk, i hesitate to extend the chiasm to include clothing . and washing, food and drink of the earlier lines of Siduri s advice and their corresponding mention in the P tablet.

9

way of conveying an important idea and has thus failed to fully integrate form an d meaning. II. HISTORICAL SPECULATIONS We ought now to rethink the significance of the encounter an d examine its implications for the epic as a whole. For if Gilgamesh's goal is to live with Siduri an d thereby attain immortality while her inten ti on is to dissuade him from such a relationship and direct him to a normal life with woman and child, then the original meaning and context of this encounter are not those of a way station on the journey to Utnapishtim. While it is generally acknowledged that the flood account itself is taken from elsewhere and was not pa rt of the early version of the integrated Akkadian Gilgamesh epic, it is usually assumed that from its outset, Gilgamesh's journey after the death of Enkidu was a quest directed toward Utnapishtim. But it seems to me that this is not the case For Gilgamesh s speech and Siduri's response in this section of the Old Babylonian dialogue make no sense if it is assumed that they were onginally composed for a recension of the epic in which Gilgamesh was on his way to find Utnapishtim for the purpose of escaping death and attaining immortality They make sense only if Siduri was, or had become, the goal of the journey. Originally, then, Utnapishtim was not pa rt of the tale and Gilgamesh roamed without a goal until he met Siduri. Here, then, we need to explain more fully several of the literary-historical implications for the Epic of Gilgamesh suwested by our study of the dialogue between Gilgamesh and Siduri.

Old Babylonian Originally, when Gilgamesh departs Uruk, he is reacting to the loss of Enkidu and embarking on a directionless journey Even sections of the late text preserve this no ti on and a re clear on this point. So, for example, in Tablet ViI in 47-48 of the Standard version, when Shamash comforts Enkidu by describing Gilgamesh's reactions to his death, he predicts: And he himself will neglect his appea rance after your death) (= arkika42 ), Clothed only in a lionskin, he will roarn the open coun-

tr 43

41. Thus. one should perhaps triodify statements about the spontaneity and freedom of Old Babylonian compositions and composers as well as the contrast drawn with later Standard Babylonian fmtenture. The operation here of this macic of composi t with the notion that the poets of the Akkadian epics belong to the social layer of "the inte ll igentsia of the Old Babylonian age, the ci of the scribes, eachers scholars of the schools and the royal court " (G. Komorâczy, "Akkadian Epic Poetry and its Sumerian Sources," Acta Antiqua Academia( Sritntramwn Hungaricar a3 tuns] p. 62). 41. Cf. titi[ worldly M Translation: Dailey, Myths, p. 89.

Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial

TZVI ABUSCH

IO

And Gilgamesh himself speaks these very same words to Enkidu in Tablet VIII iii 6f. of that version• And I myself will neglect my appearance after you(r death) (= arkika44). Clad only in a lionskin, I will roam the open country. 45

With this assessment, our Old Babylonian fragment agrees, for Gilgamesh's speech to Siduri suggests that he was directionless until he encountered her and that it was his meeting with her that finally gave definition to his movement and transformed it into a quest. Actually, Gilgamesh's meeting with Siduri changes everything. Till then, movement, wandering, travel were what Gilgamesh needed, though perhaps he also held out some hope for a solution for, or respite from, his existential/psychological pain. He acknowledges that he had been wandering aimlessly; hence his attanaggisr, 'roam' (Wu warki.fu ul ûta balâtam/ attanaggi.fkima hâbilim qabaltu sir) rather than Siduri's later tasahhuru "pursue" (balâtam fa tasahhuru lâ tutta).g6 For him, balâtam in ii not meant a meaningful life or perhaps the state of being/ feeling alive, not eternal life. He was wandering aimlessly because he had lost and could not recover his own sense of being alive. When he first comes upon Siduri, he begins to regain focus and structure. He recognizes that he now wishes to stop roaming and stay with her. Gil gamesh is seeking an experience, not information or advice about the road to Utnapishtim, and so says to Siduri, "Now that I have seen your face, may I not see death," rather than "Now that I have seen your face, tell me where to go," as G il gamesh had in fact said to Urshanabi: manna Sursunabu atamar pânika kullimanni Ctana'iftim rèqam (M iv Iz-13). His unrealistic wish not to experience death does not mean that he believes that in finding Siduri he has found the way to Utnapishtim. Rather, it means that he wants to stay with the goddess because he thinks her capable of endowing him with eternal life At the beginning of their encounter, G il gamesh has begun to emerge from an almost total identification with the dead and to seek a focus. He can no longer tolerate the chaotic existence symbolized by roaming the steppe but he is not yet able to let go of death and fantasy and return to normal life. He looks for a way that will allow

him to find rest from wandering, but still to escape from natural death. He thinks that he can find these by living with the goddess Siduri. In actuality, Gilgamesh has not yet completely put the dead aside; he remains obsessed with death His continued g ri ef for the dead is tantamount to a wish to remain with them. And in his mind, living with Siduri allows him to continue to live with the dead, for he thinks that through her he can move away from an overt state of grief without having to surrender his attachment to the dead an d reenter the normal world In his attempt, then, to free himself from the an guish of his grief for his friend Enkidu, Gilgamesh t ries to enter into a marriage with the goddess Siduri. He rs is a world in which he can live without living and die without dying He can thus live life through fantasy and need not let go of the dead. By becoming a goal for him, Siduri does Gilgamesh a service, for her appearance provides structure and direction to what had been a chaotic, aimless existence But she recognizes that such a union is untenable for the mortal man G ilgamesh who remains under the shadow of death. On an ontological level, their union cannot be, for it is a mingling of human and god, life and death It is even more destructive on a psychological level, for it is a fantasy that denies death and leaves unresolved the losses of life an d one's own mortal destiny. To live forever with a beautiful woman, a goddess, is a pleasant fantasy for a man, but it is also a death wish. G il gamesh could never again regain human life. Accordingly, Siduri herself proposes a new course. She advises him to return to a normal life. (In an earlier form, she would then have advised his immediate return home to Uruk and the resumption there of a normal life.) Thus, she first gives form and definition to what was aimless wandering by using the term tasahhuru, and then suggests the futility of a quest which seeks to set fantasy in place of reality. She redefines his wanderings as having been in the service of a goal, but then tells him that this goal is attainable only if it is realistic. She tells Gilgamesh that even now that he no longer wanders, but is beginning to define and seek ways of"living", he c an not find eternal life or even succeed in escaping death. But it may well be that it is also Siduri who is responsible, in pa rt , for the eventual inclusion of Utnapishtim in the tale. Staying with Siduri had become Gilgamesh's goal, but by rejecting Gilgamesh and thus denying the possibility of some kind of relationship, she not only redefines his journey, but unwittingly also directs it in a way which neither she nor he had originally considered. Initially, G il gamesh said that he was searching for life; he had not said that he was pursuing eternal life. But Siduri turns what was originally an aimless activity into a quest for eternal life by redefining his aimlessness as sahâni, pursue,' and by juxtaposing iii i-z: "G ilgamesh, whither do you rove' The life (balâtam) that you pursue (tasahhuru) you shall not find," with iii 3-5: "When the .

44 45-

Cf th u warkûu M ii to'.

Translation: Dailey, Myths, p, 93. 46, 4 Gilgam(! If Ladd( / balâtam s'a tasabburu là tuna (iii i -2) also occurs in Shamash's speech (M i 7'-8'). For the problem, see above n. 27 As with the lines common to the speeches of Sidun and Urshanabi, so, too these lines are o ri ginal to Siduri's speech, for it is only here in the dialogue between Gilgamesh and Siduri that there h a play between balàtam fa tarabrstru Li tuna and Gilgamesh s earlier id wta baCnam and that the lines in question have a specific referent. In this context, i should again note that Siduri's use of the phrase fa tarafrburu serves to redefine Gilgamesh s earlier wandenng (attanai( . gabafta sin) as a purposeful act. Th e use of Sill alone without tasatbbnru simply affirms Gilgamesh's own sense of purposeless wandenng. .

gods created mankind, death they appointed for mankind, life (balâtam) in their own hands they held." 47 Inadvertently, perhaps, she suggests by her speech the new goal of Utnapishtim: by introducing the notion that mankind had not been granted immortality by the gods, she introduces the notion of immortality and puts Utnapishtim into his mind. She thus redirects Gilgamesh's gaze towards the new goal of Utnapishtim-like immortality and redefines or gives new meaning to his search for life. Put somewhat differently: Gilgamesh had been roaming aimlessly His desolation, his despair, his loneliness, his fear of death had impelled him to keep on moving. But when once he stopped, thinking that he might escape death, Siduri tried to tell him that he would not be able to find a life or a love that does not include — or that allows one to avoid — death. There is no human life without death, but the fear of death must not be allowed to spoil life. Gilgamesh must fear and suffer death, Siduri says, but can still enjoy a good life even though it will terminate in death. But Gilgamesh could neither accept her advice nor think of another realistic solution. Instead, he focused on the idea of immortality, and the thought of Utnapishtim took form in his mind. Thus, instead of heeding Siduri's advice, he heard in her speech the possibility of attaining immortality, for he had heard of Utnapishtim (or rather, Utna'ishtim as he is called in the Old Babylonian text) and knew that, contrary to Siduri's contention, a human being had once attained immortality To be sure, Siduri's speech does not mention Utnapishtim by name, but the aptness of seeking him out was promoted in the present context by the obvious connection and play between (ut) lita balâtam and lita-

na'ishtim /Utnapishtim. 48 Utnapishtim has now become a pa rt of the story. Thus, while our Old Babylonian text still emphasizes the onginal idea of G il gamesh as an aimless wanderer, that Old Babylonian piece already represents a step in the transition from the earlier pe rs pective to the later form of the epic that sets Utnapishtim as a goal. Our Old Babylonian text represents a stage in the development of the epic. 49 In its evolution, the epic will eventt ally take as its focus the journey to Utnapishtim and the quest for immortality. But while Utnapishtim seems already to have been introduced into an d become pa rt of the Old Babylonian sequence, 5° he has not yet become the focus of the journey from its inception, and Gilgamesh's and Siduri's first set of speeches still represents the earlier context.

fit

.

47. For a related but still different formulation of this thought, cf: Utnapishtim's remark in the SB version, Tablet X vs 36-39 (arid• Arnhasis OB III vi 47ff.)•

II

Standard Babylonian The transformation of Utnapishtim into Gilgamesh's goal from the outset of his journey must await a further evolution of the epic evident in the final ve rsion. For although the late ve rsion still preserves sections that express the o riginal sense of initial emotional distress and chaos, the nature of Gilgamesh's travel has been changed into a more directed journey. Thus, for example, Tablet IX of the Standard version takes up Gilgamesh's travels at their beginning and opens with a presentation of the travels different from that quoted above: Gilgamesh mourned bitterly for Enkidu his friend, And roamed open count ry . 'Shall i die too? Am i not like Enludu? Grief has entered my innermost being, I am afraid of Death, and so i roam open count ry . I shall take the road and go quickly 48. Note that Komorôczy, Acw Antigua Academia( Scientiantm Hungaricac 23 ( 1 975), p. 6t, has also noticed the verbal play between the name Utnapishtim and the statements that Gilgamesh has not/ will not find life: The name [sail. Uta-napishtim] means "He has found life." In the epic we find the statement several times that Gilgamei will not find ' life," thus for example in Fr-Agin. Meissner i. 8 = line III. 2: ' Life that you search for, you will not find" (ba-lalam fa ta-w-ab-bu-nr la tu-ut-ta), ibidcm iI. w: "i do not find life" (u-ul 4-ta ba-la-lam). In the contexts of the epic it refers to the name Ota-na'iitim, and it u a play of words contrasting Gilgame's with the immortal hero of the deluge. Th e name of the human hero of the Sumerian deluge epic is Zi'uiudra (zi-u 4sud-ri). It is obvious that the Old Babylonian Akkadian poet deliberately chose another name, serving also his idea .

Cf. also Speiser, ANET, p. go, n. 164; for a different slant on the connection, see Tigay, Evolution, pp 229-3o. Here i should mention that Gilgamesh's response to Siduri: "Why, my good alewife, do you talk thus? / My heart is sick for my friend! / Why, my good alewife, do you talk thus) / My heart is sick for Enkidu'' (iii 18-zi. Translation: Jacobsen, "Gilgamesh Epic," in lingering Over Words, p. 241) does not contradict my understanding of Gilgamesh's statement in ii 12'-13 as a wish to live with Siduri. Et is true that, on the face of it, Gilgamesh's words do not seem to be an appropriate response to the rejection of such a request. But, neither do they agree with any other interpretation of his request. e.g., the wish to find Utnapishtim or main immortality. Gtlga nesh's re sponse seems to reflect the fact that he has been thrown back to his earlier fixation on his friend by the rejection. Unable to accept her advice that he give her up and take up instead with a mortal woman, Gdgamesh reverts to his earlier attachment to Enkichn, although he had already moved beyond it. Hence, his response and wish to find Utnapishtim. 49v Note also that the text iu fluid and seems to represent a litry stage of change and experimentation. One can almost identify different hands at work. I note for exampk. that the writing in the Old Babylonian text seems uneven. with different section appearing to be composed in different styles. Thus,. I would suggest for exampk, that the middle stanza has been introduced into each of t h e two speeches and their original speeches contained only the 6m and third stanzas. 5o. This, on the assumption that Utnapishtim n actually one of the foci of the Lion in the Meinner-Millard fragments, which wens to be the case, and that Urshartabi, in Sidun's ùnuactions to Gilgamest) no longer plays the role of one who will directly lead Gilgimesh back to Uruk. But, the evidence in the Old Babylonian text for the new role of Utriapaheim n minimal°, see Meissner iv t3 (cf, iv 6) and Millard iv t' (restored).

.

TZVI ABUSCH

I2

To see Ut-napishtim, son of Ubara-Tutu. 5t It would appear that tablet IX is a later addition; in any case, it is an integral pa rt of the late recension in which Gilgamesh now directs his movement from early on to a goal, the attainment of Utnapishtim. With the emergence of Utnapishtim as the new focus of the journey from almost its beginning, the text changed in various ways. One consequence of this new development was a change in the presentation of Siduri, for the new configuration and quality of the work explains the differences between the figure and role of Siduri of the Old Babylonian ve rs ion and of the later Standard ve rs ion. For now that Gilgamesh s travels have Utnapishtim as their o ri ginal goal Siduri loses her earlier function. She is no longer a newly discovered goal, but rather one more person along the way to hear Gilgamesh's tale, bear witness to his state, and direct him toward Utnapishtim. Gilgamesh does not want to stay with Siduri, rather, he wants to move on to Utnapishtim Her famous "carpe diem" speech is now superfluous and is suppressed; the task of directing Gilgamesh back to normality and reality now falls to Utnapishtim and his wife. The altered dialogue between G il gamesh an d Siduri in this ve rs ion is consonant with the new construcnon of the epic. Their encounter has changed from one in which Siduri refuses to provide a home for Gilgamesh and advises him instead to return to his own home to one in which she highlights his plight and helps him reach Utnapishtim. Earlier Stages

If our Old Babylonian piece does not preserve the latest form of the encounter between Gilgamesh and Sidun, it also does not preserve the o ri ginal form. However, it may still be possible to reconstruct earlier forms of the story. A prior form of the story — earlier even than that preserved on the Old Babylonian fragment — may well have ended with Siduri sending Gilgamesh back to Uruk in the care ofa boatman, perhaps Urshanabi, who here se rv es as a form of Hermes. 52 Thus, this earlier account would have proceeded from 51. Tablet iX i t-7. Translation: Dalley, Myths, p. 95. 52. I would go so far as w suggest that originally Urshanabi did not serve as the boatman who took Gilgamesh to Utnapishtim, but rather as the guide who would have brought Gilgamesh directly from Siduri back to Uruk, the land of the living. He is like Hermes a mediator between this world and the next. This understanding of Urshanabi is not inconsistent with W.G. Lambert's suggestion ("The Theology of Death," in Death in Mesopotamia, Mesopotamia 8, ed. B. After (Copenhagen, 1984 p. 59) that Urshanabi may be an altered form of the tradition of the boatman who ferries people across to the netherworld; but note that Hermes (psychopompos) is the guide rather than the ferryman and is only secondarily linked up with the river of the underworld and Charon's fer ry For Herpes in the role of mediator between this world and the next, in general but particularly in the Odyssey, see, e.g., W Burken, Creek Religion (Cambridge, Mass., 1 9 8 5), pp. 1 57-58 and C ra ne, Calypso, pp. 16-19, 34-

40.

the Gilgamesh-Siduri dialogue (and perhaps some version of the encounter with Urshanabi) to Tablet XI 2 39246, where originally it would have been Siduri, and not Utnapishtim, who advised the boatman to wash Gilgamesh and return him to Uruk. From there, it would have moved on to the return voyage presently preserved in tablet XI 256-257, 3oob-3oi, and perhaps 302-307. 53 54 rt of the tale. Utnapishtim was not originally pa Actually, even the form of the story in which Siduri sends Gilgamesh back to Uruk may not have been the earliest form of the episode Gilgamesh's o riginal mistake regarding what he could expect from Siduri suggests an interesting possibility and allows for some further historical speculation Surely, Gilgamesh did not construct out of whole cloth the possibility that he might be able to stay with Siduri. Rather he made this mistake because he saw in her a type of goddess hke Calypso an d Circe. And if Gilgamesh's expectations were not wholly far-

53. Actually, our speculation about early stages helps us to better understand how the late version emerged Our reconstruction of an earlier form of the text (Gilgamesh -Siduri + Xi 239-246 + return journey [ = XI 256-257, 3oob-301, and perhaps also 302-307]) agrees with, finds support in, and explains the disjunctions that we sense in the present Tablet XI between the episodes associated with Utnapishtim (encounter, flood account, test of sleep, plant-of-life episode) and the instructions to Urshanabi to wash, clothe, and return Gilgamesh to Uruk The redactor created the present composite text largely by framing the instructions to Urshanabi with the initial encounter with Utnapishtim, on the one hand, and the plant-of-life episode, on the other, as well as by repeating the instructions in the form ofa nar ra tion (XI 2 47-255). Disruption and clumsiness in the movement of the story make evident the composite nature of the text: especially good examples are provided by the interruption of the return to Uruk by the joining on of the plant-of-life episode in XI 2581f and the clumsy, after-thefact way in which Gilgamesh and Urshanabi turn back toward Utnapishtim s shore, after having already begun their journey, and cary on a long-distance conversation with Utnapishtim from their boat offshore. Further support for this reconstruction is provided by the secondary nature of the narration XI 2 47-2 S5, which tells of Urshanabi's carrying out of his instructions its derivative nature is evidenced by the inclusion within the narrative oflines 2 53 -2 55 (= 244246). These lines refer to the future and are clearly a dittography. This conclusion is suggested by the inappropriateness ofa future reference in the narrative, but its appropriateness in the original instructions; it is confirmed by the absence oflines 253-255 in manuscripts: see simply Thompson, Epic of Gilgamesh, p. 65 n. 37. (The o ri ginal text could have included the narration minus lines 253-255 instead of, or in addition to, the instructions. But the dittography and the frequent use of instructions in the Old Babylonian versions suggest that we give preference to the instructions). 54. After completing this essay, I was pleased to discover that also I.M. Diakonoff and N.B. Jankowska, "An Elamite Gilgames Text from Argistihenele, Urartu (Armavir -blur, 8th century, B.C.)," ZA 8o (199o), pp 102-124, have noticed that the Utnapishtim episode was not pa rt of the o ri ginal epic and that "the Sidun episode of little importance in the Nineveh ve rs ion, must have originally been the final dénouement of the epic" (ibid., p. too, cf. p. 1 1 t). They think that originally the plant of life was pa rt of the Siduri episode and that the purpose of Gilgamesh's visit was to ask Siduri for the plant of life (ibid., pp. t to-ii, 116). For the time being, at least, i do not accept this as the purpose of Gilgamesh's visit, though it is an ingenious interpretation and would also provide a reasonable context and meaning for M tî. 12'-13 r : 'now that I have seen your face, may I not see death."

Gilgamesh's Request and Siduri's Denial

fetched, and if Siduri did, in fact, share at least some of the characteristics of Calypso and Circe and of their stones, then it seems quite possible that in some earlier tradition, Siduri acceded to Gilgamesh's proposal and allowed him to stay with her and that in an even earlier tradition she was the initiator and even suggested that he stay with her. Her invitation would have been like the invitations proffered to Odysseus by Circe and Calypso. Presumably, the o ri ginal story and perhaps even its several early forms involved not Gilgamesh but rather another traveller or wanderer; Gilgamesh was made into the hero of the story when later this theme of the wandering hero and the goddess was taken over and developed by the Gilgamesh tradition. In any case, in the earliest ve rs ion Siduri's invitation would also have been like Ereshkigal's invitation to Nergal in "Nergal and Ereshkigal ' and it is not irrelevant that in Tablet X i 15-22 of the Standard version we are told: The alewife looked at him and locked [her door], She locked her door, locked it [with a bolt]. Then he, Gilgamesh, noticed [ ] Raised his chin and [ ] Gilgamesh spoke to her, to the alewife; 'Alewife, why did you look at me [and lock] your door, Lock your door, Pock it] with a bolt? I will smash the door i will shatter [the bolt]i' 55

This theme is known to us from such other netherworld contexts as "The Descent of Ishtar," "Nergal and Ereshkigal," and GE, Tablet VI, 56 and its association with Siduri further links her to the nethenvorld and suggests that like the other Mesopotamian and Greek goddesses mentioned, she too had a netherworld dimension Furthermore, it may well be that the o ri ginal Gilgamesh or pre-Gilgamesh/Siduri encounter paralleled Ishtar's proposal to Gilgamesh in Tablet VI of the Standard Babylonian ve rs ion of the epic, sharing with it the topos of the goddess proposing to the hero that he become her mate and join her in her infernal home. 57 h is o f interest that the epic would introduce the same basic topos more than once. But the two episodes are surely n ot the same in the traditions before us. For even if Siduri was originally an Ishtar figure, in our Old Babylon ian composition the Siduri-Gilgamesh encounter is in effect a reversal of the ishtar-Gilgamesh encounter of Tablet VI, for there Ishtar proposes and Gilgamesh refuses and here Gilgamesh proposes and Siduri refuses. Siduri has assumed a role like that of the prostitute Shamhat, who humanized Enkidu and led him to the city. It is, therefore, of even greater significance and perhaps ironic value that the two occurrences of the topos 55, 56, theme in 57• Religï

I p. tao. Translation: Dailey, for a discussion of this Cf. Tigay, Evolutio 17 73 - 74 these three myths , For this interpretation of Tablet VE, see Abusch. History of 6 (1986). pp. 17 43 -8 74.

13

would be polar va ri ations of each other. The Ishtar-G il gamesh episode offers Gilgamesh what he desires but cannot attain in the Old Babylonian version and also points up the implication of living with a goddess, i.e., death. But these two polar variants of the topos were probably not present in the same recension of the Epic. The Ishtar-Gilgamesh episode of Tablet VI was not pa rt of the Old Babylonian version 58 , rather, it was pa rt of the late standard ve rs ion, a version that also transformed the Siduri-Gilgamesh encounter into simply one more meeting on the way to Utnapishtim in order to learn how the latter had attained immortal life. It is perhaps significant for the development of the epic that in its earlier Old Babylonian stage, the epic emphasized a form of the topos in which Gilgamesh seeks the goddess because he thinks she represents life absolute and is refused by her because she recognizes that her acquiescence would mean his death, while at a later stage, the epic emphasized a different form of the topos, one in which the goddess proposes but the hero refines the proposal because he realizes that its acceptance means death rather than an enhanced life. In either case, the hero is not yet ready to accept the inevitability of death. Ill REFORMULATION

Elsewhere, I shall examine in detail the poetic structure and meaning of the second stanza of both Gilgamesh's and Siduri's speeches. Here, therefore, I may end by reformulating the dialogue between Gilgamesh and Siduri in somewhat abstract terms. The dialogue is structured around the major events of the life cycle: birth, but especially marriage and death The sequence, however, is from death with its attendant funeral to marnage. But like funerals, marriage can also be an entrance into death and, thus, a marriage that is a form of death must be replaced by a normal marriage that carries with it a reaffirmation of life. Operating with the polarities of funeral and marriage, on the one hand, and death and life, on the other, the text links these dements in several ways and moves from funeral/death (ii 4'-9') through marriage/death 01 12'-13') to marriage/ life (iii 6-13): in his attempt to free himself from his attachment to his dead friend Enkidu, a relationship that had not been resolved by the funeral and mourning rites , Gilgamesh t ri es to enter into a marriage with the goddess Siduri. But such a marriage is untenable for the man Gilgamesh for it is a union of life and death, human and .

58. See Abusch, History of Religions 26 (1986), pp. t8o-87, Only with the insertion of Tablet Vi at a later stage, do we get the introduction of a form of the story in which a goddess invites the hero to live with her it is perhaps not a coincidence that the later version has suppressed wholly this particular theme in the Siduri encounter and eliminated this goddess's need to convince Gilgamesh to leave her and return to life. in this context, note also the contrast in that later version between the handsomeness of Gilgamesh's person and clothes in Vi 1-5 and attractiveness to ishtar and his worn-out looks in X col. t and negative impact on Siduri.

14

TZVI ABUSCH

god. Siduri is a divinity, an d death and divinity are alike in their absoluteness and eternity. Recognizing both the initial impasse as well as the final sterility and death that are inherent in the union of human and divine, the goddess t ri es to save Gilgamesh from the destruction to which their union would lead by disengaging him from her an d directing him instead to a normal marriage with its attendant births and family life, for only so may he free himself from death and enter into a new stage of life. She t ri es to disengage Gilgamesh both from death and from fantasy, from his attachment to a dead human male as well as from his hope to be attached to an immortal female. Thus, the end of Siduri's speech responds not only to the beginning of Gilgamesh's speech but also to its end. For while forming a chiasm, the two speeches also run parallel to each other with the first, second, and third stan72c of each corresponding sequentially to those of the other. The first stanza of Gilgamesh's speech centers upon a narration of his personal past an d upon human destiny, while the first stanza of the goddess's speech centers upon a narration of mythic past and responds to the cry in his first stanza by pointing to the contrast between human and divine destiny an d to the inevitability of human death. Their second stanzas are organized poetically around unconventional centers and deal with the failure of conventional funeral forms, the middle stanza of Gilgamesh's speech exposes the problem while the middle stanza of Siduri's suggests a way of resolving it. 59

Gilgamesh's third stanza expresses his solu ti on to the problem formulated in his first stanza, a solution which tri es to deal with the loss of Enkidu by acknowledging his death and replacing him with a goddess whose partnership bestows immortality upon Gilgamesh After responding in her first stanza both to the specific loss of Enkidu and to the general problem evoked by that loss Sidun, in her third stanza then rejects the solu ti on proposed by Gilgamesh in his third stanza and provides the poem's solution. Thus, the third stanzas suggest, on the one hand, Gilgamesh's hope for his future and, on the other, Siduri s correc ti on of this thought and its redirection to an alternate goal. She suggests that he take up the normal life of a mortal man who experiences the pleasures and bears the responsibilities of human family and society. 6o

59. See Abusch, "Gilgamesh's Request an d Siduri's Denial. Pa rt II." 6o. G.A. Anderson, A Time to Mourn, A Time to Dance: The Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion (University Park, PA, 1991), especially pp. 74-82, studies some of the same issues treated in the present essay and its companion pieces. This work is an interesting and useful treatment. Unfortunately, it appeared after my studies of the Gilgamesh-Sidun dialogue were completed and could no longer be incorporated into the essays.

MARRIAGE AND LOVE IN THE SUMERIAN LOVE SONGS WITH SOME NOTES ON THE MANCHESTER TAMMUZ Bendt Alster Helsingor, Denmark In JCS 29 (1977), pp. 16-27, with copies pp. 39- 43, A. Sjöberg edited four nearly duplicating Sumerian songs addressed to the goddess Nanaja, CBS 8S3o (= a), ROM 721 (= b), UM 29-I5-56o (= c), and CBS 13915 (= d) 1 The texts unambiguously transmit the words spoken by a man to a prostitute and her answer. In a obv. i 10-19 [Example No. 1] the man talks to a woman coming out of the entrance of her "cella" (14: ka pa-pa]l). 2 In the following lines he flatten her for being a true woman when speaking to a man and when looking at him, and then states that her nakedness lit. "naked heart") 3 is sweet when she stands against a wall (17), and that (her) hips are sweet when she bows down (18). 4 Her answer is amazingly straightforward: "When I stand against the wall it is one lamb, when I bow down it is one and a half shekel" (19-2o) [No. 2] The duplicating text c, obv. 12 - rev. 2, seems to have had a more detailed specification of prices of similar services (nearly completely broken), whereas text b (between obv. 20 and rev. 1) omitted the prices altogether. I have previously suggested that in the myth "Manna and Enki' (lines 4-5) [No. 3], the reference to manna

e,

I. Text a is said to be a bal-bal-e-song of manna, b is said to be a bal-bal-e-song of ilia-na-a, c and d ar e small fragments, the name of the goddess is only preserved on d; the last two lines on obv. ill as well as re v. i-ü of a ar e further inscribed with a hymn to manna, not related to this one. It is duplicated by SRT 9. 2 This cella can be a sacred cult room, but it is equally possible that it is any bedroom Cf. pa-pab in "The Fowler and his Wife,' (reedited by B. Alster t99a), line 3, vanant D: dam-a-ni ka pa-pah-a-ka im-ma-na-`x'-[x]. 3. In a obv. i 17 (restored) = b obv. 19 = c obv. to, A. Sjöberg translates ii-sù-zu i-sa 6 as "your remote heart is gracious," but as he states, p, 24, the meaning is anything but obvious. Nothing prevents us from taking sù as mi, "naked. ' In view of VS 2 a ti to-13: menkù sag-zu um-te-gal sag-su-zu gin-na, ... b ar -su-zu gin-na, ... su-suzu gin-na, ... gin-su-zu gin-na, vanant RA 8 (1911) 161-169 ü 23 (not quoted by M. E. Cohen. Erfemma, p. 77): sa]g-sù-zu, "take off the crown from your head, go bareheaded/naked/empty-handed/ barefooted," E venture the translation "nakedness," In "naked heart." 4. Text a obv. i 18 (and b obv. 20, restored) have GAM-e-dé, I bowing down," c obv. to has GAM-ma-ni. 'when you bow down.' Note that the text does not say "your hips," and that "hips" is plural here.

bowing down (gam) is an all usion to standing intercourse from the rear, frequently depicted in Mesopotamian art. 5 This idea was accepted by A. Sjoberg, who states (with due caution, p. 24), with regard to our text, that "If tlus interpretation proves nght, the price of coitus a tergo with a temple hierodule was VA shekels of silver." There can be no doubt about the general correctness of the interpretation, for the text continues with a sequence of lines which are clearly metaphors for sexual intercourse (19-23) [No. 41: Do not dig a canal, let me be your canal, Do not plough a field, let me be your field,

Farmer, do not search for a wet place, Let me be your wet place'

Text b adds "my precious sweet one" in the beginning of line 23, and further con ti nues, "the [ditch(?)] is your furrow, our little apples are your desire." In view of the price, one lamb, which is likely to have been a traditional donation to a temple, it seems that the texts were connected with the prostitu ti on at one of manna's temples. However, it is legitimate to ask if they can be seen in a less sacrosanct perspec ti ve. They could describe a scene from the secular sphere of life put into the mouth of the goddess. This would be in line with the common tendency in ancient literatures not to describe ordinary people directly, but only indirectly in the disguise of deities. In our case we have no ch an ce of verification, but it is worth mentioning that apart from the name of the goddess an d the possible significance of the lamb, there is not a single detail in the Nanâja songs that unambiguously refers to a temple or a ritual It is indeed highly likely that there were p rostitutes connected with manna's temples. Some myths and hymns describe manna acting as a whore with great sex-

16

BENDT ALSTER

ual appetite, 6 and "Inanna and Enki" is not the only example of a text in which Inanna praises her own private parts [No. 5]. Other explicit examples are CT 58, 13 (3M 88318) [No. 6] and Ni 9602 [No. 7] 7 Also the images of ploughing as a metaphor for sexual intercourse, 8 an d the wet place as a metaphor for the vagina, occur in a number of Sumerian texts 9 One may ask if this strongly erotic language can be seen in a broader cultural perspective, apart from that of mere poetic delight. 1O It is clear that Inanna's erotic force of attraction was something of great importance to her cultural functions and identity However, it is not my intention in this study to pursue the theme in its relation to fertility an d to the sacred marriage ri te. Without entering a discussion of the many interesting aspects and widespread connections between erotic a rt and religion in many cultures, predominantly in some Indian religions, I will try to point out that the erotic situations described in the Sumerian love songs also suggest another, and totally secular, cultural function, related to the young girl's choice of a husband. These considerations are dedicated to Prof. W. W. Hallo, who belongs to the exclusive class of scholars who in their writings have been able not only to encompass all periods of Ancient Near Eastern history, but also to bnng the field into contact with theories

6. Notably "Hymn to Inanna-Ninegalla," STVC 87 and duplicates. Also CT 58, zo (BM 96936), with the duplicates ISET 1227/ 169 L. I soi, and VS to, 167. Cf. CT 58 Introduction, pp. 14-15. 7. Also relevant is the extremely difficult song CT 58, 16 (BM 23666) with the duplicates CT 58, 15 (BM 884o6) and VS 2, 3o, cf. CT 58, Entroduction pp, 12-13. In CT 58, 16: 64-65: [GAM-me]-dè hl GAM-me-dè / [ x x GAM-ink-de làl-e GAM-me-de = 79-80: [GAM-me-d]è hl GAM-m[e]-d[è] / [ x x ] NI GAM-me-de lM-e GAM-me-'de', dupl. CT 58 15, rev. 6-7: [GAM]-a-di-en lal-e en GAM-e-dè-[en] / [GAM]-a-dè-en 1M-e en GAM-e-dè-[en], since the reading probably was gurum-me-de, this can hardly be a pun on *gaàm-me-en-dè-en, 'let us talk." i now tentatively venture the t ra nslation, ' bowing down in honey." This may seem less surprising in view of the erotic connotations of honey, which frequently appear in the love songs Cf. TCL 16, zo: 72-73: hi-ni hl-e gin -ni 111-e mà-a mu-un-ku f ku7-de / a Ili girl-ni làl ku 7-ku 7-dam mi-a mu-un-ku r [ku7 -dèl, "his hand in honey, his feet in honey sweeten me, his arms, hands and feet, made honey-sweet, sweeten me" (cf. PAPS 107, 508) C f. also Kramer 1969, 21: 19: làl-e dar-ra. Van Dijk i953, 67: 57: ab-sin-na GAM-GAM-a-[del, "bowing down in the furrows," undoubtedly has the same conno tati ons. Cf. also n 47 below. 8 See the references in Sjöberg 1977, 24, further n. 36 below and [Nos. 14-15]; Manchester Tammuz iv 26, etc.; Lambert 1987, 3134; Afanasieva 1982. 9. in SRT 23: zo: kai-a - tai-gim pl 4 -la-ni zé-ba-àm, "like her beer her vulva is sweet" (cf. Alster 1985, 140), beer is used as a metaphor for the moisture of the woman s genitals Th is is also likely to be the case in SRT 31: 7 (ci note 12 below). The theme also occurs in the Old Akkadian love song edited by Westenholz 1977 201, line 16: ur4 -ki fa li-na-tim, "your urine-yielding genitals " with a parallel in an Old Babylonian love incantation, Wilcke, ZA (1985) 198, 19 cf. the comments by Lambert 1987, 37-38. 10. This study owes much to previous discussions by AfaVa 1982, Lambe rt 1987, Jacobsen 1987 A, and Kramer 1963. related problems will be dealt with in Alster 1992. Many of Kramer's lint intuitive solutions in his first detailed study of the Sumerian love songs (1863), have turned out to stand the test of time better than some alternative interpretations.

of social history and literature through a wide scope of interest and competence in general theories of cultural history. In the present study I have tried to follow his example in learning from the methods and theories of adjacent fields of research. In particular I would like to recognize the inspiration I have received from the Scan1 dinavian school of Old Testament scholarship.' The recognition ofsets of images and situations found in the Sumerian love lyrics may be essential to the understanding of the poems, but also raises questions as to how far the metaphors go and to what extent a literal meaning goes hand in hand with a metaphorical one Another question which has to be raised is whether such imagery always necessarily has to have originated in the sacred sphere of the temple cult, since in many cases one could argue the other way round, and ask if the imagery of the cultic love songs was not in fact to some extent taken from secular love songs. 12 In fact, the impo rt ance of a sacred ri te in the love songs, whether related to the temple or to the royal court, or both may have been largely overrated. The highly formalized character of both the language and the scenes alluded to in the poems can be seen as evidence of a traditional set of common marriage ceremonies Although a king's name is mentioned in some love songs, his name may stand for any lover,^ 3 and although the girl is called Inanna in most of the poems, one cannot automatically sum up the evidence and draw a picture of this deity on the basis of the texts, because in a given song her name may simply stand for any beloved girI. 14 In other words, what she is depends on the situa ti on.

r I. i also recognize my indebtedness to A. Hvidtfeldt's school of sociological approach to religious studies. Similar methods have previously been applied to Sumerian literary texts in my study ' The Mythology of Mourning," in: Acta Sumerologia 5 (1983) 1-16 also A. Koefoed, ibui. 17-23. 12. The first to present a systematic discussion of the complexities of the sacred marriage ri te was Renger 1975. S.N. Kramer's classic opinion, that the Sumerian love songs are "religious rather than secular in character" (&lieten 16 [1952] 36o) was challenged by Alster i985, who made a proposal to subdivide the love songs into several types, some of which a re completely secular (Alster 1985, 127), but the recognition that secular facts of life are depicted in the love songs is by no means new. Cf. the bnef remark by Wilcke 1970, 87 with n. 7. Jacobsen 1987 A, 60-63, presented an interpretation of the love song SRT 31, which he saw as a completely secular "tavern dialogue,' probably from the circle around king Sulgi's cou rt . Although i fundamentally agree with Jacobsen, i find no reason to degrade this particular poem unnecessarily (p. 63, "hardly uplifting, either as poetry or in any other way"). The recogni ti on that beer is used in the love songs as a metaphor for the moisture of the woman s genitals (ci note 9 above) enables us to see this as a secular song, which may not at all be at home in a tave rn . Cf the discussion of the text by Alster 1992. The po ss ible existence of secular Akkadian love songs was recognized by Goodnick Westenholz, 1 98 7 4 1 7. 13. Cf Alster 1985, 135, commenting on Ni 2461 [No. t 1]. The so-called "Faithful Lover Dialogue" is to be seen in a sightly different perspec ti ve (Held 1961). A few Akkadian love songs are preserved cf. Black 1983 Goodnick Westcnholz 1987, but catalogues with titles a re known, KAR 158 and Finkel 1988.

Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs

If we try to divest the songs of the cultic setting in which facts of daily life may in a number of cases be couched, we can in some of the songs recognize the scenery of courting and wedding among ordinary people in the secular sphere of life Some describe the meeting of the lover and his beloved one at some unspecified moment, so that it is difficult to determine their time and function,^ 5 whereas others describe Inanna dressing up for the meeting in such terms as to make it clear that the songs belong exclusively to her cult, but even in these cases facts of daily life may be reflected. Common to a number of the songs is that the lover and the girl address each other as "brother" an d "sister." 16 This mere figure of speech^ 7 should not surprise us in view of the fact that exactly the same phenomenon can be observed in Egyptian love songs. i8 The reason for using the terms of the closer family members is obviously that under cover of modesty this allows the lovers to use expressions of tenderness which would not otherwise be suitable for unmarried people. This is explicitly stated in Song of Songs 8, i-2: "I wish that you were my brother, that my mother had nursed you at her breast. Then, if I met you in the street, I could kiss you and no one would mind. (2) I would take you to my mother s house, where you could teach me love ..." 19 14. This is the case in TMHNF Iii 2.5. The argumentation of Frymer-Kensky 1989, 189, rests on the assumption that one can straight away use the situations of the wedding songs to draw a picture of the goddess Inanna, furthermore that manna's behavior in these texts differs from that of any normal b ri de of the upper social classes. In my opinion Inanna is here merely a name that stands for any normal girl in such a situation. Cf. notes 39 and 49. An excellent survey of the female role in Mesopotamian society can be found in Goodnick Westenholz 1990. 15. SRT 31 (Sefati 199o, Alster 1992) is an example of a song that describes a mee ti ng of the lover and the girl at an unspecified moment. TCL 15, 20 [No. 9] (= PAPS 107 508) and N 356o (dupl. N 43os, PAPS 107, 5o8, cf. n. 46) are examples of lyrical songs with no particular details of time and place. 16. References in Sjöberg 1977, 25 ad line 31. Cf. Sefati 1990, 55, n. 36, Alster 1985, 135, n 6, and Alster 1992, n. 34. 17. In Th. Jacobsen's interpretation of "The Sister's Message," "brother" and "s'ster' were taken literally: UM 29-16-8, dupl. Ni 455 2 = PAPS 107 509ff. (J acobsen 1974, also Th. Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness, pp. 27-28, with n. 23, p 246 and Harps, 8-9). With the kind permission of Prof. W.W. Hallo I was able to inspect the duplicate NBC 10.923 in the Yale collec ti on in 1989. Obv 1-17 of the latter contains the wedding song UET 6/1 1 z i (with dupls., PAPS 107, 5ro), whereas obv. i8-1g and rev. duplicate the text edited by Jacobsen, starting with line 16 or 17. UM 29-16-8 obv. 12-14 duplicates the last four lines of UET 6/1 12 t (+ dupls.). The subscnpt d inanna]-kam is fairly certain in the former, rev. 15 (cf. the photograph PAPS 107, 522). s]ig 7-sig7 -dé-en in the former, rev. 14, would then be a va ri ant of line 16 of the la tt er, represented by UET 6/1 122 rev. 5: zé-ba-mu ki(!)-ni-[mu?] zé(= dè?)-ba-an-zé-èm-i-dè-[en], and N 4569 obv. i i4: [e.. da(?)-mu(?)]-ni-ib-zé-bé-en-llè-en18. Manniche 1987, 1 975. 19. The ambigu[ty of the literal meanmg of "brother" is exploited in BM 23631: no-t58 (Kramer 1985, 122-123). Inanna there asks her brother, Utu, to go with her to the mountains to learn the a rt of lovemaking. Yet, in view of the words she uses, kur-sè ga-bae-da-u 5 , "let me ride with you to the mountains," one cannot possibly avoid the impression that she wants to have intercourse with him herself.

17

Some of the scenes that can be recognized are the following: prior to the meeting the girl may stroll in the moonlight, 20 or he or she may walk along the ri ver bank. 21 The girl may have to lie to her mother to get a chance to see her lover» The location where the meeting takes place may be Dumuzi's sheepfold, in the moonlight, in the mountains, 23 or the lover is invited to come to the girl's house at nght. 24 In one case she is taken to his house,^ 5 or she is taken to a garden. The garden may be any garden, but it is highly likely that there was also a garden connected to the temples, where the sacred marriage ritual took place z6 Similarly, the sheepfold may be a ritualistic loca ti on, but there can be no doubt that an ordinary sheepfold was a place where erotic scenes were likely to have taken place ^7 The b ri de takes a bath and dresses up for the wedding. The bridegroom ar ri ves with his gifts. In some cases he arrives by boat.a 8 A song may be sung to welcome him,^ 9 or the b ri de may address a song to him. 3° In this normal sequence of events there is one particular feature that deserves our atten ti on. As has been sensibly pointed out by J. Cooper, the female point of view

20. TMHNF iiI 25 [No. w]. 21. This seems to be the case in Ni 4569 (ISET 1118) ii 4-5: di-da-mu-de di-da-mu-dè / gt id-nun-na dib-ba-mu-dè / gG bunnun-na-sè nig[n l,-na-mu-di, "when I walk, when I walk, when pass along the Tigris(?), when i stroll along the Euphrates," cf. Alster 1985, 156. I there took the text as spoken entirely by the girl, but there is the possibility of a change of speakers at line 14. In line 9 I now suggest: k ab-sin-[na bi-li (ma-az) s]a 6-ga be-me-en, "may you be the one who makes the grin in the furrows beautiful," on the basis of BE 3o, 4 obv. 5. k ab-sin-na bi-li ma-[a]z `si'-ga (the copy shows si-ga rather than sa t -1;a, but the la tt er is no entirely excluded). Cf. also TCL i5, 20: 68 (= PAPS 107, 5o8, line 3), quoted here as [No. 9]: se ab-sin-ba ht-li-a si-a-mu ... 22. TMHNF iiI 25 [No. 10]. Cf. also "Enlil and Sud" 21 (Civil 1983, 51/58). 23. Sec note 19. 24. This is the case in PBS 12, 52, cf. Alster 1985, 128-13 5. 25. This is the case in UM z9-16-8 (with dupls., cf. note t7 and [No. 12]). 26. Cf. CT 58, 13: 24-26 [No. 8]; TCL 15, 20: 67 [No. 9]; Ni 4171 (ISET 1 82/24, Kramer 1969, 21). Manchester Tammuz gi6-da DU da-DU ki-ri-si da-DU, "conic at night, let me go, let me go to the garden[" Also same text i t-7. Old Akkadian lo ve incantation, Westenholz 1977, 2o1, lines 8, 9, and 17, etc. Lambert 1987, 28, points out tint 'garden" does not always have to be taken literally. 27. Cf. "Inanna and Enki" 3 No. 31; SLTNi 37: 4-5. 'Dumuzi and Enkidu " van Dijk, 1953, 67: 56-57, eu. CT 15, 28-29 (S.N. Kramer JANES 5 [ 1 973] 243- 2 53; B. Alster, JNES 27 [1975] 216219) is a humorous song in which Dumuzi t ri es to arouse his sister Gedtinanna's interest in lovemaking, by showing her the incest practiced among the animals of the sheepfold. 28. Cf. CT 58, 13-14: am-e mi ma-al-la mimi-ni-n / a m-e d dumu-zi-di mi ma-al-la, "the 'bull' has a boat, he steere d his boat the bull, Dumuzi, has a boat"; SLTNi 35 iv 5: [llama-us'um]gal-mu !lmi ba-c-de-ri (also line 3; = PAPS 1 07. 497. cf. n_ 5 1 ). 29. UET 6/I i z t, with dupls. UET 6/z izz, N 43 0 5, Ni 45 69, STVC 107 UM z9-r6-8 (= PAPS 107, 510, cf. note 17 above) is a song to welcome the bridegroom. 3o. CT 58, 22 is a song addressed by the bride to her husband,

BENDT ALSTER

t8

is very predominant in the love songs. 3 ' We are obviously far away from the sexual restraints that one might have expected in an ancient Oriental culture. The girl may not only praise her own private parts, as we have seen is the case with Inanna, she may also allude to the male parts in expressions like "alabaster figurine onto which a lapis lazuli ornament is tied " 32 as well as standing and lying trees, whose implication should be rather obvious [No. 8]. An even more detailed set of metaphors occurs in a song in which the girl sings about her garden being watered by an apple tree bearing fruits at its top [No 9]. 33 The whole atmosphere is one of enjoyment and delight. Furthermore, although the evidence is debatable, there can be little doubt that at least in the wishful thinking of erotic poetry, the lovers could spend a night together before they were married. However, it is equally important to observe that in every one of these cases the texts seem to imply that after their encounter, the girl invited her lover to come to speak to her mother, the purpose unquestionably being to ask for her daughter's hand in marriage [No. 1o], or she asked him to bnng gifts to her parents, obviously to the same effect N o. IIJ, or, alternatively, he asked her to come to his family, obviously in order to be accepted as their daughter-in-law [No. 12]. Some of the love songs can thus be seen as poems in which the girl expresses her desire to be [

that, at least in the world of poetry, the girl was not pre- pared to accept the choice without discussion In view of the formalized way in which this issue is phrased, there are good reasons to beheve that this does in some way reflect reality. A phrase is used according to which she would only accept ' the man of my heart" (= choice, i e. the man she loves), and this may well have been a phrase that had legal connotations. 35 Furthermore, there is good evidence that she might not accept her future husband without literally having a contest performed, or performing it herself, in order to evaluate his social standing in relation to her own [No. 13]. In a song in which the king clearly played the role of Dumuzi in the sacred marriage me Inanna, having praised her own vulva [No. 7], goes on to raise the question, "who will plough my vulva," clearly sung in a dialogue with an audience. With the answer, "the man of my heart," she confirms her choice [No. 14]. There exists another version of the theme in which the question reads, "who will plough the gemstones for her" (= tuba-stones) [No. 1 5]. Again, it is beyond doubt that also this refers to the person who is going to have sexual intercourse with her. 36 W. G. Lambe rt is undoubtedly right in arguing that the particular way in which this is phrased might indicate that the intercourse

married.

There can be no doubt that under normal circumstances it was the girl's family that selected a man to whom the girl could be married Some texts explicitly talk about manna's brother Um as her mentor. 34 However, to judge from the literary sources, it is equally clear

34• Utu is manna ' s mentor in " manna and the Bndal Sheet" (SRT 3, van Dijk, 1953, 65-66), and in "Dumuzi and Enkidu' (van Dijk 1953, 67-73). Cf. also the text mentioned in note 19 , above. 35• [No . 13.2], lines (49-)5o: mu-lu sà - ab-mu , " the man of my heart ." Also [No . 14], line p; Kramer 1 96 3 49 6: 42 ; Manchester Tammuz u t4 W il cke, WO 4 (1967) 157, refers to BIN 7 164 (Old Akkadian). in which a man refrains from making claims on a woman hecause she had the freedom to many a man of her choice ( dam sà-

3!. J. Cooper 1989, 88. When Cooper states, "I was surprised to find that ... sexual intercourse is hardly ever mentioned by name nor ù the male organ , and even when the later is referred to metaphorically, the reference is often ambiguous " E do not find this amazing, because what else could one expect in erotic poetry? Cooper correctly points out that " the tender , sensuous sexuality of the InanaDumuzi poetry does not lead to conception . ' Yet, in the meantime

ga-na -ke4 ha-ba -du12-du 1J

a love song has been published in which the girl actually sings of the children she is going to have with her future husband, CT 58, 22, cf. CT 58, Introd., p 15-r6, and one purpose of the sacred marriage me may have been to provide the king with a successor , cf I-blb 1987. 32. SRT 3 1 32: dim gis - nu ll -gal suh n-gin kdda , cit Seân 1990 , 52. CI. Jacobsen , 1987, 6z, n. a9 , " Mother metaphor [ for the rink member ] n that of a pillar of alabaster set in dark hlue lapis-lazuli." Alstn t99z, n. 44, warns against overdoing this type of interpretation . Also women are described as statues or figurines . This is most explicitly the case in TCL 16, 70 (= PAWS 107, 495-497), where the deity ckarly n the statue . Cf. n, 38. 33* CI.. Jacobsen 1987 A, 62, n. 29. The erotic symbolism of apples and dates may be present already in the manna hymn FLP 2627, published by k Sjöberg, JCS 40 (1988) 165-t86, possibly dat-

ing to the Ur IiI period. The text has close panileb in the later compositions TCL 15, 16 (pis. xlvii -xlviü ), and CT 58, 36. Cf FLP it 7: zù-mum â-an- sur - ba hi-li gùru - me, "l am the one who makes the dates in their cluster attractive, ' and TCL 16, 76 rev. 44 dinanaN •m-ma an - sur-gim < hi> -h(?) gùr - ru-e, "manna , you arc attnctive like dazes in clusters,' Akkadian inns..: d-w !1i ki-ma sis-sin-na ci: Lambert 1 987, 30, "manna, who n hke a spadix .. . - - n JCS 4o, 168 û 6, i suggest e-

"the branches coming out."

36. See the discussion by Lambert 1 987 , 3 1- 34 • The interpretation was intuitively anticipated by Knmer 1 963 . 495 ('probably metaphorical expressions for sexual intercourse '), and supported by Aßnasieva 1982 and (in principle ) by Lambert . Jacobsen 1987, 5-6, translates " founding ( a house ) on the gems ," but ur 11 -m means to "plough ," and not to "found .' The sexual connotations of the expression were denied by Wilcke i76 , 315. According to him the ploughing is "nndeuttg auf die Gewinnung der Steine bezogen," with an alternative suggestion , "dam Aujfddeln d er Edelsteine zu einer Halskette, fair das das Fallen der Saatkö1nr ncheirsnder in die Furche beim Säh-Pflwgen als Metaphagebraudit wird. " In support of this he quotes the Ni-

msinna Hymn SRT 6: 69 = SRT 7: 6: suba na-ur 11 -w numun-e-es na-ga - ga, "the gemstones are ploughed indeed , are put down as seeds ." Although it is clear that , in that text , the gemstones are jewels put around the neck of a divine statue ( 67), this in no way precludes the metaphorical implication of the stone . On the contrary , this is the o_ way to make connected sense out of the text , because the invention of thc fuba-stones results in the functions of the midwife (75: "sila - gar-n - ke4 , gi-durs ku5 -de , cutting the umbilical cord), pregnancy , and determining the gender of the child (78: peso pess 4 -se gagâ-dè sag -su-bar aka - dè) Ploughing the Tuba - stones is further mennoned in CT 58, zo v z5: suba-ak-e suba-ak-e 'suba na-ur 11 -ru, "he who made the gemstones , he who made the gemstones, he will plough the gemstones indeed ." This line shows thatsuba-ke 4 in UM 2 9-16 -37: 2 55ff. = suba - ak-e, "he who made the gemstones." According to CT 58, zo vi 1 5 the material of the stones came from Magan. This is apparently a major point in the later composition, which ends with a pun on the ludw-stones : ûnu - suba a - ia so 3à - ba-ni, 'the gemstones, o her heart!" (vi r 8).

Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs did not take place in reality, and that the text rather refers to a ritual in which only statues were involved. The reason is that the gemstones here refer to small lapis lazuli stones with representations of the vulva, used to embellish a cult statue. 37 However, the song might equally well allude to the bride dressed up with small lapis lazuli pearls. The figure of speech would still make good sense. The use of the third person, rather than the expected second person, in the dialogue is not necessarily a scribal error. It may well have been an audience at the wedding ceremony that sang this on behalf of the lovers, to confirm their choice. Thus, the underlying reality is clear enough, in particular because precisely this passage is preceded by a contest in which Dumuzi and Inanna argue about the social standing of their parents. The phrase 'the one with whom she quarreled, the one dear to her heart" explains the ceremonial setting of the scene in words that could hardly have been clearer (line 24), and so do the thirty words, to which the length of their speeches may have been restricted (cf, n. 5o). The names ofthe deities and holy priestesses point to a temple ritual but very little varnish has to be removed to see a normal wedding ceremony hidden behind the text in its present shape.' The gemstones may well be pearls with representations of vulvas, which the lover presented as gifts to his future bride before the wedding. In the song she and the audience confirm that he is now going to plough the stones, in other words they are now going to be mar-

19

may contain more than one layer of meaning. That the sacred marriage rite was not the original social environment of every detail of the marriage songs appears clearly from reminiscences in the texts that emphasize the choice of the family members of the bride or bridegroom in a way which would make little sense in a sacred ritual [No. 18]. 4° This brings us back to our starting point. The girl extolling her own sexual beauty in the way we have seen here may not exclusively be a function of a temple ritual, or of prostitution, whether sacred or secular, but also of nonnal wedding ceremonies. To what extent we may draw conclusions about reality from poetry is a difficult question. On the sur6ce it is the temple cult and the royal court that come to light in the love songs, but many features, or whole poems, rather point to the secular social environment of ordinary people of some social standing, in other words, those in charge of their own households, the household managers and their families. it is the same social group that comes to light in many of the Sumerian proverbs, including those attested as early as the Early Dynastic Abu Salâbikh version of Suruppak 's Instructions. 4 '

EXAMPLES [No. t]. "Nanâja Song," CBS 8530, obv. i 13-18:

'3. DU- ma da nin9 -mu DU-ma-da 14 lea pa-palj - a-ta DU-ma-da I5. inim lA-da bal-a-w munus-àm 16. igi lû-ra bar-re-zu munus-àm 17. zag é-garb-da gub - bu sà -[ sùJ- 1 zu' i say, -

ried.

Marriage was not only a question of love, but also of social status. This is evident in view of the bringing of gifts, which belongs to the standard repertoire of the songs (No. 16), and this evidently explains the contestlike discussions, which served to make it clear that his parents were as good as hen. No doubt she was concemed that her future husband's social status matched hers. This explains why, if the interpretation of a poorly preserved passage is justified, he had to promise that she would not have to do weaving herself She wanted to belong to a household that could afford to employ servants to do such housework [No. '7]. 39 One could object against the conclusions suggested here that the songs discussed belong exclusively to the sacred marriage ritual However , one interpretation does not necessarily exclude another, because these poems 37. That this interpretation u totally realistic is ckar in view of TCL 16. 70 (= PAPS io7, 495). line 14: nig - gal4-la kù - sig n rig-sagg5-na mar - un-g^ -g, ' she picked a golden vulva - piece and put in the hair on her head ," unless one insists on Knmer ' s trading sap - Ia, "nurow," instead of pl 4- la, ' vulva." See also the preceding note (Ninisinna Hymn 67). 38 Lambert t9 8 7. 33, is right in pointing out that the beard of

lapis lazuli Qtnes 43-46) night indicate that the text refers to a statue nther than to a living being However , this tnterpretadon is rue compulsory, because the laps daub beard is standard in the love songs, dt PBS ts. Sa rev, r 5-6 (Alster £985, 131), and so are statues,

t. Alster i985, ia q; t 5a, commenting on SRT 5: z5> Sefati tggo, 6a63; d: also n. 3a above.

t 8. GAM-e-dè ib-ïb i-sa6-sa6

13. Come with me, my sister, come with me, 14. Come with me from the entrance of the cella, Is. When you talk to a man, what a woman (ht it is a woman)! 16. When you look at a man, what a woman! 17. When you lean the side against the wall, your nakedness is sweet.

39. A different interpretation was suggested by Frymer-Kensky 1989, i89, according to whom manna in this text positively rehues to do the archetypical work of women , and that her "ignorance

and re fusal of it is a denial of the production rok of women" (cit notes £4 and 49). Rather 1 see her being excused from such work as the ptrtvgative of the privileged housekeeper . In this text I do not see the connection between weaving and sexuality discussed by H. Vanstiphout , NABU 199o, Nos. 57 (Pp 4cß - 44) and 59 (pp. 45`46)40 Cr 58 t 2 n ati example rio the contrary, a cnemonial song to manna and Amausurngalana , ïn which . their family membcn are

listed by name. 4 t . For a preliminary discussion, sa my two cs äterliche Weisheit in Mesopotarrtiarr.," 491, iO3°1$5 (

Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs

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20

18. When (you) bow down, the hips are sweet.

42

[No. 2]. CBS 8530 obv. i 19-2o: 19. é-gars -da gub -bu -mu dis sila4-àm 20 GAM-e-mu i A gin-àm [No. 3]. "Inanna an d Enki" 3 -5: 3.

[...]

`

x' sip a-ra gà-udu-gè an-na-ra-è

4. [zi-dè-eg GAM]-e-dam gal 4 -la-ni u6-di-dam 5. Wha%Yhur-e z]i-dè-es GAM-e-dam gal4-la-ni (u6-di-dam) 3. [(Inanna)] came out to the shepherd (Dumuzi) to the sheep-house. 4. [As she was truly bowing] down, her vulva was marvelous! 5. As she was truly bowing down [at the apple tree] 43 her vulva (was marvelous). The restoration of lines 4-5 is based on CT 58, 13, obv. 29: giShashur-e zi-dè-es GAM-e-en. [No. 4]. CBS 853o, obv. i 21-24: 19. id nam-ba-al-en id-zu bé-me-en 20. a-sà na-an-ur„-ru-dè-en a-sà-zu bé-me-en 21. mu-gir ki-duru 5 na-an-kin-kin 22. (erasure) ki-duru 5 -zu hé-me-en In the beginning of line 22 text b, rev. 24, has [zé-b]akal-la-mu, and further adds, 25: [x]-e ab sin-zu hé-àm, an d 26: haghur tur-tur-me às-zu hé-Om (cf n. 2). In line 25 it is hard to resist the restoration [PA 4]+E = pa s , "ditch," which would make good sense because hardly any other sign is a compound ending with E. I consider the reading has'hur certain from Lambert's copy (cf. also the photograph, JCS 29, 42). The girl using the first person plural "our,' is attested in both Sumerian and Akkadian love songs, as observed by J. Goodnick Westenholz 1987 417. The plural in itself is not surprising here if the apples refer to her breasts, cf Song of Songs 7, 8, "... To me your breasts are like bunches of grapes, your breath like the fragrance of apples." Cf. also Kramer 1969, 21: 17: dug-a (gloss: i-na) gilhribur_[bi(?)] su-mi hé-gil, "on the `hill' let me hold the apples in my hand," where I take dus as phonetic for du 6 "hill" (cf. Civil, 1983, 60 142), but with a graphic pun on the reading gaba "breast "

42. In lines 13-14 A. Sjoberg read tûm-ma-da, "being brought out," This makes sense if one is willing to think of a ceremony in which the deity was literally brought out of her cella. Nothing p re vents us form taking this as an imperative, DU-ma-da (possibly genma -da) ht "go with me." For line 17 see note 3. For line i8 see note 4, 43. The identification of has'bur has been discussed by several

authors, (cf. Lambert 1987, 3o-31). I accept "apple," following M.A Powell, Bulletin of Sumerian Agriculture 3 (1987) 153-156, who concluded that the identification with apricot has 'minimal probability of being correct" (p. 156). Also M Civil, OrNS 56 (1987) 241 accepts apple, which is highly likely in view of its red color.

[No. 5]. "Inanna an d Enki" 6-7:

5. [...] `ka' x x (= gloss?) GAM-e

6. [... ga]1 4-Ia-ni-ge hù1-la-e ni-te-ni mi-z i ga-àm-me 7. [... gal4 Ia]-ni-gè hù1-la-e ni-te-ni (mi-zi ga-àm-me)

[(Inanna)], rejoicing over her own vulva, praised herself, 7. [...], rejoicing over her own vulva, praised herself.

6.

[No. 6]. CT 58, 13 (BM 88318) obv. 3-7: 3. gal4-la-mu dur 5 -ru-à[m gal 4-la-mu dur 5-ruàm] 4. go-sa-an-an-na-me-en [gaI 4-la-mu dur s - ru-àm] 5. go -sa-an-an-na-me-en g[a1 4-la-mu dur s -ru-àm] 6. gal4-la-mu lù-ùr-ra-àm [gu dè-in-mar] 7. gal4 -la-mu lù-dùg-tuku su d[è-in-mar] My vulva is wet, [my vulva is wet], I, the queen of heaven, [my vulva is wet], I, the queen of heaven, [my vulva is wet], Let the "high" man (lit the man of the roof?) [put his hand] on my vulva, 44 7. The potent man [put his] hand on my vulva

3. 4. 5. 6.

In lines 3 and 5, S.N. Kramer 1984, 5, restores [gal 4-lamu u6-di- dam], but there is no particular reason for this. [No. 7]. Ni 9602 = ISET II 15-16, cf. [No 14]: Treated by S.N. Kramer, PAPS 107 (1963) 505-508, duplicate TIM 9, 10 (IM 44539 c) The text was introduced by a sequence similar to that of CT 58, 13, but it is very poorly preserved (obv. i 1- i I):

I . [...] `x' kù-ga-a-àm si `ba'-sa me-e (with an illegible gloss) 3. [...] gal4-la- ki rxi [ x x ]-àm 4. [nam-nun-na ba(?)-an]-du 7 nam-nun-na an-du 7 2.

[...]

44. In line 6 Kramer translates lù-ùr-ra as "passionate one," referring to E.l Gordon, Sumerian Proverbs 2, 126. The proverb should be read 16 ùr-ra al-ti-Ia 16 è-a-ra al-zaIa-zala-ga-e-se , ` the man sitting on the roof sheds light on the man sitting in the house." The va ri ant quoted by Gordon from Sum. Prov. Coll. r I should be read ló ùr anna lù c an-ti-E[a] al-zalag-e-se, "the man sleeping on the roof sheds light on the man sitting in the house." Thus it is not impossible that Iù-ùr-ra lit. means "the man of the roof. ' Cf. 13h 9: 127: gi-ma-sab Iù-ùr-n = SU -ku, "the reed matting for the man of the roof" (_ thatcher?). The word occurs in "Hymn to Inanna-Ninegalla' 36: laùr-n zag-ba mu e-sr-re 7 -reg -es (STVC 87 obv. 5 and dupls. CBS 14187 and UM 55-21-38o, va ri ant ln -ur-ra): With some reserve I would suggest that this refers to the man on top of the woman. Cf. the similar symbolism in "Dumuzi and Enkidu ' 37: an-dùl-e lugalla a -na -as nu-ub-se-ge-en, "why are you not pleased with the king in the shade?" (J. J.A. van Dijk, 1953, p. 67, cf. 82, ` le jeu de mots et l' insinuation sont assez clai rs"). Cf. also n 48 below and CT 58 36 obv. 6: an-dùl-e lugal-la [...], with the phonetically w ritt en duplicate VS 2, 3 i 22: [(x)] an-di 16-ga la egi-re-a. However a much simpler solution might be to take ùr as phonetic for ùr, `loins." The translation of Ii -dùg-tuku as "potent one" is certain, lit. "the man who has knees.' ,

6. [...] igi ga-ga 7. [...] `xl(like ma) si si-s[à-me]-e 8. [...] gu ba -d[u7]-5x' x1 r xi 9. [... gay-la-mu 1 Io. IL

[...]

r

pun on anX na (= ùn-na), "high," is confirmed by Ni 4569 iii it•1 3 (ISET I 119/61): 11. kg-e g 5 ()kiri 6-ni-a im-m[a-ni-ku 4-re-en] 12. mu-gub-ba-m [d]a-`gâ-gâ' 13. mu-nâ-a-ni[d]a-nà-a-e[n]

Xi [ X X X

[...]-mu gal4 la-mu ru61 (?) - `di'-dam

In the first line one could hardly consider [... dnin-égal-la] kù-ga-am (cf. iii i), but rather something like [urlugal-la] kù-ga-àm, "[the king's lap] is holy" (cf. iii 9). In lines 2 and 7 it is very tempting to think of i 29: tag-mu tug-èm-kala-ga-gim si ba-si-e, "my garments I arrange like precious garments." In line 3 and 9 it is tempting to suggest gal4-la-mu ki-[dur s -ru]-àm, although this is not clearly supported by the copy. In line 5 restore perhaps [oshaghur-e zi]-dè(!)-[4] GAM-e, "when I truely bow down [at the apple tree], ' in spite of the copy (the traces copied actually look like a gloss). In i i it is tempting to restore [GAM-e]-mu, etc., `when I [bow down], my vulva is marvelous " In the same text, obv. ii 14-19, she utters a song in praise of her own vulva: 14. in-nin 9 -e ni silim-e-Vg mu-run-ma-e] I5. gala-e sir-ra m[u- ...] I 6. dinanna-ke 4 silim-e-eg [mu-un-na-e] 17. gaI4-la-ni sir-ra mi-ni-[in-ra(?)] I8 gal4-la mg-x (like ra or s"u) ne-en kak `xi (like hé) [x ] 14. The lady started to sing in praise of herself. 15. The gala-singer [repeated it(?)] in a song. 45 i6. Inanna started to sing a song in praise of herself. 17. She [sang] a song of her vulva: 18. (My) vulva, which is something ... [No. 8]. CT 58, 13: 24. ba-ni-in-ku 4-re-en ba-ni-in-ku 4-re-en 25. ges-e kiri6-na ba-ni-in-ku 4re-en 26. ddumu-zi giSkiri6-na ba-ni-in-ku 4 -re-en 27. mu-un-gub-an-na ba-an-da-mu-dè 28. mu-na-an-na ba-an-da-gub bé en 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

2I

He made me enter, he made me enter, The brother made me enter his garden, Dumuzi made me enter his garden, To lie with him at his standing tree, he made me stand with him at his lying tree.

The interpretation of mu - un-gub as emesal of gig gub, and -an-na as -a-na, with a conscious or unconscious

45. In lines 14-15 it is tempting to think of a restoration along the lines of "Ninmes`am" 139-140 (W.W. Hallo and J van Dijk, YNER 3, 32): nig g1 6 -ù-na ma-ra-an-dug, -ga gala an- bar 7 -ke4 iu b11- 171U-fa-ab-0 4-104, "that which I spoke to you at midnight (i.e. a song), may the singer repeat it at noon.'

The brother [made me enter] his garden: 12. [Let] me raise his standing tree, 13. [Let] me lay down his lying tree. I I.

[No. 9]. TCL 15, 20 rev. 66-69 (= 1- 4), collated:

t. ba-lam ba-lam-*lam bi-issar-àm a ba-an-dug 4 2. giskiri6 gi6-edin-na gù-gar-gar-ra-na sac-ga ama-na-mu 3. se ab sin ba hi-li-a si-a-mu bi-ister-àm a ba-andug4 4. gigbrihur èm-sag-gâ gurun it-la-mu gilkir1 6-àm a ba-an-dug4 It sprouts, it sprouts, sprouts, it is the lettuce he watered, 2. In the garden of deep shade, bending down his neck, my darling of his mother, 3. My one who fills the grain in their furrows with beauty, it is the lettuce he watered, 4. My apple tree bearing fruits at its top, it is the garden he watered. I.

This is explained by Jacobsen 1987 B, 94, "Lettuce stands for pubic hair . . Barley stalk and apple tree are metaphors for the male member. Dupls. UET 6/1 121 rev., TIM 9, 14, Ni 9846 (ISET II 87) (= PAPS 107, 508), variants not quoted. 46 [No. to]. TMHNF III 25 (PAPS 107, 499-501, cf. Wilcke 1970): I agree with Wilcke 1970, 86, that the missing pa rt between the obverse an d the reve rs e described the girl spending a night with her lover (cf. also Wilcke, WO 4 (1968) 156), if not in reality then at least in the realms of fantasy. There is little point in discussing whether or not there was room for an explicit account of sexual intercou rs e, because this would never have been expressed directly anyway. After this the couple goes to the girl's mother (rev. 6-14):

a nam-mi-gub 6 kà ga- sa -an7. me-e bul-la-da -di-di-de-en 46. The translation of kiri 6 gi b -edin-na follows M. Civil, OA 22 ( 1 98 3) 4, n. 9 (referring to a forthcoming study). In line so, E rea d s] (collated). ea ba-an-dug a-ni-mu hï-ïsi"-[im -bulug y 6 b -sa la bas 4 ru-mu might possibly be a loan word adapted from the Old Akkadian ir-e-ma-am, ir-a-mu-um (Westenholz i977, zot, lines t and 3), cf. CAD s v ir'emu, "loved one, favorite" (different rHnsIation suggested by Westenholz 1977 .05), now also attested in YOS 11, 87. obv. 1: are-mu c-re-mu. This suggestion is offered with some reserve, because the form enimu, instead of erimu, h unexplained. The poem is filar to TCL 15, 20 is N 3560 and N 43o5 (= PAPS to7, 508), cf. n 1987 B, 93.

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22

8. ama-mu-ra mu -lu e-ne-èm bu-mu-na-ab-bé 9. u5 -su-ùr-me a la dè-sù-e (gloss: i-sa- li-lb) to. ama-mu ga- sa - an-gal-ra mu -lu e-ne-èm buma-na-ab-bé I I. u5-su-ur-me a Id dè-sù-e 12. ki-dùr-a-ni ir-bi ze -ba -àm 13. e-ne-èm-mà-ni èm-b61-h[61-IJa-àm (gloss: fa b i- di- a- [ti]m -ma) 14. ù-mu-un-mu iIr-kù-ge hé-du 7 6. In Ningal's gate surely she stood: 7. I am going with joy, 8. Let the man speak a word to my mother, 9. Let our neighbor sprinkle water on the ground, To. Let the man speak a word to my mother, I I. Let our neighbor sprinkle water on the ground. 12. The fragrance of his abode is sweet, 13. His word is joyous, 14. My lord is fit for the holy lap! The purpose of the man's word to the mother was correctly understood by Kramer 1963, 500, to "ask for her daughter's hand." The neighbor sprinkling water is probably a ritual for punfication or apotropaic purposes, to secure happiness for the young couple. A different interpretation was offered by Wilcke 1970, 86-87 According to him it is the neighbor that speaks to the mother, and the purpose of sprinkling water is to interfere on behalf of the girl, in order to calm down the wrath of the mother, caused by the girl's spending a night outside. This interpretation rests on his collation mu-zu for mulu in 8 and to. However, I hesitate to accept this in view of Manchester Tammuz 1 23, which has lù an d thus shows that mu-lu (emesal for 16) is correct. In the latter text nothing suggests any reason for the mother to be angry, and the passage is following by the traditional giftgiving of the bridegroom (i 22-26, dupl. CT 58 22 obv.): 22. me hu-la-[t]a(?) ka-sa-an-na-na me al-di-di-en 23. ama-me-ra lù bu-mu-na-bi 24. ù - s'u-ùr-(var. usar)-[m]e a ka-a-ga-ra bu-Du 25 ama-me ka-sa-an-ga- lù inim-{ra} di-ri-ga 26. 16 ki-si-[k]i ni-1g za-ra si-ga za-ra ab-di-ri-ga 22.

23. 24. 25. 26.

Inanna, I am going with joy, Let the man speak to my mother, Let our neighbor *sprinkle water for Ningal, Let the man speak even more words to Ningal. (Dumuzi ) You, girl the things I place before you, I will make them even greater for you! 1,

Lines 26ff. contain Dumuzi's words to Inanna, and only indirectly to her mother. As often, the text here proceeds in small blocks, many of which may be direct quotations from ceremonial speeches, connected with only the most necessary keywords and no explicit identification of the speakers (many examples in [No. 15] below).

Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs

Thus, in our case, the first half of line 26 is repeated verbatim in "Dumuzi and Enkidu" 140: ki-sikil dinanna nig za-a-ra si-ga, and the contextual implication is exactly identical (cf. [No 13.3] below).

35. su ba-àm-mu-u g nin9-mu su ba-àm-mu-u 8 36. DU nin9 ki-âga-mu é-gal-la (var é-me-sè) gagin 37. igi ad-da-mu dumu-tur hé-me-en

[No. I1]. Ni 2461, Belleten 16 (1952) lxvi = ISET I 90/ 32:

(Girl) The brother makes me enter his house: He made me lie on the honey-smelling bed, After my precious, dear one had lain by my heart, One-by-one, making 'tongues' one-by-one, My brother of fairest face made fifty . He became(?) like a silenced man With an `earthquake' he was put to silence. My brother, with a hand put on his waist, My precious, sweet one, the time passes! (Lover:) Set me free, my sister, set me free! Come my beloved sister, let us go the palace (var. to our house) May you be a little daughter in my father's eyes!

ki-ni-a 111 hàb-dug 4-ga-ba hi-li èm-zé-ba-zu ga-ba-hùl-hùl-le-en-dè-en I2 I 3. gi-ru èm-zé-zé-ba du s - mu-ug-ak 14. zé-ba kal-la-mu 111-e da-âm-e-ga I 5. mu-ti-in ma-ra hi-li mu-e-te-a 16. ama-mu-ra dug4-ga-na-ab ni mu-ra-ab-zé-èmI I. é

e

17. ad-da-mu-ùr èm-ba ba-mu-un-{ba} 11. In the house where we sleep, smelling with honey, 12. let us enjoy your sweet appeal, 13. bridegroom, let us make all things sweet, 14. My sweet, precious one, in honey let me ... 47 15. bridegroom, since you have turned your favors towards me, 16. say to my mother, "I give myself to you," 17. *give my father gifts! The slight emendation èm-ba ba-mu-un, to get an imperative in line 17, was suggested by Alster 1985, 138, and is almost required (perhaps better ba-mu-un-*na). One cannot take this passage as evidence that the lovers spent the night together before they were married, because the con ti nua ti on of the song clearly shows that this was the goal the girl wanted to achieve as a result of their marriage. King Susm is mentioned in line 25, but apart from the name itself, the song has nothing to do with the king, the whole situation being that of any girl singing a love song to any lover (cf. n. 13) In line 15 I now prefer the reading hi-li mu-e-te-a "when you have turned your favors towards me, ' rather than mu-a-kar, in view of van Dijk, 1 953, 65, line 6, and UM 29-16-8 (with dupls = PAPS 107, 509), line 25: hi-ii mu-e-si-in-te . .

[No. 12]. UM 29-16-8 an d dupls. (= PAPS 107, 509): 26. ses-e e-ni-a im-ma-ni-in-ku 4-re-en 27. mu-al-bib-ba bi - in -nâ-e 28. 26- ba -kal-la-mu sà-ab-mu a -ba -n1 29. dili-dili-ta eme-ak dili-dili -ta 30. ses i-bl-sa6-sa 6-mu 5o-im mu-un-ak 31. lù si-ga-gim mu-na-dè-GUB 32. ki-ta tuku 4 -e-da si-a mu-na-ni -gar 33. ses'-mu ib -ba -na s'u gub-bu-dè 34. zé- ba -kal-la-mu u4 mu-un-di-ni-ib-zal-e 47. I do not yet dare to connect al-e da-âm-e-ga, line 14. lùl-e GAM-me-dè (cf. note 7). I previously translated "honey let me bring" (A lster 1985. 137), but this is not satisfactory, hecause lilt is In the locative-terminative In da-àm-e-ga, /e/ can hardly be the second-person marker.

26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37.

I line 29, eme-ak, li t. ' made tongues," is a double entendre. First of all one would here think of making sweet words (or what is more) but it also means to cast a shade. 48 Line 31, lit "like a silent man was set up for him." Line 32, lit. "trembling from the ground." In view of the s il ence following the talking here, there can be little doubt that caressing did not stop with words However, one should not be deceived to conclude right away that this is a desc ri p ti on of a real sexual intercourse. Certain details, among them the use of the third person pronoun in line 33 ("his waist"), as well as the continuation of the text, might indicate that this is a lovesong in which the meeting takes place in the girl's fantasy alone. In this text it is the lover who invites the girl to set him free so that he can go to the "palace" (line 36: é-gal-la ga-gin). The variant é-me-sè, in Ni 4552 (ISET II 17) obv. 9 "to our house," is significant, an d probably the better text, the "palace" having been introduced by a sc ri be to adjust the text to the ideology of the king's role in the sacred marriage ri te. The purpose of going to the house is unquestionably to have the girl accepted as daughter-in-law The interpretation of the text given here differs widely from that ofJacobsen 1973 (cf. n 17). [No. 13]. Allusions to contests in connection with wedding ceremonies. The ceremonial functions of verbal contests have been discussed by Alster 1989, 4-6, and Glassner 1989, but not specifically with regard to wedding ceremonies. The following examples can be found: 48. Cf the symbolism cobsen s reading of line 3o as le hardly be used with this value in this destroys the beautiful point tines 29-30. .

: ccpt Ja,.

AK could

I.

23

UM 29-16-37 [No. 15, below].

'Inanna and the Bridal Sheet" (van Dijk 1953, 6566).49 Utu points to Dumuzi (Amausumgalanna) as Inanna's husband, but she prefers the farmer: 2.

49. i-gee en mu-lu-sà-ab-mà-kam mu-lu- sà- abmà-ka m 5o. mu-lu sà-ab-mu im-mi-in-dug 4-ga-àm 51 al nu-aka-am gur7 dub-dub-ha-1m 52. se gâ-nun-e sa dug,-dug4-ga-àm 53. mu - un-gàr se-ni gur7 sâr-ra-kam 54. sips e-ze-n[s s]ig sù-sù-ga-àm 49. Indeed, he is the man of my heart, he is the man of my heart, 5o. He is the m an who speaks to my heart, 51. Without the use of a hoe heaps of grain are piled up, 52. Grain is arriving at the barn, 53. The farmer, his grain makes a multitude of piles , 54. But the shepherd, his sheep are full of wool! 3. "Dumuzi and Enkidu," the contest of the shepherd an d the fanner (v an Dijk 1953, 67-73). Van Dijk took this composition as the continuation of the preceding one, but they are undoubtedly two separate compositions. Since they allude to a traditional set of situations, it is not surprising that they can with little difficulty be combined so as to form one continuous sequence of events. The farmer wins the contest, an d brings his produce as a wedding gift to Inanna (line 140, quoted sub [No. ro], above), but as a compensation the shepherd becomes his "friend," and is allowed to graze his animals on the cultivated areas. This alludes to the seasonal cooperation of the farmers an d the shepherds, known in many cultures. 4. SLTNi 35 ii 9-10 (PAPS s 07, 497)

ib9. ama-ni ama zu-gim in-`ga'-`di ba-a-a-`ka1) 10. a-a-ni a-a - zu-gim in-ga-dim(! copy NE) - 9. His mother is as well-bred as your mother, to. His father is as well-bred as your father That this is reminiscence of a contest appears clearly from comparison with [No. 15], lines 7-17, below. 5. "The Marriage of Manu" (Krasner 1990). In this composition a wrestling combat, rather than a verbal contest, takes place. The winner is offered the proverbial gift of precious metal and precious stones, but he prefers that which is more valuable, the daughter of the host in marriage.

Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs

BENDT ALSTER

24 [No. 1 41.

25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 25. 26. 27. 28.

Ni 9602 (PAPS 107, 5o5 - 5o 8 ), dupl. TIM 9 Io (IM 44539 c), c£ [No 7]:

ma-a gal 4la-mu du b dug-dub-a ma-a-ra ki- sikh -mèn a-ba-a ur 11 - ru -a-bi gal 4-la-mu ki-duru 5 -a ma-ra ga -sa -an-men gud a-ba-a bi-ib-gub-bé in-rsin9 lugal-e ba-ra-an-ur i1 -ru ddumu-zi lugal-e ba-ra-ur 1 r -ru [gal4 la]-ma ur 1 i m mu -lu sa-ab -ma-kam

32.

(manna)

32.

30. 31.

For me open my vulva, the "hill" - for me! For me the maiden, who is its ploughman? My vulva a wet place, for me For me, the lady, who will provide the bull?

da[m-a-ni nu -u8 -gig-e d]ama-uss"um-gal-an-nara gù mu-na-dé-[e] "a4uba (var. sub X bé) ù-ru "a4uba ur 11 -ru a-baa mu-na-ur i -m ...

I, the very good man, will bring you numerous gifts, 12. I, Friend of An, will bring you numerous gifts, 13. I, Friend of Enlil, will bring you numerous gifts!

manna, stretching from the wall, stretching from the wall, His spouse, the hierodule, speaks to Amausumgalanna:

The most detailed account of bridal gifts is that of "The Marriage of Sud" (Civil 1983). More realistic is that of SLTNI 3S• C£ further [Nos. w] and [i 3.3] •

(Audience, speaking on behalf of Inanna:)

-

(Audience:) 29. 30.

31.

Plough the gemstones, plough the gemstones, who will plough the gemstones for her?...

dams-usumgal-an-na nu-ug-gig-ra inim mu-niib-gi 4-gi4 37. nu-ug-gig-ga-àm dam-mu nu -u8- gig-ga-àm 38. kù dinanna-ke 4 nu-bar-ra a-ne-er mu-na-ur 11 ru 39• "a4uba-na-ke 4 "a4suba-na-ke 4 na4suba na-ur 11

-

(manna:) [No. 15]. UM 29-16-37 (PAPS 107, 493-495), dupls. PRAK I B 46, PRAK II C 94:

(Inanna:)

43 •

(Audience speaking on behalf of Dumuzi:) 38.

r. Without my mother, you would be driven out in the street, in the deep shade ..

39•

(Dumuzi:) 7. la ki-sikil du 14 -gim na-an-ma-ma-un ... I I. a-a-mu a-a - zu-gim in-ga-dim 12, dinanna inim-gim ga-àm-me-en-dè-en 13. [ama-mu] ama - zu-gim in-ga-dim ... 17. mà-e dutu-gim in-ga-dim-me-en ... 7.

Young lady, do not pick a quarrel . . I I. My father is as well-bred as your father, 12. manna let us talk it over like a serious matter (lit. 'a word'), 13. [my mother] is as well-bred as your mother ... 17. I am as well-bred as Utul . . 23. inim bi-in-e-a inim bi -h es-àm 24. du l 4mu-mû- 1 da'-a W -h sà-ga-na-ke 4 25. ' 4uba-ke4 "aMba-ke 4 " 4uba na-ur t i m ... -

23.

25.

30.

He ploughs them for her, for holy Inanna, the pnestess, He of her gemstones, he of her gemstones, he ploughs the gemstones indeed! ...

(manna.) 43 •

He who made them for me, he who made them for me, his beard is lapis lazuli'

The interpretation of the text suggested here differs widely from Wilcke 1976, 293-315 and Jacobsen 1987, 3-7. I agree with the principal points in the translations by Kramer, Rfànasieva 1982, and Lambert 1987, 32 (cf. notes 36, 38, and 5o). [No. 16]. Manchester Tammuz v io-13: 10.

é -ne la -zi-de Mg ma-ra-lu-lu

I2. 13.

lû-zi-zi- da -me-en nig ma-ra-lu-[lu] ù-mu-un-gu- li -a-na nig ma-ra-lu-lu gu-li 'mu-u1-lil nig ma-ra-lu-lu

ID.

He, the good man, will bring you numerous

i I.

He with whom she quarreled, the one dear to her heart, He who made the gemstones, he who made the gemstones, he shall plough the gemstones indeed! ...

dinanna ba-di (_ *bàd-da) là-Iâ-a bàd-da muna-ab --lá-1I

These lines could be spoken by the bridegroom's sister to the bride. CI v 24: nin9 -su ba-da-mi-en, "I am your little sister ' (= nin 9 - bàn-da-zu-mèn, the placing of the possessive suffix before the adjective is common in this text).

7. 8. 9• II. 12.

13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. I I.

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

The table(!) is splendid(!), your table is a splendid table! At a splendid table you will eat, Your table is splendid, it is a splendid table. You, [my ...], will eat there, But my Mother-Gen""tin will not eat there, Duttur's brother will not eat there, My sister Gestinanna, will not eat there, You, my ..., will eat there, You, my spouse shall not weave a cloth for me, My [...] you shall not spin for me, [...] you shall not make for me, [•.•] you shall not dye for me!

I have accepted Jacobsen's readings bansur (text: LJRU, 'city"), sen (Kramer. ukkin, "council"), and KS for gu 7 of which the latter is required in view of the gloss, and St the others nearly so Qacobsen 1987, 22-23) ,

THE MANCHESTER TAMMUZ The so-called Manchester Tammuz hymns were published by Pinches 1904. Apart from a few lines quoted by A. Falkenstein, R. Caplice, and A. Sjöberg the text has so far evaded discussions in the scholarly literature. One reason may be that its misinterpretation as a lamentation has never been publicly corrected. 53 Real progress was made when M. Civil, NABU 199o, pp 1416, No. 20, identified an additional fragment of the tablet, and pointed out that col. i is widely paralleled by TMHNF III 25 rev. A duplicate, CT 58, 32, was identified by B. Alster (NABU 1991). A complete edition of the text is under preparation, but since this will not be ready for some time and I have made extensive use of the text in the present study, I would like to present a few preliminary remarks. The text has been collated by M.J. Geller, and he has kindly made his results available to me The recognition of numerous parallels in the corpus of the Sumerian love songs makes it possible to penetrate into the meaning of the text, which is extremely difficult to understand owing to its use of syllabic writings and local spelling conventions The tablet is inscribed with two songs, separated by the rubric sr-ir nam-NE-DA-SI-s"ub dipnraa'dumu-n, in iii 15, clearly somehow =sir nani4ub. Both songs are subdivided into stanzas. In the first song Inanna meets Dumuzi in a garden. She sees him in the shape of a datepalm. She asks him to come and speak to her mother His answer follows: he will bring her gifts (col, ï, [No. ro]). manna's clothing is described (ii 7 za-âz gi-gi = tag-zu gig = *tag-gig-zu, as in CT 42, 13: 58, etc.). She invites her beloved one to come to a garden (col. ii). The end of the song hints at

[No. 18]. Choice of family members:

The words they speak, the ingratiating words are thirty. 50

(Audience:) 24.

ma-ab-dù-da-a-mà ma-ab-dù-da-a-mà su6-a-ni "a4za-gin-na ...

36. Araaunumgalanna answers the hierodule: 37. She is the hierodule, my spouse is the hierodule!

ama-me-da nu-me-a sila-a gib-edin-na i-èmmi-in-sar-re

I.

6.

Jo.

3 I . To plough my vulva is for the man of my heart!

(= PAPS 107, 497-499): [bansur kn]-na-àm bansur(!)-zu bansur(!) sen(!)-na-am (gloss: x x lu-ub-bi-) bansur kn-e im-ma- ni -ib-KA-e-en (gloss: i- ikkatxx) bansur-zu sen-na bansur s" en-àm (gloss: ma- (read. pa(?)-(aMu-?)) za-e rla'-[mr-muQ) da] -ba -ni -in -KA(!) --e--en ama- r mu'-tin-e la- ba -ni-ib-gu7 se[s t]u-ur-tu-ra la- ba-ni-ib-gu7 nin9-mu dgestin-an-na la-ba -th-th -Ks. za-e [ x ]-a rda'(?)- ba -ni-ib-KA-e nitadam-mu tag na-ma-tag-tag-an r x'-mu na-ma-nu-nu-un rx1 ri na-ma-ni-ib-dù-un (gloss: ?) [ x x x na-ma-ni-ib-ta]n X(DUN)- tanX an

4. My slave girl shall be your slave girl(?), 5. My sister shall be your younger sister, 6. (You) maiden Inanna shall be his(!) desire1 52

[No. 17]. SLTNi 3 5 iv 6-17

36.

-

Lady, the king will plough for you! Dumuzi, the king will plough for you!

II.

25

so. I accept the interpretation suggested by W il cke 1976, 294/ 296/312, of the second es in line 23 as the numeral 30 `die Wö rter der Wonne sind d reissig. ' According to him, lines 23-24 are a second2ry

commentary, added by a speaker who was a learned philologist who counted the words and actually arrived at the number 30. W il cke does seem to have made a good point to counting the words, but I much rather believe that tithe number thirty is not just a round number, then it may be an alhsion to the rigid conventions to which an orally performed contest had to conform, like those of the German Meuteninger. In other words, the length of the speeches may have been restricted to thirty words. There would be no difficulty involved in taking hi-h as a verb, cf. B. Alster • The Inncne1ti0i1s trf Surup pole, p io6, ad line i6q, hut one would miss a verbal prefix.

3. 4. 5. 6.

ù ama-mu ù ama -n [I}é-a] gî-èm-e gi-mèn( ?)-zu(?) bé -[a] nin9-mu nin 9 - ba-an-da-za bé -a ki-sikil dinanna as-ni{-za} bé-a

3.

And my mother shall also be your mother!

51. I have not accepted Jacobsen's interpretation of iv 5, where he must have read something like [nam-gé]me-mu-u la-ba-a-dé-n, 'I have not tamed you off into slavery." In my opinion this line repeats iv 3 (c£ n. a8).

52.

Ai-NI-n seems to be a mistake for ai -nî. with za repeated

from the preceding line CI however Codex Urnamisnu Finkelstein, JCS 22 [tgßpl 7o). tukum-bi ge me In nina-nî-gim dimma-ar ii-NI i-dug. M n the same word as M in ROM mi. 26 Lzu be-àm, quoted above [No. 4]. H. Saur en , RA 84 (i990) 4 1- 43. translates à-g, ai, ai as ' concubine," but in ROM 721 a meaning like `desired object" would fit. Ci. A. Sjoberg 1977, 25. " need, desinbk/ beloved ob j ect," Akk. bd htu. 53 A• Sjoberg 1988. 174, pointed out that i 5: kb-n la-ai-kura-lea = kiri 6 fur. R. Caplice, OTNS 42 (rß7z) 304, n. 31, $aw the panne) between iv j. and. C 1 42, 13, but he still considered. the text a "lament for Dumuzi."

BENDT ALSTER

26

the king playing the role of Dumuzi, rejoicing over the palace (col iii 1-14). The second song starts with Inanna setting out on a procession (iii 15- iv 9, cf. CT 42, 13: 3ff.). Upon her request Dumuzi brings her flax, grain, and oil (that is for the wedding, iv 9-15; iv 17-2I gu, si = se, si-ki = sig, i = 1). Dumuzi offers to "plough the field" (sexual meaning, iv 26 (restored) = v 9 = v 22: a-u a-sà da-i-ru da-i-ru (= da-ur„-ru), "... let me plough the field, let me plough the field") His mother an d sister accept the b ri de as their daughter (v t-6). He provides them with plenty of gifts (v 10-21, [No. 16]). He repeats that he will 'plough the field" (v 22) She declares that she will be his spouse (v 24-26, note 23: nu k1-sikil-mi = gâ-e kisi kil-mèn). The song ends with Inanna s self-praise as the queen of heaven and earth.

Bibliography

Afanasieva, V 1982 "Zu den Metaphern in einem Lied der `heiligen Hochzeit' " in: Postgate, N. (et al. eds.), Societies and Languages of the Ancient Near East. Studies in Honour of I.M. Diakonoff, Warminster, 15-2t.

Aliter, B. 1985 1989

1992 Black, J. 1983

"Sumerian Love Songs," in: RA 79, 127-159. "Sumerian Literary Dialogues an d Debates and their Place in Ancient Near Eastern Literature " in Keck, E., et al. (eds ), Living Waters ... Presented to F. Lekkegaard, Copenhagen, 116. "Two Sumerian Sho rt Tales and a Love Song Reconsidered," in: ZA 82 ... (forthcoming) "Babylonian Ballads: A New Genre," JAOS 103, 2 5-34

Civil, "Enlil an d Ninlil: The Marriage of Sud," in. JAOS 10 3, 43- 66 . Cooper, J.S. t983

1 975

"Heili ge Hochzeit Archiologisch," in: Reallexikon der Assyriologie III, Berli 59-269.

1989

"Enki's Member. Eros and Ir ri gation in Sumerian Literature," in: Dumu-e 2 -dub-ba-a ... in Honor of A. Sjöber delphia, 87-89. Dijk, J.J. A van La sagesse suméro-acradienne, Leiden E J Brill. 1 953 Finkel, I. 1988 "A Fragmentary Catalogue of Loveson Ada Sumerologra to, 17-18.

Marriage and Love in the Sumerian Love Songs

Frymer -Kensky, T. "The Ideology of Gender in the Bible and the 1989 Ancient Near East," in: Dumu -e2- dub -ba -a ... in Honor of A. Sjoberg, Philadelphia, 185 -191.

Lambe rt , W.G. "Divine Love Lyrics from Babylon," in: JSS 4, 1 959 I-15.

1975

Glassner, "L'hospitalité en Mésopotamie ancienne ...," 1990 in: ZA 8o, 6o -75. Goodnick Westenholz, J. "A Forgotten Love Song," in: Rochberg1987 Halton, F. (ed ), Language Literature, and History ... Presented to E. Reiner, (= AOS 67), New Haven, CT., 4 1 5 -425. 1990 `Towards 'To wards a New Conceptualization of the Female Role in Mesopotamian Socie ty ," in: JAOS no, 510 -521. Hallo, W.W. 1987 "The Birth of Kings," in: Marks, J.H. & Good, R.M. (eds ) Love & Death in the Ancient Near East. Essays in Honor of Marvin H. Pope, Guilford, CT: Four Quarters Publishing Company, 45-5 2. Held, M. 1961 "A Faithful Lover in an Old Babylonian Dialogue," in: JCS i5, 1-26 (16, 37 - 39). Jacobsen, Th. 1 973

"The Sister's Message," in: JANES 5, 1 99 212.

1987

"Two bal-bal-e Dialogues," in: Marks, J H & Good, R.M. (eds ) Love & Death in the Ancient Near East. Essays in Honor of Marvin H. Pope, Guilford, CT: Four Quarters Publishing Company, S7-63.

1987 B

The Harps that Once ... Sumerian Poetry in Translation, New Haven and London: Yale Universi ty Press.

Kramer, S.N. 1963 Cuneiform Studies and History of Literature," in: PAPS 107 486-527. 1969 "Inanna an d Sulgi A Sumerian Fertility Song," in: Iraq 31 18-23. 1 984 "BM 88318: The Ascension of Dumuzi to Heaven," in• Recueil de travaux de l'association des études de Proche-Orient Ancient, Vol. II, Montreal, 5-9 1 985 'BM 23631: Bread for Enlil, Sex for Inanna," in: OrNS 54, 117-130. 1 990 The Marriage of Martu," in Klein, J. et al. (eds.), Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology dedicated to P. Artzi, Ramat-Gan, it- 27. `

1987

"The Problem of the Love Lyrics," in: Goedicke, H. & Roberts, J.J.M. (eds ), Unity & Diversity, The Johns Hopkins Universi ty , 981135 3S "Devotion: The Languages of ReFgion and Love," in: Mindlin, M., Ge ller, Mi., Wans brough, J.E. (eds ), Figurative Language in the Ancient Near East, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, 2 5 -39.

Manniche , Lise 1987 Sexual Life in Ancient Egypt, London & New York. Pinches, Th. ` The Hymns to Tammuz in the Manchester 1904 Museum, Owens College," in• Manchester Memoirs, Vol. xlviii, No. 25, 1-32, with Plate 7. Renger, J. "Heilige Hochzeit," in Reallexikon der Assy1 975 riologie, III, Berli n, 2 5 1 -2 59.

27

Römer, W.H.Ph. 1982 "Einige Überlegungen zur 'Heiligen Hochzeit',' in AOAT 211, 411-428. Sefati, Y. 1990 "An Oath of Chastity in a Sumerian Love Song," in: Klein, J. (et at, eds ), Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology Dedicated to P. Artzi Ramat Gan, 45 -6 3. Sjöberg, A. JCS 1977 "Miscellaneous Sumerian Texts 29, 3 - 45, No. 5 (pp. 16-27). "A Hymn to Inanna and her Self-Praise 1988 JCS 40, 165-186. Westenholz, A. and J. 'The Old Akkadian Love Incantation MAD 1977 V 8," in: OrNS 46, 198-219. Wilcke, Cl. 'Die akkadischen Glossen in TMHNF 3 Nr. 197o 25 und eine neue Interpretation des Textes," in: Af0 23, 84-87. "Formale Gesichtspunkte in der sumerischen 1976 Literatur," in: Lieberman, S. (ed.), Sununological Studies in Honor of Th. Jacobsen Assyriological Studies, 20, Chicago, 205-316 (293-316: "Exkurs: Ein kun-gar-Lied Inanna's').

The Great King 2.2 A note on the absence of the title GK in the Middle Old

Babylonian Period (Hammurabi)

THE GREAT KING A PREEMINENT ROYAL TITLE IN CUNEIFORM SOURCES AND THE BIBLE Pinhas Artzi and Abraham Malamat Bar Ilan University The Hebrew University 1. INTRODUCTION

Ikn(n)-Samai. More significantly, it appears also in second position in the titulary of Lugalzagesi after the title "Lord of Uruk, King of Ur." 7 The best explanation of the use of the augmentation by Lugalzagesi has been proposed by A. Poebel and F. Thureau-Dangîn• the aim of this augmented tide of priestly o ri gin, combined with the pohtical tide ensi (_ territo ri al ruler) is to validate his political authority, bestowed upon him by the god Enhl. Founder of an "empire-core ' state, Lugalzagesi turns, equipped with this title, towards the still unaligned rulers of Sumer aiming 8 at their acceptance of his peaceful, federative leadership. As with the southern pre-Sargonic political configurations, we may assume that also the "No rt h," pre-Sargonic Ma ri (cf. 2.3), was active in establishing federal formations; here the eminent power-status of Ebla should also be taken into account 9

Along with his contributions to cuneiform and Biblical studies, Bi ll Hallo pioneered and established the systematic study of the royal titles in cuneiform civilizadon.' The present writers, induced by long-standing, common interest to improve the understanding of the ancient Near Easte rn royal title "The Great King" 2 (abbreviated: GK), benefited greatly from two basic facts from Hallo s study (although the treatment of this specific tide is beyond its boundaries). First, the royal political tide is a reliable indicator of the rank and prestige achieved by a ruler; this prestige was bestowed on the basis of success in internal and inte rn ational activities. Secondly, the title "king" (Sumerian: lugal, Akkadian: lairs) underwent from its very inception in central/southern Mesopotamia, gradual ascendancy and then primacy. 3 Collecting and evaluating various data and studies, we reached the (we hope not erroneous) conclusion that, besides the comprehensive handbook of Seux, 4 there is no monograph on our subject.

6. Lamgi-Mari. J.R. Kupper & N. Karg, RLA 6, p. 446, lkû(n)-lamas: J.R. Kupper, RLA 5, p. 46. For a different reading of the royal PNs cited, see now I.J. Gelb and B. Kienast, Die Altakkadischen Königsinschriften des d ritten Jahrtausends v. Chr., FAOS 7, (Stuttgart), 199o, p. 9, MP t7; see also the observations of Pomponio, SEL 8 ( 1 99 1 ), p. 1 43 and ofKrebernik ZA 8i/1 (1991) p. 139. 7. Lugalzagesi: Hall o, p. 19; A. Westenholz, RLA 7, pp. t

2. HISTORICAL SURVEY 2.1 A pre-Sargonic forerunner (c. 2370 B C.E.)

The royal title: "The Great Ruler (by the decision) of Enlil." 5 This title, containing the augmentation gal (_ great) after the title ensi, "ruler," stands in the second position in the titulary of two kings of pre-Sargonic Mari (northern Mesopotamia; see 2.3): Lamgi-Mari 6 and

55ff

8. Priestly origin of the title: Hallo, pp. 35ff; political value of the augmented title: Seux, p. 349, note 128 with literature. This title was used also by Saigon (but afterwards discontinued). We prefer the assumption of A. Poebel to that of Thureau-Dangin, indicating not an imperial title but of primacy; see Th. Jacobsen, Towards the Irrage of Tammuz, 197o, pp. 1 53- 1 54; cf with a different emphasis, A. Westenholz, in Power and Propaganda (ed. M.T. Larsen), Copenhagen 1 979, p. io9 (status of 'Great King," but still without the actual title; cf our Ch. 3), 9 Cf, as a figurative sign of aspiration: the hairdress of LamgiMari RLA 6, p. 446; E. Strommenger, Mesopotamien, 1962, pl. too: "golden-helmet hairdress," imitation of the actual helmet of Meskalamdug ("King of Ur "; Hall o, p. iso), see also the helmet on the head of Eannatum ruler of Lagas ("King of Kis" ; imperial title; cf. Hallo, pp. ziff.) depicted on the "Stela of Vultures," St ro m menger, pl 68. For Ebla see: J. Renger, Ebla 1995 1985 (ed. L. Cagni), Napo li 1987, pp. 2 93-311; G Pettinato, ibid., pp. 19-35

William W. Hallo, Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles, AOS, New Haven 1957 (abbreviated: Hallo) 2. See Table 2.5.1. See also the obse rv ations of F,R. K ra us in Le Palais et la 3• Royaute (ed. P. Garelli), Paris 1 974, p. 251. 4- M J. Seux, Épithltes Royales Akkadiennes et Sumé riennes, Paris 1967 (abbreviated: Seux). See also the recent book of M. Livera ni, Prestige and Interest, International Relations in the Near Fact c. 1600I wo B.C.E„ Padova 1990 pp. 68ff (abbreviated: Liverani); W,L. Monn,The Amarra Letters. Baltimore and London, 1992, p. 3 n. 2 (abbreviated EAMr). 5. ensi,gal. 1 "Enlil, Seux, p. 399 t.

-

28

Contrary to the intensive activity around the emerging title GK in the north and the northwest (see 2.3; 2.4), there is no data on its use in the documentation in the south, in spite of the fact that — at least in a transitory period! — the states of the north, south, east and west were organized into identical federal configurations of "power blocks" (cf. 2.3 Mari). There are, on the other hand, clear indications of a search for appropriate royal attributes which express the prestige of Hammurabi as the versatile head of an Empire (not federation, because the aim of the South is complete unity). To cite but one example: the Law-Stele of Hammurabi, Prologue, col. iii I 16: "The god (or: the divine one) among all the kings, the wise of the wisest.s 1O z.3 farm rabM at Mari The use of the idiom Farm roba ("Great King") at Mari is attested about ten times." It occurs more or less about the same time in Ha tt i, designating King Anitta as LUGAL GAL (but in a copy of his insc ri ption of some 200 years later, see 2.4). As for Mari, the appellative lam+ rabM designates almost always King Samii-Adad I of the "Assyrian" dynasty, ruling for some time over Mari. Yet we are not certain if the expression refers to an epithet of veneration or already to a distinct royal tide. The former meaning seems to be more acceptable. The most conspicuous case at Mari, often cited in scholarly discussions, is a letter from Ta rim -Sakim to Yasmab-Adad, son of Samii-Adad I and viceroy of Ma ri . The writer designates Samii-Adad as farm rabd (ARM V 28-3 i), while in the correspondence between rime-Dagan the elder son of Samii Adad I an d his future heir, an d Iihi-Adad of Qatna, the king of a western state in Middle Syna, the latter addresses Iime- Dagan, attempting a better commercial deal: ' You are a great king" (ARM V 20:7). rime -Dagan is likely to have inherited from his father, as legitimate successor, the epithet "great king." Nevertheless, it seems that GK here is referred to in a rhetorical ironic mode, expressing disappointment; cf: EA 7:261; 16:13. There are four occurrences of lams raba in the economic texts published by J. Bottéro in ARM VII, -

to. i -lu LUGAL-ri = 1tx Kart (plunks unitatss); this epithet aggrandizes and "modernizes" the Old Akkadian epithet DINGIR Agade ("The god of Akkad "), Seux, p 389 for a different interpretation see AHw, p. 372, ilium I, "etwa iJwsedcsrW" (but see CAD I/J, ills A and niais A with CAD N/1, nasqu: not "choicest" but 'playmate"). For the PN Hammurabi- , sec now Stol, SEL 8 (1991), p. zo5 I I J.-M. Durand, Prrarseurssy riens aux Protocoles néo-assyriens, In eds. D Charpin & F Joannês, Martdrands, Diplomates et Emporia's (FS Garen . ), Pans 1991 PP• 54-63. The author publishes two new instances of Great King(s) and refers in the footnotes to the previous ones. .

29

records of foodstuff for the royal table, all referring to Samii-Adad as 'ndicated by D. Charpin and J-.M. Durand, 12 whereas K.R. Veenhof 3 opts for Isme- Dagan: ana qat .farrim rabîm, i.e., for the disposition of the great king Of special interest in these records is the document published by D. Charpin in MARI 3, p. 92, no. 59: "for the messenger of the great king, Ikon-pî-Asar," the la tt er being a royal official Perhaps in this instance the appellative larru rabM already takes on the meaning of a distinct title. In order to explain the application of the idiom Jarru raba to Samii-Adad, Charpin and Durand draw attendon to the relatively vast expansion of his kingdom, extending to the east (ruled by Iime-Dagan) and west (ruled by Yasmal-Adad).' 4 Hence this title is first and foremost the result of the ter ri to ri al aggrandizement, including dominion over vassal kings (cf. 2.4)• To the above references we can now add two new attestations of farm rabû published recently by Durand,' 5 The interesting fact in both cases is that the idiom occurs in the plural form — great kings. In A 23o:7 the spelling is LUGAL-ri-a-ni. The plural form -arm ("arrant) is conceived by Durand to mean "great kings,"' 6 and not as individual kings or even minor kings, as usually surmised' 7 ; thus his explanation remains doubtful. However, this letter is of special significance, not only for the use of the plural of king, but also as an apt i ll ustration for Itûr-Asdu's famous sermon listing the five great powers (lairs dannu) of his time in Mesopotamia and Syria (A 482). 18 Itiir-Asdu addresses in the name of Zimri-Lim various unaligned, petty kings (!arrant) in order to convince them to join a strong power, meaning obviously King Zimri-Lim, and thus flourish. Now A 23o desc ri bes a dialogue between Asqur-Adad, king of Kanna, an d the populace in order to encou ra ge him to join Zimri-Lim 'who is our lord an d father." Thus both situations here are alike, the populace in each instance being pushed to join a great power, in these instances Zimri-Lim, whose political standing becomes by such accomplishments more elevated (cf 2 4) Incidentally, Zimri-Lim is once called far killatim "king of the

12.

Dund, n

MARI 4 (1985), p, Sot, n. 37; Durand ( above, n.

1 ) p. 63, n. 143. The texts in addition to those cited above arc: ARM VI z8; XVIII 107 XXVI 14, 6z 181, 218. 13. See MARI 4 (1985), p. 209, while M. Anbar is wavering between the two candidates, see Resets de deux F✓ewves (Mélanges A. Pint), Leuven 1989, p. izb 14 Cf, MARI 4 (1985), p. Sot and n. 37. t 5. Durand (above, n. s t), pp. 54 (A 230 57 (A 421 16. Op. di, (above, n.1 1). p. 54, n. t t3. 17. See W. von Soden, GAG S6t i (eine Anzahl eirarities _ 18. Published only in traresliteratson and translation by G. Dos sin. Syria 19 (1938), pp, l7ß. roi as English tnnslanon cf. W. Moran in ANET 3 , p. 628' K Balkan, Letter e King Anum-Hirii ,. (=below, n. z3), pp. 27f and cf, A Malatnat's treatment of this document in ,

Keinigr)

NR 76 (1985), pp 47-50.

30

PINHAS ARTZI AND ABRAHAM MALAMAT

world" (ARM 26/2, no. 409:12), a title also given to Sams'i-Adad 1. Finally, Durand published in the same article^ 9 one more document mentioning the great kings (LUGAL .MES ra-ab-bu-turn) (A 42 15: I i). Here the word "great ' is written syllabically and there is no doubt about the translation of the idiom. The lines relevant to us are: Yasim-Dagan, a general, rep li es to Sunubrabalu (the "prime minister" of Zimri-Lim, 1. 16): "... I am despised', yet before the great kings, with whom I am in constant touch, my person (lit. head) is honored." The `great kings' refer here to the highly-valued kings, Zimri-Lim and Hammurabi, mentioned in 1.8. In summary, the term discussed here is already prevalent in the political conscience and in the linguistic usage of the Ma ri Age, but it is still not a standard tide as in Anatolia about this time and in later periods (see 2.4). 2.4

The stages of emergence and standardization of the title GK in the West: Hittite Anatolia and Northern Syria (1900-700 B C E.; for the age of the Amarna archive see 2.5).

2.4.1 We have just seen at Ma ri in northern Mesopotamia (2.3) the emergence of the concept of the GK, and even clear signs of its administrative formalization through the "elevation"/upgrading of the senior ruler to the rank of GK but without his own formal, documented, standardized use of the title. We call atten ti on to a similar development in the West in the late Old Babylonian period: the rulers of the "Great Kingship" of Jamhad/dalab, one of the leading states of the period, never use the title GK; on the other hand, its king is "elevated" to this tide by the administration of his federal dependent state, Alalab — as in Mari. 20 As it will be shown below, we are standing here on the threshold of the "Fint Circle" of northern emergence of the tide Great King. 2.4.2 Let us now return to the inception, the process of emergence of the title in Anatolia. We agree with Starke' that the title "Great King" (LUGAL GAL) is "vermutlich eine hettitische Wertschöpfung" only in the sense of standardization, a p ri me example of the special Hittite faculty of " Ordnungsprinzip," of legal

19. Cf. Durand (above n. t t), p. 57. 20 The kingship of Alalab was created by Jamhad/Ualab; see D. Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets, London 1 953, no. *1, document belonging to Alalah level VII of the late Old Babylonian period. On the "Great Kingship ofJarnhad" see CAH Ei 13, pp 3off.; H. Klengel Geschichte Syrieru i963 • I, pp tozff, especially, p. 145 c), AT *269 mentioning LUGAL GAL = The King of Jamhad; see Landsberger, JOE 8 ( 1 954), p. 53 n. 9o, stressing the significant evidence of AT * 376 (cf. Kkngel, pp. 173: 127; 217: 29), and pointing out that the kings of Jamhad themselves use only the tide 'king." 21. ZA 67 0977) p. 288. ,

thinking. This qualified disagreement is based on the follow-up to the process. The process was initiated by the close contacts, cornmercial and other, between the Old-Assyrian Kingdom and the Anatolian local mien, through the local Anatolian formalization of the Old-Assynan secondary royal 22 title ruba'um, "p ri nce" (Sumerian: NUN). The growing political-commercial strife among the local rulers led soon to a further step: systematization; a ruler of the first order is termed rubii'um; the lesser, petty, dependent kingdoms are ruled by kings, a collec tive designation in pl.: srarri ne (the term for "small king"; see 2.5). 23 Moreover, the intensifica ti on of the power struggles between able rulers an d their dependents led to a momentous ch an ge — the appearance of the title: `The Great P rince" (tuba 'um rabi'um). We know only of two "Great Princes,"^ 4 indicating that the focal point in the contents of the new augmented title (c f. 2 i) was the concentra ti on of territorial power and leadership. Here appears Anitta, ruler of Kusgar and (later) Nesa as a central figure. Chronologically he is a contemporary of the Middle Old Assyrian-Babyloiiian period (c. 1800^ 5; cf. our 2 3) With Anitta, the tide "Great King" makes its first appearance in the famous "Anitta Inscription." 26 Written in Hit ti te, this document describes Anitta's march to the peak of sole leadership in (central) Anatolia. While in his contemporary local inscriptions Anitta uses the title Great Prince, 27 in the 'Inscription" he appears (after his victory) 28 as LU22. For this title see M.T. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City-State and its Colonies, Copenhagen 1976, pp. tzrff. 23. K. Balkan, letter of King Anum-jJnbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish, Ankara 1 957, pp. 25ff.; on Balkan's view about the identity of content of the plu ral-form "kings" with the Old Babylonun-Mari usage of this form, see Balkan, p. 27 and cf our z 3 24. Seux, p. 251, n 97, second entry; the augmentation is always written (in the formal titles) with GAL as in LUGAL.GAL. Taking into account with Larsen (op cit n 22) that rubâ'um in its OldAssynan definition was virtually a northern equivalent of lams, king (sing.), the basic equation with Kano rabil is inherent. Moreover for the transformation of the title to be discussed presently, see S a Vocabulary Bogazkiii, Fragment H, MSL 3, p. S9 6':... ruin' = LUGALJe (=Hittite *hallos see FHWB, p. 64). (See ako Fngm. r, p. 61, note to line to). 25. 0.1k Gurney, CAH iI 1 3 , 232ff.; Balkan, Observations on the Chronology of the Karim Kane Ankara 1 955, pp. 41ff., al% P. 44 See also V. Donbaz, Studies in Honor of Özgüg, (Ankara) 1989, p. 88. 26. CTH 2 , no. 1 (p. 2); E. Neu, StuBoT 18 (1974); H. Schmökel, Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orient, Stuttgart 1961, pp. 335337; Gurney (note 25) p. 248; Güterbock, ZA 44 (1938), p. 141; Otten, MDOG 83 (1951), pp. 39, 44; H. Cancik, Grundzüge der hettitisdhen and alttestamentlichen Ceschichtrsdrreibung, Wiesbaden 1976; Steiner, Or. Ant. 23 (1984), pp• 53ff 27. I.J. Gelb, Inscriptions from Alishar and Vicinity (OIP 27), Chicago 1 935 Texts i (p. 1 9); 49 (P• 50) In the first document Anitta is nrbn'um; in the second: ruba'um rabi'um (cf. also Balkan, op cit , n 6) 28. In the Mina Inscnption the ode LUGAL, "kung," opens the story. Then in line 41 appears the title LUGAL.GAL Between these lines there u a bnlhantly organized historical narrative of Amtta's advancement (cf Steiner, op. tit., n. 26, p. 55, and n. 15), conferring upon himself the tide GK. For further, very important, details see literature in notes 26 and 29.

The Great King A delicate problem faces us: The "Insc ri p ti on" is known only from a relatively later, Old-Hittite Kingdom edition/copy (c. 1600). 29 Therefore since this tide is in continuous use by the Hit ti te Kings (see below, 2.4.3), we may judge the use of the title GK in the ' Anitta Inscription' as a modernization, which is needed for the endorsement of continuous prestige and legality of the Hit ti te royal dynasty. But, perhaps, there is another answer. We propose the possibility that Anitta himself wished to break with the local Anatolian system descnbed above, and, by the applica ti on of the title GK, wanted to integrate the Anatolian realm into the international scene (cf. 2.3). The solu ti on was again, in the Hit ti te way of reasoning, to normalize and standardize the appella ti ve GK, already known in the north of Mesopotamia (see 2.3). Thus, we suppose, by closing the 'First Circle," which began its turn from Assyria to Anatolia (for the "Second Circle" see 2 5), Anitta tried to be a pa rt of the "central" international power-situation (see also below, in rela ti on to Mursili I). GAL.GAL

clear that the Hit ti te Royal House from c. 1 65o to its very end almost constantly used the overlordship-title GK, even when it was overshadowed by the emerging title of glorification 'My Sunship'. 3° As we learn from recent studies, this continuity was preserved down to the last moments of existence of the neo-Hittite kingdoms long after the disappearance of the Empire. 31 Standardized the title is used always in first posi ti on: "KN, the GK, [the Sun] King of the l an d of Hatti, the Hero, beloved of the God DN." 32 The central, Hit ti te concept of the title GK is continuous, inhented leadership in Anatolia and then, in the period of the Empire (see below and 2.5), leadership of an d dominion over dependent states 33 In this la tt er period the title was permitted to be used as well by the kings of Karkemis", as members of the Hittite royal family and, chiefly, as di re ct overseers of the affairs of the North Syrian dependents. 34 Moreover, a new format of state treaty was developed to ensure, in the spi ri t ofa uniquely 2.4.3 It is

31

Hittite interpretation, a cohesive relationship between the Great King and his dependents. 35 2.4.4 In the present article we cannot discuss in more detail the process of consolidation of the Hittite form of the Great Kingship which was characterized above in 2.4.3. But for our special purpose — the development of the title GK — 't is important to point out that this consolidation had already begun early in the period of the Old-Hittite Kingdom (c. 1600) by Hattus"ili 1 (see above) an d especially by his grandson an d heir, Mursili I. Operating on a wide fr ont, Mursili I achieved the first involvement by the Hittite Great Kingship in international affairs by destroying the last vestiges of the Old Babylonian political power: (a) the dest ru c ti on, and virtual inheritance, of the "Great Kingship" of lialab (see above 2.4.1); (b) then, the demise of the First Dynasty of BabyIon (cf. z z; 2.3) by the "sack of Babylon" in c. 1595. 36 While the involvement of the GK Anitta, mentioned above, is no more than mere assumption, the invasion was pa rt of the preparation for the advent of a new age, a new stage m the history of the tide GK; see 2.5. The value of the tide GK is also apparent during the period of temporary Hittite decline. In the penod of the Middle Kingdom (148o-138o) its use also declines an d returns to its standard use only by Suppiluliuma I, founder of the Empire. 37 Moreover, it is significant that the rulers of the emerging Hurrian state of Mitanni did not use the tide GK before the Age of the Amarna archive (2.5): King Parattarna, who began to extend Mitannian rule during the Hittite temporary decline, was "elevated" (see 2.3) to the (ancient) tide LUGAL dannu, "mighty king," by no other than his most important 35 vassal, Idrimi, King of Alalab; cf. 2.4.1. weste rn Thus, around i400 the tide GK appears as a credible indicator of the internationally eminent standing of a certain ruler (c£ our Ch. 1, Introduction). 2.4.5

2.5 The transformation of the title "Great Ki ng" in The (Extended) Age of the Amarna Archive" (=AAA, c. 1460-1zoo B.C.E. o r the closing of the "Second Circle" in the development of the title GK (see: 2.5.4))•

29. Cf. Steiner (op. cit., n. 26). 3o. For the Hittite royal titulary see, besides Seux, Hance Gonna, ' La titulature royale hit ti te au ile millénaire avant Hethitica III ( 1 979), pp. 3-108. The title LUGAL GAL is discussed on pp. 18-19, then in the ro yal fist pp. (321ff it is to be stressed that the tide GK was "renewed" (supposing that the title of Anitta is genuine; see above) by Hattuiili I (the first important king of the Old Hittite Kingdom); see Gannet, p. 35, n 23. The glorifying tick "Sun (®UTU-li) appears for the first time also in Hattulili l's titulary (Gon net, p. 19 and p. 35, n. 27), A. Goetze, Kleinasien, 1 953, P• 89. 31 J P. Hawkins, "Kuzi-Teluh and the 'Great Kings Karkemil, ' An St 38 (1988), pp. 99-108. 32. A. Goetze, Kleinasien, 1953, p. 88. Fat the List element Hallo, p. 137. 1 952 , p. 64; Penguin Books, Hittites, The Cf. Gurney, 33. our 2 5 3 and Syriens I. pp. hit 43, 8 H. Kkngel, Cep-hit 34. (=PRU IV, p 138:20). CL above, n. 3 1

"

.

.

re: A.

Del's Vas. 41-

35• bverance sal Treaties C. A ride 76; 1 T> Zaccagxnini (Roma). 199o. C. 36. CI Gadd, CAN II t 3 , p. 1330) which open with a historical reconstruction tus of the Great Kingship of Ijalab — now a dependent of the Great King of Hatti . sec Livenni, p 75; N. Ni aman, JCS 3 2 (19140), pp

.

.

34ff

mil., note. 3o). Conan See dia inConan(op. K3esslçcl, RNA 36 0978), p. 92., I.t

.

TABLE I. Sumerogram

LUGAL.GAL*

2.5.I

4. Egypt

3. Hurrian

In the State and international documents = t

intemational In the international correspondence = t

International correspondence of Mitanni =

Hittite form: unknown. Hieroglyphic: KING+GREAT'

= Egyptian term: s9 t p^g b90

Hurrian PNEN GAL = Ibri•talma/i4 Ibri•tat ma/i4

a. Akkadian (Assyria and Babylonia)

j. Haul

In the international correspondence = t

= Akkadian: lams rabtl'

t. 2. 3. 4-

5 6. 7. 8.

Surprisingly not documented in lexical texts (see note 24, last entry). In this period not written phonetically; cf. 1.6.1. Gannet (op. cit., no. 3o), p. 18; see also note 24. Terminotogy . Edel Ägyptische Ärzte..., 1976, pp. 17 and 13$; Lorton, TheJuridieal Terminology Laroche, Glossaire de la langue Reunite, t98o, p. 85, s.v. ewri. Nougayrol, PRU IV, p. 263, LV. £8714. E.g., Virolleaud, PRU II, p. 34, n. 18, lines 1, 7, and 22-23. J. Greenfield, see note 86; for Biblical-Aranuic forms see 2.7. KAI 216 (Sam'a° to, 1 I: Sit tD71 rIC7 t177 171

(Sfire)

13, 7.

7. [Bible,

First Millennium]

Notes:

*

6. Ugarit

» to.

.

See note 8 below

In Akkadian correspondence = t (the King of Hatti and of Karkemii)s :

Ugaritic translation: mlk rb6 (cuneiform: malku)

8. [Aramaic Royal Inscriptions, First Mitl Millennium] ennium]

melek rab

melek gadâl

The Great King 2.5.1 See Table 2.5.1 for an ill ustration of the transformation of the title GK and its di ffusion over the entire Near East — in the format of a multilingual dictionary. 39 2.5.2 For a definition of the "(Extended) Age of the Amarna Archive" (= AAA): it was observed 4O that this age is identifiable by a series of common factors creating the third4i Inte rn ational Age of the ancient Near East, encompassing the entire subcontinent (Elam reenters only towards the second pa rt of the period). 42 2.5.3 The AAA opens with an unparalleled scene: while the northwestern intervention of the Hittite Great King (cf. 2.4.4) was futile in promoting formal international relations, the tremendous success of the southwestern Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt, extending up the Euphrates to the northeast under Thutmose III and repulsing Mitannian power (see above 2 4 5), opens an age of peaceful relations with the surrounding "Great Kings" (see below), expressed by diplomatic delegations to Egypt. The result is. mee ti ng of the Great Powers of the four quarters of the Near East. 43 2.5.4 These two tables (Table 2.5.1 an d the Table of Helck, see our n. 43) lead us to the central question: how did this revolution come about and what was its program the change in the concept and practice of the title, and political institu ti on, GK, which made possible this new age of coexistence? As in the case of truly decisive historical turning points, the answer is simple and direct: all the political powers of "Great Kingships" reached a common conclusion, expressing the "objec ti ve spi ri t" of the new era,44 that 'hegemony" is now impossible; the powers are in political bal an ce. On the other h an d, there is a long, interconnected series of needs which call for coexistence and even much more cooperation. Therefore, the "Second Circle" became closed: The Western concept

of "Great Kingship" merges with Eastern international principies. The West is represented by the Hittite concept of the Great Kingship, as characterized in 2.4.3. Practically the same concept is present in Egypt, now bu il ding its Empire, as indicated by the Amarna correspondence from Byblos, a Mediterranean port-city with long-standing, close connections with Egypt, addressing Pharaoh as GK, 45

39• See Nougayrol, Ugaritica V, especially p. 234 13'-14', 40. P, Artzi, Bar-Ilan Studies in History [i), 1978. pp. 34-3 6; H. Tadmor, Symposia (ASOR 75th Anniversary), 979' PP. iff. 41. Cf. M. Weinfeld in I Trattati (cf. n. 35), p. 175, o. t. 42. R Labat, CAH H 2 3 pp. 384ff. 43. See chronological Table of delegations, coming from Assur, Babylon, Hatti, Alain (and lesser kingdoms), from the 24th year of Thutmose IiI on: Heck, Beziehungen , A, 1971, p. 167, a, 144. 44. Cf. W. Dilthey Patterns and Meaning in History, edited by H.P. Rickman, Harper Torchbooks 1961, esp. pp 45. P. Artzi, JNES 27 (1968), p. 165, n. 18 ;

33

The bountiful Eastern "dowry," introduced into this "political mar ri age-a lliance' of East and West, is an accurate selection from the accumulated heritage of a thousand year cuneiform(-Mesopotamian) experience in inte rn ational relations. This selection is headed by the principle of "equality," expressed by the corresponding Akkadian term mlbru 46 an d "mutuality," expressed by the terms ajiu, "brother," abjjfttu, "brotherhood," an d atbfitu, "reciprocity.' 47 The implementation of these two principles means "recogni ti on." Thus the political experience of all the Near East cooperates in order to create a new era which in all vicissitudes, persisted until 1200 B.C.E. (see literature in note 40) .

2.5.5 *parsu48 la srarrâni rabatior *"The Code of Norms

and Customs" for "Great Equal Kings," as documented in the cuneiform sources of the AAA: Preliminary note: (a) the aim of this subchapter is to demonstrate through Stages I, H, III and IV the ramifications of obligations binding together the GK's of

the AAA; (b) almost every instance of the themes and termini appearing in this section finds its continuity or

parallel to a great number of Near Easte rn , including Bibhcal, sources; we can cite only a sampling here. For a fuller picture consult: P. Kalluveettil, Declara-

tion and Covenant, 1982.

Stage I The standard posi ti on of the title GK in the titulary used in the address-formula of the international statecorrespondence it follows immediately after the PN of the ruler, as in the Hittite scheme (see 2 4.3); then the na ti onal geographical identification-title and the status of recognized-equality-title follow. "your brother." The principle of symmetry (as part of courtesy between equals' see below, Stage III t 2) is strictly observed. Examples: EA 16 (from Assyria to Egypt), II 1-4: "To RN, the GK, K. of Egypt, my brother ... [from] RN, King of Assyria, GK, your brother"; KUB 3 25 (+276 CTI-I 2 , 162, from Egypt to Hatti) 1-3: "From RN, the GK of Egypt .. to RN, the GK of Hatti, my brother."

Stage II Recognition-equality-mutuality (="brotherhood"): The first stages of mutual recognition of rank and merge r of concepts occurred obviously around the years 2 4/33 of Thutmose III (cf. note 43): the arrival of delegations from Hatti and Kassite Babylonia — and a second deft46. CAD M/2. p. 57 2, a); sec there also as Akkadogram in Hittite texts (Hittite term; annawah); V. Koroicc, International Relations Aaording to Cuneiform Report: firm the Tall-al-Anumw and Hittite State Ardsives (EssOith summary of an article written in Slovenian, 195o). 3; Gverani, p. 7o. 47. M. Weinfeld, ffridelberger Stw ther. zum Altcri Orient a 3 45-348; Livenni, pp. t97ß p. 836; Goetze vGzzsm.ges. 194o, p. 28 (Kilo ,n..6a.

34

The Great King

PINHAS ARTZI AND ABRAHAM MALAMAT

gation from Assyria to Egypt (see below). During the whole period a "pyramid' of equal states emerges; at the peak the two "Suns" and "Great Kings" — Ha tt i and Egypt — charactenzed also by the careful and persistent use of the title, followed by the slightly less equal, and because of that paranoid, Kassite-Babylonian Royal House. This Babylonian "lesser" equality is reflected in the split of the inte rn ational "political public opinion" around the question: "Is the King of Babylonia a GK or is he not?" as we learn from a letter of Puduhepa, the "Great Queen," Queen of Hatti, wife of Hattusili HI an d mother of Tuthalija IV (c I27o). 49 There are at least four special c as es of variations in the history of the title GK in the AAA; each c as e produces a special lesson. We mention three of them only briefly: Mitanni: after the reconciliation with Egypt in the time of Amenhotep II, Mitanni becomes one of the Great Equal Kingships thanks to its geopolitical import an ce for Egypt against Hatti bolstered by mar ri age-a ll i an ces. Then Mitanni, mistakenly, overestimates the importance of this la tt er component an d loses the politicalmilitary suppo rt of Egypt in the time of its final confrontation with Hatti. 5o Alagia-Cyprus, actually a business partner in delicate geopolitical position, never uses the tide GK, satisfying itself with ` brotherhood." 5 ' Arzawa, a Weste rn Anatolian kingdom which returned to temporary independence during the Hittite weakness, is "Brother," and never was accorded the title GK by Egypt, exercising cautious policy. 52 Contrarily, the fourth case, Assyria, represents the aggressive, "new" partner and natural pretender to the status of Great King (cf. 2.3). This count ry of long historical-international tradition and donnant potential is engaged in a war of two hundred years to reenter the international scene as a Great Equal King. At the inception of the AAA Assyria is a formal dependent of Mitanni; exactly because of this situation, Assyria is the first to initiate contact with victorious Egypt (see Table Helck of our n. 43). Then in the period of the archive itself towards its end, Assur-uballit I, the founder of the Middle Assyrian Kingdom is fully recognized by Egypt as a Great King. 53 49. KUB XX 38, CTH 2 176; W. Helck, JCS 17 (1963). pp. 8701; for the entire picture of changes in Kassite-Babylonia's international position see P. Arm, ' Kurigaizu II and His Elamite Camè paign" (paper delivered at the 36 me RAI, Gand 1989; forthcoming). so Cf. Klengel, RI-IA 36 (1978), p. no. P. Arai, (note 40 above), p. 29, n. 5. EA 31 and 32; EAMr, pp. rot-to3; Heinhold-Knhmer, Arzausr ... T. Heth 8 (1977). For the emergence of the Middle Assynan Kingdom see Livermi, p. 71 with n. 29 In EA 16:27 the key problem of the emendation is not definitely resolvable: v. Soden, Orientalia NS 21 (1952), P. N4, proposes — in Assyrian style Janine-Au ('i am equal") while we prefer — with J. Friedrich, cited by C. Kühne, 1 973, p. 78, n. 389: melgnrku (see above), a term cons &Feint with the international mage of the period; see EAMr.

But this new position of Assyria aroused a new storm: Assyria is from now on in direct confrontation with Hatti, the sharing partner of the Mitannian pa rt ition; Hanigalbat, the old-new post-Mitannian state becomes a `buffer" between Assyria and Hatti: the Great King against the "upstart" who is already recognized by Egypt and later by Babylonia. The ensuing, long diplomaticmilitary campaign, eloquently documented, is concluded only around 1255(!) by the Hittite recognition of the 54 King of Assyria as a ' Great (Equal) King." Similar to "equality and brotherhood" (see n. 47), "mutuality, reciprocity, and sharing between (Great) Kings" was also defined in the correspondence of the AAA. Here the proverb of Burnaburijas II, King of Kassite Babylonia, stands out,S 5 with its elegant formulation, utterly different from the sharp argumen ts of the commercial minded "Northern" Assur-uballit I, in EA 16 (see literature in note 4o). Nevertheless, the "message" is the same, in the spi ri t of the penod. Because of the intentional disuse of the term GK, this proverb reaches a level of almost abstract generalization, saying (in free transla ti on): "Between Kings `Brotherhood , `Goodwill/Friendship , `Peace', and 'Courteous Relations' are in stri ct rela ti on with the amount an d weight of 'precious stones, silver an d gold' [sent/exchanged as various kinds of 'gifts] " Thus, in EA i 1 a thousand years of international cuneiform experience becomes a common denominator between the Great Equal Kings of all the Near East. 56 Stage

III

The norms of correct behavior between Great Kings in the AAA (and after): 57 NORM 1: Foundation of relations, formulated in the

international state letters; combination of selected themes from the Amarna an d Hitti te state letters; sequence: (a) address: symmetrical royal titles and statusdesignation of equality; secular 58 greetings; (b) historical argumen ts of persuasion, based on precedents; the writer declares that the relations between the two parties are dynastically long-standingS 9 and are based on three op-

54. For the documentation of the Assyrian-Hittite military campaign see: P. Machirust, BBAO H (1982), pp. 265-267; A. Harnk, Assyria and Hanigalbat, 1987, pp. 138-189; cf Chart p. 188 and I. Singer, "The Battle of Nihriya and the End of the Hittite Empi re." ZA 75 ( 1 98 5), pp. too-123; A. Goetze, CAH ii 2 3 , p 258; Szemerényi, Oriens Antiques 9, ( 1 945), pp. 12o-123; C Kühne and H. Often, STuBoT 16 1971 (Saulkamuwa Treaty). 55. EA II: 21-22. 56. On "gifts" (fulmanu, MMus, etc.) see C Zaccagnuu, ID Scambio dei Doni nel Vicino Oriente durance I Secoli XV-XiI, 1973. 57. Along this list of nouns consult the pioneering presentation of Brinkman, "The Monarchy in the Time of the Kanne In P. Garelli ed. Le palais et la royaute, 1974. Pp. 3971E 58. Without mentioning any deity; this observation is an addition to the still incomplete study of the international greeting-formulas in the AAA (see E. Salonen Die Gnus. - und Hochltknes- formebt.... 1 967. p. 6rff., also EAMr, p. xxisi).

erative principles: abamif tabnnu,6o we are always "good" to each other we are firm friends and well-wishers; dabâ61 ; ri we are ready to ar ve at agreements through talk bu, we are always ready to satisfy the material needs, wishes (jiifi{btu, merellltu) of our brother, by sending/receiving /exchanging equitable gifts (cf. note 56). NORM 2: You must never "elevate," upgrade (cf.

62 2.3; 2.4) yourself above your brother!

NORM 3: You must prefer personal relations, "love," "loyalty' (?) over colliding interests in your inte rn ational relations; you must fulfill your obligations, binding you an d your dynasty, vis-a-vis your brother GK. 63 NORM 4: You are your brother's keeper (cf. Gen.

4:9)! You must help him in his distress. 64 NORM 5: "Life-Cycle-Diplomacy" (see below, note 71) You must carefully apply all these norms on the occasion of the following events: beginning of rule/coronation,65 festival 66 palace/temple-building, 67 marriage-

59. Key term is abu, "father , " and extensions: (fore-)fathers, earlier (great) kings of the dynasty. 6o. Perhaps alluding to actual treaties now lost; cf. W.L. Moran, JNES 22 (1963) pp. 77-78. For Hebrew equivalent lôbâh, referri ng to treaty-terminology see A. Malamat, Biblical Archaeologist Reader 3, 198o, pp. 196-198. 61. A term already used in the Hamazi letter of Ebla; see literature inn 47; see CAD D, p. 3, dabâbu s., c) 3, "agreement" and dabâbu verb, p. 8, 3, h), "to come to an agreement" (through negotiations). 62. One of the key cases is EA 42, a Hittite state letter, which needs much additional research and restoration. in this letter it is stated that the King of Egypt transgressed the parlor (see our note 48) by the letter-formulation described by the Hittite King as fumka eli lumija, ' Your name over my name' ; it seems that the complaint is raised against the asymmetric use of the royal status titles. in another letter, Raamses II refutes quite courteously the accusation of Hattuiih III that he wrote to him akt ardi, "as to a servant." it seems, with Goetze (see below), that because of the circumstances of his ascendance to the throne, Ramses Ii did not congratulate him properly (see below, 5th Norm), or denied him the proper titles even brotherhood? (see 1st Norm). LiteraturetoEA 2: EAMr,, pp. 1 15-r r6. To the Ramesside lette r. A . Goetze, JCSI (41 947). Pp. 2 41-251; id., CAH II 2 3 , p. 257; see som e other casa in Lwenni, pp. 70-7 1. 63. Sample; EA 9. Basing himself on historical precedent (of doubtful hasis) and on international common law combined with "love"! 'loyalty," Bumaburijas iI implores his brother, the King of Egypt, to expel Assyrian merchants now doing business m Egypt, because they are his servants and dependents; cf. Livcrani, p. 72, n. 32; p. 198, n.. to. (The request was denied; sec above on the Egyptian recognition of Assyria. To international common law, applied in this letter, see already the case presented hy Mum-Hirbi; see literature in note 23). 64. Sample: ABur-ubanit I, King of Assyria. intervenes as a relative and ally to ensure the continuity of the Kassite dynasty by killing the illegal king and putting the legal heir, Kuripszu U. on the throne of his father without exploiting his si tuation (A.K. Grayson ABC. p. 1 59, Chronicle 21, "Synchronistic History," 8'-17'). 65. Sample: EA 33:9-t 8 , 34:5O-53: King of Alai ! of Egypt; KBo i, 14. rev. sb-,o: King of Hatti to the King setting down the rules (po u) on the occasion Of coronation; cf: o1û' n. 48. I Kings 5:15 (Hiram to Solomon); see legarduig the Septuagint variation (aeomtïrig; cf , e a. , above. Alafija): J. Kaueeslem, Tyre, 1 973. pp. 9 6 -977. •

.

35

alliance,68 sickness, 69 and death 7° (for the last event cf also 4th Norm). 7 ' Stage IV

Political rules for the personal use of the Great King: RULE I: Keep your international correspondence in good order — important documen ts of the past must be preserved1 72 RULE 2• Keep your communications open (not only for imperial adnunistration, fiscal and police/military acdons but) for trade, and mainly for the use of the diplomatic service! 73 RULE 3 • You must be able to find solutions to relieve international obstacles/problems which may arise in relation to Rule 2. 74

66. Festi val: EA 3418, 20, complaint of the Babylonian King not sending an invitation and presents for a state-festival. EAMr, p. 8, n. 8: one of the std festivals of Amenhotep III. 67. New Temple/Palace; sample: EA 5. Pharaoh to the King of Babylonia: furniture for his "new house(s)" (= É.GIBR); see in general: EAK H, p. 1389 LV. dual, building operations of the State. EA t6. 16b-18: The King of Assyria requests gold for die "New Palace" (ekallu e &efu; cf Borger, EAK i, pp. 26; 28ff.; Grayson,.ARI, 1972 . p. 45, It 5). 68. Marriage(-alliance): for this huge topic we Anti in La Femme dans k proche Orient Antique (ed. J M. Du rand), Paris 1987, pp. 230:, and mainly, F Pintore, Il matrimordo mterdinasttto ne! Wino Oriente durante i snob XV XiII, Roma 1978; for !sncbte-Egyptian marriage alliance see A. Malamat, our nos. 86 and 93. 69. Sickness: sample: EA 7:8-25, Butnabunjai I1 compla that Pharaoh did not ask immediately about his health; see in general, E. Edel, Agypdsdrr Arnie und 41prirdre Medizin am Hettitisdmi KÖnirshgf, 197 6" 70. Death: see P. Arun, "Mourning in International Re4sti ons," Mesopotamia 8 (Death in Mesopotamia, ed. by B. A ls ter), Copenhagen 198o, pp. 161-r 7o. 7t. On the theory of "Life-Cycle-Diplomacy" nota 68 (Anti) and 70. 72. Sample: KBo I ,o, obv. I. 52:... OMMain4 !. alrira ilpurtr Iuktn; transhtion (with A.L. Oppenheim. Latin from Mesopotamia message, i retain evme a 7. p. 143): "... should my brother send 196 ery word.' (cf. CAD K, p. 163, 27. and EA 8. The King of Baby -82 Samples: EA 7 73 73 • compxmatic from the robmanda juridical punishing action and comixmation bers/murderers of his merchants, adding in EA 8:3; the wirings; "if you will not act according to these demands, the resuk win be ïrss hinny mm kpn ipaniu "there will be no more ;s,Iomatsc exchange between us!" For the diplomatic service we A. Meier, The Mess ere ► S the Ancient Semitic World, (Atlanta. GA), 1988; D. E3gavnh, lise Eueissary and Ms Alta The Diplomatic Servix in die Cuneiform Sara and in the Bible, Ph.D., Bar-Ilan, 1989 (in Hebtew; English ninonary, vol. I. pp. I-Vii»; Y.L. Holmes. JAGS (t975), pp. 376-3$1. Aaat-tsba#ill. Great King, -55: and Sample: EA 16:37-42 si 74. to Pharaoh a new system of safety of the intrmatïoeraal Pmmiiid to tbyiwt Tadmor, Jens.P. Anti in: Ah Au.syna . pp. 254-25; "The Intcrnieonal Royal Trade-colt[. at " H. Mengel, Airsopwwusna II, Copenhagen ,9So, pp. 189-

36

PINHAS ARTZI ANDABRAHAM MALAMAT

75 RULE 40 You must behave as a Great Equal King! RULE 5: Learn about your peers! 76 2.6

The first millennium: partial decline of the tide GK.

Preliminary note: for Section 2.6 consult Seux. 2.6. r In Assyria of the first millennium only two genres of state documents use the title GK: royal insc rip ti ons an d colophons This development began already m the second pa rt of the second millennium, still in the AAA. Assur- uballit I (see above) never uses the title GK in his local insc ri p ti ons, while he is "re-elevated" to the title far killati (last used by Samsi-Adad I and Zimri-Lim; see 2.3) by the Babylonian sc ri be Marduk -nadin-abbe, son of Marduk -uballit(!), at the end of the prayer/blessing secdon of his vo ti ve inscription. 77 It is a post-AAA King, Assur- bel -kala (son of Tiglatpileser I), a ruler in the period of Assyrian weakness under Aramaic stress, but nevertheless the last of the second millennium Assyrian kings still ac ti ve in the West, who reintroduces the title in the sequence: "Great King, King of the World, King of Assyria," 78 a combination of the AAA and Assyrian traditions. After this period the tide GK becomes a standard pa rt of the neo-Assyrian royal titulary in the following order: 75. Autobiography and "apology" of Hattus"ili III, the "Great King," concerning his behavior and policy towards the traditional friends, "vassals," and enemies; see t ra nslation of passage in A. Goetze, CAH EI 2 3 p. 2i7. KBo I to: Hattus"ili III, the Great King, to his brother Kadasnun-Enlil II, the Great King (special stress; o., 2); from 36bff.: the problem of communication between the two countries: H. refutes the Babylonian apologetic argument, that the communication between Babylonia and Hatti was interrupted, because of (a) the interference of the Ahlamu nomads; (b) especially, the possibility that the King of Assyria will refuse permit of passage. The refutation appears in o., 38b-39a: fanât famitika abw'a febrita, "In royal authority/power, my Brother, are you 'small'?i ' (not a "Great King," but a "Small King" of a dependent state; for the term "Small King" [LU GAL.TUR, *farm sebrul see: Goetze, Hauufilif (111), 1925 p. 124; Harrak, Hanigalbat, p. 148: KUB XIII 103 o., 27 -z8': The King of Assyria rose from a LUGAL.TUR to a LUGAL.GAL; Liverani, p. 68). We add here, that in our opinion, these termini are not 'technical' ones (Liverani) but reflect a classification of international power-status in the t ra di ti on of the cuneiform international relations. Rhetorical answer of Hattusili III on his own question: o., 4965 t: a f u a farm rab4 atria u ira littiiti Iu lea:data "(But), my B ro ther, you are a GK and you are destined for a long and successful life! ' For KB I to in general full transliteration and t ra nslation in T. Heth 16, 1989, pp 281-30o by Albe rt ina Hagenbuchner; on the historical background: A. Goetze, CAH II z 3 , p. 258 et passim. 76. In our opinion the royal (even private) cuneiform libraries in the West served not only to teach the writing and the language itself — cf, the Egyptian reading-dots in EA 356-7 — but to know and understand the theological ideas and political aims of"heavenly" and "earthly" leaden of the Mesopotamian and Hit ti te world. For the "Library' of Amarra see D.O. Edzard, Proceedings of the Ninth World Congress of -Jewish Studies (198i), Plenary Sessions, Bible and ANE (cd. by M. Goshen-Goetstein) Jerusalem 1988, pp. 2 7-33; for Hattusa see H.G Güterbock, ZA 42 ( 1 934), PP. 1- 9 1 ; 44 (i9 8 3). pp. 45-149; G. Beckman, JCS 33/1-2 (1983), pp 97-114. 77. IAK, p. 40, XVII, 2, r. 15; Grayson, ARI, p. 43, 278. 78. ARI 2, p. 47, eta (emendation). Cf. Borger, EAK i, p. 142; ARI 2, p. 58, 264; p. 59, 2 73; in the West p. 55, 248.

The Great King

"RN, GK, Strong King, King of the World, King of Assyria "79 This titulary, we suggest was built historically an d stylistically in a manner to umte all facets of the Assyrian royal inte rn ati onal prestige, in rising sequence; the last one is the sum total of all, the Empire. The difference between the AAA-sequence an d the Assyrian one of titles is, therefore programmatic, diametrically opposite; see below 2.6.2 (Cyrus) There are, however, two instances which show that the title still had its reduced significance (i) the use of the title by two kings of Urartu-Ararat (Seux p. 299), a far echo of the AAA?;(2) although, as it was just noted, the title GK is now standardized in the neo-Assyrian ti tulary, the fact that this particular title was used in Hebrew transla ti on under the walls of Jerusalem may show that its Western meaning of domination (see 2.4.3) was not lost; see 2.7. 8o 2.6.2 Neo- and Late Babylonian Period: The rulers of the early pre-Chaldean Neo-Babylonian period (i i 5o625 B.C.E.), occupied by the task of post-Kassite resurrection and then by a fight for independence from Assyrian rule, had no interest in the message of the tide GK and preferred the more hereditary, programmatic far kifsrati.8 r In the period of the Chaldean dynasty an d Empire (625 on) this use continues, this time with justification Then, suddenly, Nabunaid, the last Chaldean dynast, uses the title GK again: Nabonid (Nabunaid) n. i, Restoration of the Sin-temple in Fjarran: col. i I-2 (partly 82 normalized):

anâku N., LUGAL(=larru) ra-bu-û, LUGAL dannu, GAL killati, LUGAL Bâbili, LUGAL kibrâti erbitti

LU-

I, N., the GK, the mighty King, King of the World, King of the Four Quarters (of the World). Here appears a combination of neo-Assyrian, imperial Babylonian, an d Old-Akkadian royal titles; see partly above, 2.6.i. This renewed inclusion of the title GK may

79. See the obse rv ations and tabulations of Chaim Cohen, "Neo-Assynan elements in the first speech of the Biblical rab-iagi," Israel Oriental Studies IX, 1 979, pp. 3 8- 39; for the use of the tide GK in colophons see H. Hunger, Babylonische und assyrische Kolophone (AOAT 2), 1968, nos. 317-344, passim. 80. Of cou1se, the rhetorical aspect of the Biblical formula ti on of rab figes speech must he taken mto account; but one is reminded here of the epigraphical evidence for the tick meirkgadôl; see 2.7, and n. 89. 81. J.A. Brinkman, "The Early Neo-Babylonian Monarchy," in Le Palais et la Royauté, 1971. pp. 41-412. Note a Middle Babylonian exception: During the reign of Adad-suma-usur, one of the last kings of the Kassite Dynasty, (cf. Brinkman, ZA 59 ( 1 96 9), pp. 2 33- 23 8 ; Tadmor JNES XVII (1958), 129-141), "Babylonia managed to gain a temporary ascendancy over Assyria" (Brinkman); as attested in Harper letter ABL 924:3, the Babylonian king uses the title GK; see Brinkman, A Political History of Post-Kassue Babylonia, 1968 p. 87, and n. 453. 8z. Nabonid (Nabunaid): Langdon, NAB, p. m8; Tadmor, AS r6, P. 35 1 35 8 .

be one of the symbols of the renaissance-program of this last ruler of Babylonia. This inheritance of titles reappears in the "Cyrus Cylinder' at the opening of the Persian-Achaemenid Period (539 on), Cyrus Cylinder 2o: anaku Kural, LUGAL kif -fat, LUGAL.GAL, LUGAL dannu, Jar Bâbili, far (mât) .umiri u Akkadi, far kibrâts er-

bittim . . With an inverted order between the leading titles an d a further historical enlargement in the senes ("King of Sumer and Akkad ") the continuity is clear, moreover, in the new sequence of titles, far killati now occupies the place of the tide GK in the Hi ttite titulary; see 2.4.3. 83 The use of the title GK continues (without far kifsratt) in the titulary of Darius I, Xerxes, an d Artaxerxes I-IIIII (521-338). Lastly, the titulary of the Seleucid King Antiochus I, Soter (279-261 B C E ); Cylinder, col. i i-2: A., LUGAL. GAL-ti (= rabti), farru dannu far kiflatt, far Bâbili, farmatati (_ "King of Countries") ..." 84 Nevertheless, as Oelsner notes, this use is rare and an exception. 85 The cuneiform usage of ca. fifteen-hundred years of the title GK reached its end.

2.7 The title GK in the Bible. In the Hebrew Bible two idioms occur for "Great King," both apparently calques deriving from Akkadian faint raM : melek gadal and melek rab. 86 While the first seems to be a direct transla ti on from Akkadian (or rather Assyrian) the second may have penetrated the Hebrew language via Ugaritic or Aramaic where in both the expression mlk rb is used for "Great King"; see Table, 2.5.1, 6, 8. There is no evidence, so far, that the tide GK was used at all by the Kings of Judah an d Israel (but see below). The tide, on the one h an d, is reserved for the Assyrian king, as in Rabshakeh's speech referring to Sennacherib (2K 18:19, 28 = Isa. 36:4,13) (cf 2.6.1). On the other hand, the idiom is used and apparently originated in the theological sphere as one of the epithets of the God of Israel (Mal. i:14; Ps. 47:3; 953). an apt titulary for the incomparable divine king. The plural melâkim gedalim (Ps. 136 17), here in parallelism to melâkim 'addirim (v. 18) an d melâkim 'asumim (Ps 13 5:1o), 83. Cyrus: Weissbach, KA r, Cyrus (Kyros), pp. 4- 5, 20: TadOz leund of the Decree of Cyrus,' ' mor, "The Historical Backg ro David. FS David Ben-Gurion, Jerusalem 1964. p. 451ff. (Hebrew) 84. Antiochus I. Soter, Weissbach KA. Kulund Materiaiien zur Babylonischen Gesellschafr 85. J. Oelsner, tur in Helknistischer Zeit, Budapest 1986. p. 171, C. and , God e. On the various epithets of the chyme king. i 86. the mortal king in the Bible, see recently M.Z Brett'« God is King — Understanding of an Israelite Metaphor, Sheffield 1989 (ISOTSS 76), especially pp. 3o 1, 68fE For earlier remarks see J.C. Greenfield in the 4th World Congress ofJcsnsh Studies I Jerusalem 9 67, pp 1 18f. (Table 2 .5.1, 7) and cf A. Malarnat m Studies in the Pi mod 4 Arvid and Solomon (cd. T. Ishida), Tokyo 1982. pp. 196f

37

is applied to Sihon and Og, the Amorite kings in Transjordan in proto-Israelite times. 87 In this semi-legendary context of Israel's conquest of Transjordan the idiom "Great Kings" is of a poetical rather than a realistic stance. Of interest is a further occurrence of "Great King," symbolic rather than real, in Ecclesiastes 9:14: "There was a little city with few men in it and to it came a great king, who invested it an d built mighty siegeworks against it." 88 The phraseology here may indicate a play on words, contrasting the great king with a little city and few men. The imagery here reflects a somewhat grotesque situation mocking the great king, the symbol of power and then praising wisdom. Finally, note the words melek gadôl in Hebrew sc ri pt on a Nimrud Ivory of the late 8th century B.C.E.89 But since these are the only words remaining on the fragment, we are unable to ascribe them to a tide either of an Israelite king or of an Assyrian potentate. The other royal title in the Bible for "Great King" is melek rab, which presumably represents a stylistic stratum different from that of melee gâdôl. This idiom appears to be also of a more archaic flavor, finding its way into Biblical Hebrew via Uga ri t or Early Aramaic, where mlk rb is attested (for the Aramaic, note the Sefire Inscription I B 7 from Northern Syria 9° , cf. Table 2.5.1, 8). It is thus the heritage of a Weste rn tradi ti on in contrast to lams raM or melek gâdiil. But whereas the latter terms car ry a super-regional quality (cf. 2.4; 2 6 I), melee rab functions in a more limited regional framework. The first instance of this title appears in Ps. 48:2 [MT 48:3], where the word "great" in the idiom ri tz rrnp, 4 a c'ty of the great king" has been taken almost unanimously as an epithet for God, who is characterized here as the great king ofJerusalem Although God is the dominant figure in this Psalm in connection with his city Jerusalem, we claini9 1 that it is King Solomon who is referred to here, our assertion being based as well on the next instance in the Bible where the idiom occurs. Rab in the above passage, as well as elsewhere (cf. Jer. 50:4 i),

the exodus. conquest 87. The epic hymn only the Anionic ki ment in Canaan. specifying , vol 2. 4, Neukirchen, x972, p. a nd Og; cf., r.d., Hi. Knus, 902. that resume 9.4. 4. Some t comme 88. See ; cf L. Levy, the great king hat refers Das Budé Qoheletth, Leipzig Kits the Hebrew Text are taken throughout (=A New Trimathot y(die.Holy Smptures .

89. Published by A. Millard, hvq

ao.

FitaWeyei. Thee A ,.6t; cf. Table

4 5ff

s4

n.

n.

38

PINHAS ARTZI ttND ABRAHAM MALAMAT

has sometimes been interpreted not as "great"' but as 'numerous," that is "many kings," indicating also the exceptionally lengthy Davidic dynasty. 92 But there remains still the possibility of translating the idiom in Jer. 5o:41 as mighty kings," and not "many kings." The second occurrence, strengthening our assumption concerning the first one, is the Aramaic passage in Ezra 5: i i which undoubtedly refers in retrospect to Solomon's building Jerusalem and beautifying it: tai 155Dh r "illitat. In other words, a tide applied to Solomon alone of all the kings of Israel and Judah evokes a particular category of a major potentate the overlord, which later history was to call "emperor" and the like. 93 Perhaps the grandiose title is the result of a lengthy process in which courtiers and political leaden, as well as historiographers, participated. King David did not assume this title, 94 although in I Chron. 17:8b we read: "Moreover, I will give you renown like that of the greatest men on earth " It is most likely that early Westem traditions penetrated the royal Israelite cou rt under Solomon. Of all the Hebrew kings it is he who bears the title GK in a later Greek source in the Sibylline Oracles (t i :8o). In Biblical Aramaic we also find rl to ri exit "for a great king and ruler" (Dan. 2: to). Finally, most peculiar is the form in the Book of Hosea (5:13; to:6), melek yârèb, referring to an Assyrian ruler in relation with the Kingdom of Israel (Tiglat-pileser II I?). The form yàreb is most likely related to the same word in Syriac "(to become) great." 95 The strange form perhaps reflects a No rt h Israelite linguistic usage, a feature not uncommon in Hosea. Usually, the commentators emend melek yard) to malkt rab. 96 The Bible is, of course, not the last source mentioning the royal title "Great King"; it is rather the impetus 92. Set, e.g., A. Berlin, JBL loo (1981), pp. 9o-91. 93. For the expansion and the vast international relations of Solomon's kingdom, favoring for this ruler the tide Great King, see Malaetnt in Studies (above, n. 86), pp. 189-204 94. See in this connection the passage in I Kings 1:47: 'May God make the renown of Solomon even greater than yours (i.e., of David), and may he exalt his throne even higher than yours!" 95. Cf. Greenfield in the 4th World Congress (above, n. 86), p. 119; S. Paul in Y. Avishur and J. Blau, eds., Studies in the Bib le and Ancient Near East (FS. [Hebrew] S.A. Loewenstamm), Jerusalem i978, pp. 313f. and n. 34

for the future usage of this epithet. Indeed the title flourishes in the Persian and Hellenistic penods 97 and beyond, throughout European history from Alexander the Great to Czar Peter the Great (cf. 2.6.2, end). 98

3. CONCLUSIONS

EIN SUN ERISCHES SPRICHWORT

We are aware of the need to deepen our presentation on the history of the royal title Great King, especially as to the following aspects. ♦

A closer investigation of the emergence of the title, especially in the north and northwest of the Near East;

♦

A detailed analysis of the relationship of the title with other royal titles;

♦

A systematic investigation of the influence of the Great Kingship as a political institution, on statecraft, on dependent states, and on inte rn ational relations;

♦

The theological aspects of the Great Kingship;

♦

Its transmission into Hellenistic and post-Biblical Jewish thought and literature;

♦

The causes, reasons and methods of applying the attribute "Great" in relation to individual political figures from its earliest inception (cf. note 8) to the present (cf. 2.7, end and note 98).

96. E.g. the commentary of F.l. Andersen and D.N. Freedman, Hosea (Anchor Bible), Garden Ci ty , NY, 1980, pp. 413-4 1 4 (yarrb is an incorrect division of mallet rab). For retaining the term yarib, see E.M. Good, JBL 85 (1966), pp. 277f.; H.L. Ginsberg, EtcytlopediaJudaiCa vol. 8 (1971), pp. IOIO-'oz4. 97. For the Hellenistic Period (also referring to earlier times), see most recently D.C. Duling, JBL i w (1991), pp. z96ff., and see still the pioneer treatment by E.R. Bevan, 'Antiochus Iii and his Tide the 'Great King'," JHS 22 (1902), pp. 241-244. 98. For Europe, see the short monograph of T. Schiedet, Ober den Beinamen "der G ro sse' — Reflexionen über hisforischc Grosse, Rheinisch-Westfilrsche Akadenue der Wissenschaften (G 271), 1984.

Josef Bauer Julius-Maximilans-Universititt, Würzburg

Das auf einer kleinen Schülertafel überlieferte Sprichwort, UET 6/2 275, gehört nach B. Alster, RA 72 (1978) ioo-ior zur Sammlung 8+2o. Die einzige dem Verf bekanntgewordene Bearbeitung hat C. Wilcke, JNES 27 (1968) 236 im Rahmen seiner Erschließung des modalen Adverbs i-gi 4 in-zu versucht. Er hat es folgendermaßen verstanden: Nah gu àm-kâr-lcâr-e I i-g1 4 in-zu rü-te-ni-sè / lugala-m-se-am "Du(?) erweist einem Schwein eine Wohltat. I Wie zu sich selbst / verhält es sich zu seinem Eigentümer. Die Schwierigkeiten dieser Interpretation sind C. Wilcke nicht entgangen Zum einen entspricht eine Bildung der 2. Ps. Sg. des transitiven Präsens-Futurs auf -e statt auf -en nicht der Norm sumerischer Texte altbabylonischer Zeit Deswegen steht das Fragezeichen hinter dem "Du." Und zum zweiten verweist er auf S. 236 Anm. 23 auf die S. 233 Anm. 16 desselben Aufsatzes zurück, in der er seine Übersetzung von gu kâr mit einer Bedeutung rechtfertigt wie sie sonst gu gar zukommt. Doch ist das gu im-kâr-kàr-e seiner Umschrift ein Versehen fursu àm-kar-kar-re. C. Wilcke bekennt abschließend: "Die genaue Bedeutung dieses Sprichwortes ist mir unklar." Der folgende Versuch einer Neudeutung bemüht sich für die erste Zeile mit einer 3. Ps. Sg. des PräsensFutu rs und mit der bekannten Bedeutung des Verbums gu kar = ekèmu, e rim auszukommen. Damit aber wurde es unumgänglich, auch den Namen des Tieres, stellt durch das erste Zeichen der ersten Zeile, zu verändern: Id]ur9 gu àm-kar-kar-re -gi4 in zu ni-te-ni-sè lugal-a-ni-sè-im -

Der Eselhengst eilt dahin, als ob es für ihn selbst wäre (Doch) es ist für semen Herrn.

Entscheidend an geregt wurde diese Neudeutung durch eine Kurzfabel, the der bekannte im 13 nachchristlichen Jahrhundert lebende monophysitische Bischof von Tagrit, Gregorius Abu 1-Frarag genannt Bar Hebräus, in seinem Buch der ergötzenden Geschichten (K9142â Lh-lunnâyi n19gabNkane) überliefert. Sie lautet nach dem Estrangelâ-Text der Ausgabe von E.A.W. Budge, London, 1897 (Nachdruck New York, 1976) S. 72, NI' 379: kalba f ail râ dep-(h)wâ Tatar laf yâ. drin miksi a(n)tt da-tesmattén(y). emar leh kalbâ mettul mänâ. emar takyâ. mettul d-enâ mettul nap!(y) rathet en cl . wa(n)tt mettul mitrafr. Der Hund verfolgte die Gazelle. (Sie sagte) "Du kannst mich nicht fassen!" (Da) sprach zu ihr der Hund: "Warum (ist das so)?" Es sprach die Gazelle: "Weil ich, we il ich um mein Leben laufe, aber du für deinen Heim" Die Unterschiede zwischen den beiden Stücken der Kleinprosa sind bedeutend. Entliàlt das sumerische Sprichwort die verwunderte oder gar spöttische Aussage über die gute Verwendbarkeit eines Tieres, des Eselhengstes, so fährt uns die syrische Fabel eine Jagdszene mit dem Dialog zwischen einer gehetzten Gazelle und dem sie verfolgenden Hund vor Augen, während der die Gazelle ihre zum Überleben notwendige Schnelligkei t begriindet. Und dennoch ist der Ke rn der Aussage, die Gegenüberstellung des Laufens li' r sich selbst und des Laufens fiir einen Herrn, trotz aller Verschiedenheiten der Einkleidung, beiden Stücken gemeinsam. So stellt sich die Frage, ob die Fabel des Syrischen ein ferner Nachklang des sumenschen Spnchwortes oder selbständig entstanden ist. Die lin ersten Falle vorauszusetzenden Zwischenglieder einer akkadischen und einer aramäischen Übersetzung haben sich nicht erhalten. Aber was bedeutet das schon angesichts der relativ geringen Zahl tiberkommener akkadischer Sprichwörter und der wenigen Reste erhaltener aramäischer Literatur. Doch auch bei. den Kernsätzen gibt es eine kleine Veränderung. Sumerisches ni-te-ni sè bedeutet nur "fiir sich

40

JOSEF BAUER

selbst," während "ftir sein/mein Leben" mit nam-ti-1 (oder allenfalls mit zi) ausgedrückt werden müßte. Auch eine hypothetische akkadische Übersetzung mit dem für ni-te üblichen ramânu bliebe völlig eindeutig. Die Weichenstellung zur Umgestaltung in die dialogische

Form könnte erst mit einer wiede ru m hypothetischen Übertragung ins Aramäische erfolgt sein, die das Wo rt tip, oder rib' (syr. napla) an die Stelle des ehemaligen nite setzte Aber eine selbständige Entstehung der kleinen Fabel bleibt ebensogut möglich.

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE URUK PROPHECY Paul-Alain Beaulieu

Yale University In their 1964 article entitled "Akkadian Prophecies" A K. Grayson and W.G. Lambe rt defined this genre of Akkadian literature as desc riptions of the reigns of unnamed kings expressed in the form of predictions i The reign of each king is described either as paradigmatically propitious or evil, an d the phraseology of the predictions is strongly reminiscent of the apodoses of omen literature. Although the protagonists of the events described are never named the language of the prophecies is rarely so cryptic as to prevent their iden ti fica ti on, with the result that the historical a llusions contained in those texts have for the most pa rt been decoded by Assyriologists Clearly these so-called "prophecies are best descnbed as vaticinia ex eventu, predictions after the events. Their purpose is not always, if ever, clear to the modem reader, particularly in cases where some c ru cial pa rt of the text Is lost or has been preserved only in fragmentary condition. One may presume, on the basis of the few examples whose historical settings have been assessed with some degree of confidence, that they were intended to provide sanction to an event contemporary with their composition, such as the restoration of a cult or the rise of a new dynasty. This crucial event is always announced in the closing prediction of the prophecy an d constitutes in a manner of speaking, its historical climax. The narrative which leads up to this climax includes a succession of historical events carefully selected for their illustrative value an d assembled into a dramatic progression of cycles of "good ' an d ' bad" heralding the establishment of a all era of bliss The prophecy contains the implicit message that this era of bliss is brought about by the realization of the event which it is the purpose of the text to vindicate Only five Akkadian literary compositions have been classified as "prophecies" in the sense we understand the term here. They include Prophecy A, 2 the Marduk an d tit

1. A.K. Grayson and W.G. Lambert, "Akkadian Prophec JCS t8 (1964), pp. 7-3o. 2. Edition in Grayson and Lambe rt , "Akkadian Prophecies," PP. 9-10 and 12-16, with references to previous editions and studies on P.7.

Sulgi Prophecies, 3 the Dynastic Prophecy, 4 and the Uru k Prophecy. 5 Other texts which were originally classified as prophecies have since been shown to lack some of the fundamental characteristics of the genre an d should be considered separately. These include LBAT 1 543 and Text B. 6 It should be noted that the designation of "prophecies' for the compositions under consideration here is exclusively a creation of modern scholarship. There is no na ti ve name for the genre and no conclusive evidence that the compositions we call " prophecies" formed, for the ancient Mesopotamians, a distinct genre within their literary heritage. At least two of the prophecies, however, namely the Marduk and Sulgi prophetic speeches, were clearly considered pa rt of a single series by the scholars of the library of As`s"urbanipal, since the colophon of the Marduk Prophecy contains the catch-line of the Sulgi Prophecy anâku Saki, which may well have been the native name of that cornposition. This and the fact that all the prophecies share some unique features which lend them a distinctive tone an d flavor leads one to suspect that the modem classification may not be too far removed from the ancient perception. We hope a literary catalogue containing the native designation(s) for prophecies will eventually come to light. In spite of the considerable interest aroused by the prophecies since the genre was assessed by Grayson an d Lambert, the matter of their relationship to other genres of Akkadian literature has remained entirely problematic. To be su re , numerous comparisons have been estab3. Edition by R. Borger, "Goa Marduk and Gott-König Sulgi als Propheten," BhOr 28 (1971), pp. 3 -24. 4. Edition with commentary by A.K. Grayson, Babylonian Histork l-literary Texts, Toronto Semitic Texts and Studies 3, Toronto, 1 975. pp. 24-37. 5. For references to this text see the main discussion below. 6. Edition of and LBAT 1543 in RD. B°.+,... "Mo re BabyIonian Prophecies,' Iraq 29 (1967), pp. t 17-32, to which add the new fragment published by the same author in "Babylonian Prophecies, AstsObgy and a New Source for «Prophecy Text B»," in Language Literature, and His1c,y: Philologial and Historical Studies Presented to Erica Reiner, AIDS 67, New Haven, t987, pp, 1-14.

42

The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy

PAUL -ALAEN BEAULIEU

lished with omens, 7 naril-literature or ' pseudo-autobiographies, ' 8 chronicles, or with such individual compositions as the Furstenspiegel, but these connections remain generally superficial or of a purely stylistic nature. The only convincing argument linking the prophecies with another literary genre in Akkadian was brought forth by R.D Biggs who pointed to many correspondences with astrological texts, particularly with the astrological omen series. 9 Not only do they involve more than a superficial stylistic resemblance, but the case for an influence of the astrological tradition upon the prophecies is further enhanced by the fact that two of the compositions which bear the strongest resemblance to the prophecies, namely Text B (formerly considered a prophecy) and LBAT 1 543 contain a large amount of astrological material. In these texts the predictions, which are cast, as in the prophecies, in the form of lengthy apodoses, are in addition accompanied by elaborate astrological protases. Future research may determine how dependent the prophecies are on the astrological an d astronomical tradition. It is outside the Mesopotamian cultural area, however, that the most meaningful connections with another literary genre have been suggested. Grayson an d Lambert originally noted that sec ti ons of the Book of Daniel bore a certain similarity to Akkadian prophecies. In particular they were similar to Daniel 8:23-25 an d 11:3-45, which contain predictions regarding the reigns of unnamed kings using cryptic language that could be understood only by well-informed readers In his 1966 article provocatively entitled "Akkadian Apocalypses," the dedicatee of the present volume took the comparison many steps further, proposing to see in the Old Testament apocalypses as well as in their intertestamental an d New Testament correspondents the real parallels to the Akkadian prophecies, which la tt er designation he rejected as a misnomer because of the absence of any clear relationship between Akkadian an d Old Testament li terary prophecies. t0 He noted that most elements which charactenze Jewish apocalyptic literature are also present in Akkadian prophecies, notably the pseudonymity (the authorship of the text is ascribed to a prophet or a god set in the distant past), the anonymity and use of cryptic language (historical events an d figures are never explicitly named, but cast in a ll usive terms), the vaticinium ex eventu, the deterministic view of history an d the vast temporal and spa ti al scope contemplated by the author. 7. Particularly valuable for compaiison are the omens predicting the M I of Akkad published in L i 29. plates 48ff. 8. On this particular connection see T. Longman, Fictional Akkadian Autobiographies: A Generic and Comparative Study, Eisenbnuns, Winona Lake, Indiana, 199o. 9. See the works referred to in note 6 above, and add, by the nine author, "The Babylonian Prophecies and the Astrological Tradition in Mesop°nmn•"JCS 37 ( 1 98 5), pp. 86-9o. to. W.W. Hallo, "Akkadian Apocalypses," IEJ i6 (1966),. pp. -4a.

He also insisted, however, on the provisional character of his conclusions, because of the fragmentary state of most Akkadian prophecies and the many unanswered riddles they presented to the modem interpreter. Subsequent critics of his hypothesis, most notably W.G. Lambert an d S.A. Kaufman, raised the objection that Akkadian prophecies lack two fundamental traits of apocal lypses, ' namely the universal scope (Akkadian prophecies are culturally and geographically bound), an d the eschatology which I would define as a dramatic and cataclysmic interven tion of God in human history on behalf of the just, the ensuing end of historical time and the estab lishment of a new everlasting order of things ruled by God. While he recognized that the climactic times hoped for by Akkadian prophecies were those of a permanent Heilszett under the auspices of a benevolent earthly ruler, William Hallo nevertheless seriously envisaged the possibility that the Mesopotamians might have developed a doct ri ne of Endzeit close to a true eschatology, hence his proposal to rename the texts under consideration "Akkadian Apocalypses." In spite of the criticisms voiced against this categorization, it should be emphasized that the debate over the significance of Akkadian prophecies for our understanding of such a significant phenomenon as Jewish apocalyptic is far from being closed. The title itself of H. Ringgren's cont ribu ti on to the Inte rna ti onal Co lloquium on Apocalypticism held at Uppsala in 1979, "Akkadian Apocalypses," was a timely reminder of that. Ringgren concluded that the relationship between the two genres was probably best summarized as "parallel phenomena (rather than Akkadian prophecies being an earlier stage ofJudaeo-Chnstian apocalyptics), examples of similar reactions to similar condi tions couched in the language and s tyle of their respec tive milieu." 12 It thus remains the task of future researchers to more precisely evaluate how significant Akkadian prophecies are for our understanding of apocalypticism. It is therefore with great pleasure that I offer to William Hallo, who took such an import an t initial step toward their elucidation, a W.G. Lambert, "History and the Gods: A Review MdOrNS 39 (1970), pp. 17o-77; by the same author, The Background of Jewish Apocalyptic (Athlone, London, 1978); and S.A. Kaufman, "Prediction, Prophecy and Apocalypses in the Light of New Akkadian Texts," in Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies vol. s Qenuakm Academic Press, Jerusalem, 1977), pp. I I.

22,-a8. 12.

H. Ringgren, "Akkadian Apocalypses," in Apocalyptidsm in the Mediterranean World and the Near East, ed. by D. HellhoIm (Mohr, Tübingen, 1 983). pp. 379-386. Other studies on the question of Akkadian prophecies and apocalypucism are J.G. Heintz, "Note sur les origines de l'apocalyptique judaique a b lumière des p ro phéti es akkadiennes, ' in L'Apocalyptique, ed. by M. Philonenko and M. Simon (Geuthuer, Paru, 1977), pp. 71-87; P Höfiken, "Heilszeitherrschererwartung im Babylonische Rau m," WO 9 (1977), pp. 57-71; and H.S. Kvangig, Roots of Apocalyptic:,. Mesopotamian Background of the Enodi Figure and the Son of Man (Wiue ► suhaftlidie MQmo9iaph&n zum Altar und Neuen Testament 61; Neukirchener-Verlag, Neukirchenv 1988).

few thoughts about one of those enigmatic cornpositions the Uruk Prophecy The tablet upon which the Uruk Prophecy is inscribed was found at Uruk in 1969 during the 27th season of excava ti ons carried out by the German archaeological expedition. The tablet was excavated in quadrant Ue XVIII-1 in the southeast residential quarters together with a group of literary tablets, many of which bear colophons of the sc ribe an d scholar Anu-ikqur. The houses in that area are of late Achaemenid or Seleucid date, and the tablets belong to the same period. It is impossible, on the basis of the archaeological data alone, to offer a more precise chronology for our exemplar of the Uruk Prophecy. The tablet may have been drafted at any time between the fifth and third centu ri es. The sc ript is standard Neo-Babylonian, with no slant. Measurements are 135 x 98 x 3o mm. and the excava ti on number is W.223o7/7. A photograph of the reverse as well as a preliminary transliteration an d transla ti on were published by H. Hunger in the 1972 archaeological repo rt of the 26th season ^ 3 The same author published a copy an d a definitive edition in 1976, 1¢ an d, together with S. Kaufman, an edition and a commentary in 1975. 15 Only the ends of lines are preserved on the obverse, but the reverse is almost complete. Since the composition presents no textual problem, only a translation, which does not depart from previous ones except in matten of details, is offered here. In the tr an slati on the rubrics on the reverse have been divided according to kings. This is only for the convenience of the present discussion and doesn't reflect the arrangement of the tablet, which presents itself as a continuous narrative with no internal divisions.

13. [ in/of] Uruk will seize the throne 14. [...] the rxi he will restore 15. [...] he will establish destruc ti on 16. [...] he will establish 17. [...] he laid in `Dér' 18. [...]hewillbeshutup 19. [...] he will settle in. 'Die 20. [...] he will go to rDer' 2I. [...] you (plural) possess 22.

[..

2.

[...]

3. 1...] 4.

rxi

24. In his palace for a number of months

Reverse King i

King

2

[Aft]er him a king will arise. He will not provide justice for the land. He will not make the right decisions for the land. The old protecdye goddess of Uruk he will take away from Uruk and make her dwell in Babylon He will make dwell in her sanctuary a protective goddess not belonging to Uruk an d dedicate to her people not belonging to her. He will impose a heavy tnbute on the peop le of Unit He will lay Uruk waste, fill the canals with silt , and abandon the cultivated fields.

King 3

After him a king will arise. He will not pr ovide justice for the land. He will not make the right decisions for the land.

Ks 4-8

Ditto, ditto, ditto, ditto, ditto, he will take the property of the l an d of Akkad to the land of Subartu (i.e. Assyria).

Ki ng 9

After him a king will arise. He will not pr ovide justice for the land. He will not make the right decisions for the land. He will rule the four quarters of the world. At the mention of his name the world will tremble. After him a king will arise in Uruk. He will provide justice for the land. He will make the right decisions for the land. He will establish the rites of the cult of Anu in Uruk. The old protective goddess of Uruk he will take away from Babylon and make her dwell in Uruk, in her sanctuary. He will dedicate to her people belonging to her. He will rebuild the temples of Uruk. He will restore the sanctuaries. He will renew Uruk. He will rebuild the gates of Uruk with lapis-lazuli. Fi e will fill the canals and the cultivated fields with pknty and abundance

[...] they will be made

13. See UVB 26/27 (1972), p. 87

for the p

edi

n

and plate zsg for the photograph The archaeological c cussed on pp. 79ff. 9. 14. H. Hunger, Spôtbabylori dw Texte ares Uruk I (AD 1976) no.3 (edition on Pp. 21-23 and copy on p 124 15. H Hunger and S. A. Kaufman. "A New Akkadian Prophecy Ten." JAGS 95 (1975), pp. 371-375•

[... a king w]ill arise and rule the scattered count ry . [... a king] from the Sealand who had exercised rulership in Babylon.

`xi

5. [...] it was made rx, 6. [. .] 7. [... it] passed 8. [...] this is his/its writing 9. [...] there will be distress in the land to. [...] his name I t. [...] they stood 12. [...] he will not seize `the th ro nt( ?) of his father(?)'

rx,

]

23. I.. .1 the king will be shut up

Obverse 1. [...] my r signs,

43

a

The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy

PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU

King 11

[Af]ter him a king, his son, will a ri se in Uruk and rule the four quarters. He will exercise [ruler]ship? an d kingship in Uruk. His dynasty will endure forever [The kinds of Uruk will exercise rulership like the gods

The fragmentary character of the obverse precludes any final statement as to the literary affinities of the cornposition. Fortunately, enough is preserved on the obverse to show that the introductory section consisted of a statement in the first person. The first line ends with `izKiM.MEs'-4-a (ittiitû'a "my signs"), and the first person discourse may have been carried on as far as line 21, which ends possibly with a verbal address in the second person plural: ra-14-tu-nu "you possess." The Uruk Prophecy shares this important distinction with the Marduk an d Sulgi prophetic speeches, which both open with first person statements by Marduk and Sulgi respectively while the predictions in the balance of the two texts are cast in the third person with occasional first person inte rv en ti ons by Marduk in the predictive sec ti on of his prophecy. The structure of the composition is noteworthy in two other respects. One is the obvious preponderance of the predictions associated with the reigns of kings z and to. In both cases the predictions are elaborate and specific while other reigns are described in vague, paradigmatic terms of "good" and "bad." Also, the reigns of kings 2 and io mirror each other in a relationship ofopposites. The traumatic event during the reign of king 2, namely the removal of the lamassu goddess of Uruk to Babylon and the alteration of her cult, was later reversed during the reign of king ro who returned her to Uruk an d reestablished her proper ri tes. While king z acted with hostility towards Uruk in other respects as well, imposing a heavy tax load upon the city, king io behaved in the exact opposite manner providing (presumably with funds from the royal treasury) for the architectural renewal of the city. And, while the nefarious acts of king 2 led to the destruction of the agricultural domains of Uruk, the reign of king to brought abundant yields to the cultivated areas of the city and its countryside The two reigns are thus presented as emblematic of two archetypes of Babylonian rulers the one who behaves hostilely towards Uruk, an d the one who fosters care on the city. Another noteworthy aspect of the composition is the asymmetrical alternation of propitious and nefarious reigns, which suggests that these characterizations might be more than purely symbolic an d reflect the author's point of view on the reigns of actual kings, regardless of the fact that the description of many reigns is reduced to mere stereotyped formulas. Most reigns on the reverse are described as inauspicious While judgment concerning the reign of king t seems neutral, kings 2 to 9 a re uniformly castigated as "bad" rulers, and only kings w and r i meet with the approval of the author. One may

start with the working hypothesis that, insofar as these unnamed kings may be identified with historical rulers, this may provide us with a specific Urukaean point of view on successive rulers who assumed power in Babylon In their commentary on the Prophecy Hunger and Kaufman proposed to identify king 2 with Eriba-Marduk, who reigned in troubled times during the first half of the eighth century and king io with Nebuchadnezzar H, who reigned two centu ri es later (605-562 B C.). The sources for these identifications are the insc ri ptions of Nebuchadnezzar himself, who claims to have returned to Uruk her lamassu goddess an d to have restored the Eanna temple an d insc ri ption i of Nabomdus (according to my own numbering) in which that king refers to the restoration of the lamassu to her abode by one of his predecessors and also points out in language strongly reminiscent of the Prophecy that the lamassu had previously been removed from Uruk during the reign of Eriba-Marduk an d replaced with the image of an inappropriate lamassu. In suppo rt of their identifica ti on of king 2 with Eriba-Marduk Hunger and Kaufman also pointed out that the repeated references to Der at the end of the obverse of the Prophecy, as well as the mention of a king being held prisoner in his palace, are compatible with what we know of the reigns of Mardukbalassu-igbi and Baba-ab-iddin, the two kings who reigned before the intervening period of trouble which preceded the rise of Eriba-Marduk. These two kings fought battles against the Assyrian invaders in the vicinity of Der, were besieged, and then taken captive to Assyria. Hunger and Kaufman concluded that the Prophecy was a political tract in suppo rt of the son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar, Awel-Marduk, who should be identified as king II, the last one in the Prophecy. The Prophecy specifically iden ti fies king i r as the son and successor of king w. Otherwise the text is not too insistent on succession from father to son, and this seems one more argument for identifying king II as Awel-Marduk who must have been badly in need of such support since he was deposed and assassinated by his own brother-inlaw Nenglissar after reigning only two years. In spite of the fact that the evidence brought by Hunger an d Kaufman in suppo rt of their identifications is quite convincing, some doubts have been raised as to their validity. W.G. Lambe rt questioned the view that kings io and r r were Nebuchadnezzar and Awel-Marduk, pointing out that the proposed correspondences between the Prophecy, the inscriptions of Nebuchadnezzar, and inscription i of Nabonidus, were far from sound» There seem indeed to be inconsistencies between the repo rt of Nebuchadnezzar, who claims in his inscription to have returned to Uruk both a male (sedu) and a female (lamassu) deity and the repo rts of the Prophecy an d inscnption i of Nabomdus, which speak only of 16. W.G. Lambert, 71r Background ofJnuish Apocalyptic, pp. 10-1a.

a lamassu removed from

Uruk by Eriba- Marduk and lat-

er returned to her abode. In addition it is not certain whether the king who, according to inscription i of Nabonidus, returned to Uruk the lamassu carried off by Eriba- Marduk, is indeed Nebuchadnezzar II, for the name of the king in question is lost in the insc ri ption. Lambert also expressed some doubts that a strong current in favor of Autel-Marduk might have existed in Babylonia considering that ancient sources consistently paint a negative picture of his short reign. Lambert proposed instead to identify king ro as Nabopolassar and king II as his son Nebuchadnezzar II, in suppo rt of whose claim to the throne the text would have been composed. In a more recent reassessment of the Prophecy J. Goldstein has proposed to put the histoncal setting of the compo-sition further back in time.^ 7 He accepts the current iden ti fication of king 2 as Eriba- Marduk, and proposes simply to identify the successors of king 2 in the Prophecy as the real successors of Eriba- Marduk on the Babylonian throne. Thus kings 3 to 9 would be Nabû-iumiskun, Nabonassar, Nabû-nâdin-zeri, Nabû-gum-ukin II, Nabû-mukin-zéri Tiglathpileser III/Pulu, and Shalmaneser V/Ulfilâyu. King io would then be MerodachBaladan II and king II his prospective son and successor. Goldstein posits that at the time the author wrote the return of the lamassu to Uruk still lay in the future. He dates the Prophecy between 721-710 and sees it as a propagandistic tract in favor of Merodach-Baladan II, whom the Urukaeans hoped would be a benefactor to their city. Admittedly neither Lambe rt 's nor Goldstein's hypotheses are a p rio ri impossible. Their main weakness is the lack of corroborative evidence in their support, while Hunger and Kaufman can claim in favor of their identifications the agreement of two outside sources with the material found in the Prophecy. In fact, the correspondences proposed by these two authors between the Prophecy, the insc ri p ti ons of Nebuchadnezzar, and insc ri ption z of Nabonidus, are much sounder than is generally acknowledged. The relev an t portion of Nabomdus' inscription i reads as follows (Col. III I r43 ) 18

J Goldstein, ' The Historical Setting of the Uruk Prophecy," JNES 47 ( 1 988 ). pp 43 -46 18. The inscription was published by V. Scheit, "Inscription de Nabonide, ' RT 18 0896), pp. 15-29, with a photograph. a tnnslitention, and a translation. A somewhat unreliable copy was published by L Messerschmidt "Die Inschrift der Stele Nabuna'ids des Königs von Babylon," MVAG r (1896), pp. 73-83 . The inscnption was also edited by S. Langdon, Dir Neubalrylonischc Känigiinthmflnera (VAB IV; Leipzig, 1912.), Naborudus no. 8. A translation by A.L. Oppcnheim can be found in Pritchard, ANET, pp. 3°8-311. I

.

45

Istar of Uruk (dINNIN UNUGI" ), the lofty princess who dwells in a golden shrine, to whom are harnessed seven lions (and) whose cult the Urukaeans changed during the reign of Eriba-Marduk, removing her shrine and unhamessing her team, left Eanna in anger to dwell in a place not her dwelling. They made dwell in her cella a protective goddess not belonging to Eanna (dLAMA la si-mat É.AN.NA). He (presumably Nebuchadnezzar II) appeased Istar (d15), reestablished her shrine for her (and) harnessed for her the seven lions befitting her godhead. The inappropnate ilstar (d i 5 la si-ma-a 14) he removed from the Eanna and returned Innin (din-nin-na) to the Eanna, her sanctuary. Etar (dif-tar) the Lady of Elam , the princess who dwells in Susa [...]. .

Lambert warned that the identification of the lamassu of Uruk with Istar was by no means certain. However, the above insc ri p ti on refers to the improper image installed in the Eanna under Eriba- Marduk both as a lamassu (dLAMA la si -mat É AN.NA ) and as an improper likeness of Istar (d15 la si -ma-a-t4), su.:esting that the same double designation applied to the proper image removed by the Urukaeans which image the insc ri p ti on does not however specifically call a lamassu. But the Prophecy insists that the proper image removed from Uruk by king 2 (i.e Eriba- Marduk) an d returned by king ro (presumably Nebuchadnezzar II) was the old lamassu of Uruk (d LAMA UNUGki da-ri-ti/tu 4), while the Nabonidus insc ri p ti on designates her as Istar of Uruk 19 na). (dINNEN UNUG ki), Istar (d15) and Innin (din-nits Thus there is reason to believe that the authors of these texts assumed that Istar of Uruk and the lamassu of Uruk were one an d the same deity. The fact that the name of the king who returned the lamassu to Uruk is lost in the Nabonidus inscription appears to be a more serious objec ti on to the identification of king w in the Prophecy as Nebuchadnezzar II. Nevertheless, Lambe rt 's sugges ti on that the king in question might be Nabopolassar is not substantiated by the inscnptions of that king, which mentions neither building activity at Uruk during his reign nor the return of any cult statue to the city. Several inscrip ti ons of Nebuchadnezzar II, on the other hand, refer to the restoration of the Eanna and the return of the lamassu goddess

19. These spelling varian the king's confusion as to the identi nun sources from Uruk make Deli known under three different names: was Uruk), Bur, and Innin. The name tirai u dit-tar and dINNIN, while the name Innin is spe with a phonetic complement indicating a phonetic din -ni na/ n crin or syllabically li -na), logogram ('innin ovcrhangirtg final vowel dropped in clic s sÀcn L n -

PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU

46

to Uruk. 2O The most elaborate account is I R 65-66, Col. II 5o-S9: 21 I reinstated the o ri ginal cultic features (si-ma-a-ti wel-to-a-tt) and the former rites of Istar of Uruk, the holy Lady of Uruk I returned to Uruk her protective genius (fe-a-du-i -fu) and to Eanna its beneficent protective goddess (la-ma-sa .fa da-mi-iq-h). I excavated and inspected the old perimeter of the Eanna an d established the (new) foundations above the old perimeter.

Lambe rt pointed to the discrepancies between this account and the ones found in the Prophecy an d Nabonidus' insc ri ption t. Yet, even a cursory glance taken at these sources indicates that the similarities outweigh the differences by a wide margin. Nebuchadnezzar's repo rt is in almost perfect agreement with the insc ri ption of Nabonidus, save for its mention of the tedu of Uruk. Otherwise both sources insist that the ri tes of Btar an d her cubic features were reestablished (by Nebuchadnezzar) in their original form. The cultic features are referred to as simat ilûtiuu in Nabonidus' insc ri p ti on z (1.32) specifically in reference to her team of seven lions, an d as simäti rèftâti in Nebuchadnezzar's account. In both the Prophecy and Nebuchadnezzar's insc ri p ti on the goddess returned to the Eanna is called the lamassu of Uruk, a designation which, as argued above, is implicitly used also in Nabonidus' insc ri ption z for the deity returned to Uruk The Prophecy also agrees with Nebuchadnezzar's account of his reestablishment of former ri tes (called paras anûtu in the Prophecy for mo ti ves that will be expounded below) and on his architectural renewal of U ru k, his restoration of temples in particular. That these sources do not always agree verbatim on specific points and that elements which are included in one source are omitted in another (e.g. the mention of gates of lapis-lazuli for Uruk in the Prophecy) is only natural for accounts of a complex event written from different perspectives, locales, and time periods. This survey coven the sources which have been discussed in previous studies. These sources convincingly point to the identification of kings 2 to and z z in the Prophecy as Eriba-Marduk, Nebuchadnezzar II, and Awél-Marduk, as was suggested by Hunger and Kaufman. As I will presently show, there is still more evidence, some relatively new, some which has long been available, that can be invoked in support of their hypothesis.

Aside from the inscription quoted below, these deeds are also mentioned in VAB 1V, Nbk, t, Col Il 33 (= Berger AOAT 4/ I, p. 285. Zylindn III, 3) Nbk 13, Col. II 63 (= Berger, p. 292, Zylinder III, 7); Nbk. 19, B Col. VIII I-4 (= Berger pP• 314-318, Nahr el-Ke%b/Wadr -Brins Inuknf); and Nbk. so, Col. III 13 (= Berger, p. 293, Zylindn 11i, 8). Note abo that two sho rt butkbng inscriptions consisting of stamped bricks with the king s titulary were also found at Uruk (see Berger, p. 202, Backstair A, U and pp. 221-222, Bade urbi B I, 1s). 2t.. Edited iii Langdon, VAB IV, Nbk. 9. 20,

As mentioned earlier, the narra tive of the Prophecy, which was obviously written from a parochial Urukaean perspec tive, hinges on the opposition between the reigns of kings 2 and io, who are presented as emblematic rulers in their attitude towards the city — the former being nefarious, the la tt er beneficent. Granted that king io is indeed Nebuchadnezzar H, one must then conclude that this ruler must have enjoyed wide popularity among the ruling elite of Uruk, and one might hope this popularity would be reflected in the abundant Neo-Babylonian source material from that city Such information can be gleaned from two texts originating in the archive of the Eanna temple, YOS 6 io and PTS 2097, dated respectively to the 28th day of the first month of the first year of Nabonidus, and to the 2nd day of the third month of the same year. 22 They belong to a larger group of archival texts documenting king Nabonidus visit to Uruk and Lana in the beginning of his first regnal year, during which visit he ordered a partial reorganization of the cultic and economic affairs of the Eanna temple. YOS 6 zo an d PTS 2097 record mostly royal direc tives regarding the reorganization of the offering system of the temple with the aim to reinstate cultic practices as they had been "in the time of Nebuchadnezzar." This enjoinment to take as a model the practices current in the reign of Nabonidus' illustnous predecessor should be understood in the light of other records from the Eanna archive which suggest that the temple suffered administra ti ve an d cultic disruptions during the intervening years between the death of Nebuchadnezzar and the accession of Nabonidus, most likely during the reign of Neriglissar. By these actions Nabonidus was ending a period of relative chaos an d, more importantly for his political future was ingratiating himself with the ruling elite of Uruk, who apparently remembered Nebuchadnezzar as an ideal ruler, one who had restored their city's temples and reinstated the local cults as they had been before times of disruption (as Nebuchadnezzar claims in his own inscriptions) As I argued elsewhere, Nabonidus commissioned his earliest known monumental inscription (no. i) very shortly after his tri p to Uruk. 23 The trip is in fact mentioned in the insc ription among other noteworthy deeds of the king after his assumption of power, and, since the insc ription is also the one which contains the historical narrative on the removal of the lamassu from Uru k under Eriba-Marduk and its return under an unknown king whom we have identified as Nebuchadnezzar II, one is tempted to speculate that the recent royal visit to the city provided the antecedents for the inclusion of the lamassu narrative 22. These texts are discussed in P.A. Beaulieu, The Rngn of Naboniduu, King of Babylon, 336-539 D.C. (YNER to; New Haven/London, 1989), pp. 117-27. Due to an oversight I omitted to mention the date of PTS zo97 on p. no. It is dated at Uruk on the second day of

Simanu of the first year of Nabondus The text is now published by G. Frame, ZA Si (1991), pp 3 8-4423. See ibid. pp. ao-22 and ro4-115.

The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy in the insc ri ption. The story of the lamassu is only one element in a larger historical prologue whose purpose was to provide an exemplary selection of the numerous restorations of temples and cults undertaken by previous rulers of the Neo-Babylonian dynasty in order to prepare the reader (or listener) for Nabonidus' vindication of his main restoration project the rebuilding of the E(}uI13uI in Harran. The episode of the lamassu may have been included in the prologue just to stress the king's intention to maintain and further the religious program of his predecessors, which he had just done at Uruk by reestablishing the recently disrupted cult originally restored in its previous form by Nebuchadnezzar II Thus we have a strong piece of corroborative evidence that there prevailed at Uruk an opinion extremely favorable to Nebuchadnezzar (since Nabonidus evidently intended to cater to the Urukaeans by so emphatically espousing their point of view) and possibly also to his son AwEl-Marduk, while Neriglissar might have been viewed with an unfavorable eye (but there is no direct evidence). 24 Tlus is in agreement with the point of view expressed in the Uruk Prophecy. Taking the argument one step further, one moves on to the ques ti on of the identity of king 9 Hunger an d Kaufiran suggested identifying him as Nabopolassar who brought Assyrian domination to an end an d founded the Neo-Babylonian empire. This possibility seems indeed the most likely if one takes kings 4-8 as symbolizing a long period of Assyrian hegemony down to Nabopolassar's uprising in 626 B.C. The only puzzling ques ti on is the negative portrayal of king 9 in the Prophecy which would seem inappropriate for a ruler who re stored Babylonian independence. A search:.mong na ti ve Urukaean sources, however, indicates that such a negative view of Nabopolassar is not limited to the Prophecy. The colophon of TCL 6 38, a Seleucid period prescriptive ritual for the daily offerings in the temple of Anu (the Bit Reg), contains a surprising statement as to the opinion held about Nabopolassar at Uruk in the early Seleucid period- 25 By the hand of Samai-étir, son of Ina-gibit-Anu, grandson ofSibgât-Anu. Writing board of the rites of the cult of Anu (GARZA d6o4-tu), of the holy rituals (and) the ntual regulations of kingship, together with the divine ritt als of the Bit Res, the Irigal, the Eanna and the temples of Uruk, the ritual activities of the exorcists, the kahl priests, the singen, and all the ex-

24. Note however that Nabonidus' inscription t expresses a negative view of AweI-Marduk while it is generally 6vorable to Nengli^nr. This reflects a specifically Babylonian, as opposed to an Undtaean, point ofview (inscription I was probahly intended for display in the capital, where it was found), whici also finds expression In the Babyl oniaca of Berossts (equally unâvorable to Awe- l-Marduk and also stemming from Babylon). 25. Edited in F. T hurcau-Dangin Ritrrelr Aaadikns (Leroux, Pam, 1921), pp. 79-8o and 8546; and H. Hunger Babybnische wed Arayi11je Kolophar (AOAT s, Neuki chen-Masyn. 1968) no. 1o7i

47

pens who follow the ... , ^ apart from everything that pertains to the apprentice diviners, according to the tablets which Nabopolassar the king of the Sealand, took away from Uruk (TA gé-nb UNUGki if-lu-luma) and then Kidin-Anu, the Urukaean, the exorcist of Anu and Antu, the descendent of Ekur-zaa tir, the high-priest of the Bit Res", saw those tablets in the land of Elam, and copied them and brought them back to Uruk during the reign of kings Seleucus (i) an d Antiochus (I).

The tone of the colophon, especially the use of the verb !'21ä!u "to plunder," is blatantly hostile to Nabopolassar. The misdeeds ascribed to him can be correlated with an entry in the Babylonian Chronicle Series stating that in Addaru of his accession year "Nabopolassar returned to Susa the gods of Susa whom the Assyrians had carried off and settled in Uruk." 27 Since the colophon of TCL 6 38 insists that the tablets plundered by Nabopolassar were found in Elam, it seems reasonable to assume that they were transferred there, perhaps by mistake, when the gods of Susa an d their appurtenances were returned to their city. This raises some questions. How could texts with presumably no relevance to the Elamite cults su rv ive at Susa for more than three centu ries an d then be retrieved by the high-p ri est of the Bit Re ternple? Why did the priesthood of Uruk tolerate the loss of such important rituals for so long? Whether or not the claim of the colophon is, as I will argue below, a fracs pia concocted by the priesthood of the Bit RH in order to vindicate its own view on the reorganization of the cult of Anu in the third century is beside the point. The crucial fact is that, for reasons which escape us, the return of the Elamite deities to Susa by Nabopolassar had been so resented by the Urukaeans that three centuries later the religious establishment of the city could still claim that the departure of the gods was accompanied by acts of plunder an d impiety by the founder of the new dynasty. This suggests that an attitude of hostility to Nabopolassar had been imbedded for centuries in the literary an d histoncal tradition of Uruk, z8 and also supports the identification of king 9 in the Prophecy with Nabopolassar. Thus the identity of the eleven kings mentioned on the reverse of the Prophecy is as follows. Kings 4 to 8 are ,

the core• Dared 27. A.K. Grayson, Locust Valley, New York, it also E. Carter and M.W. Stolper, Archaeology (University of California publications, Studies 25; Berkeley/Los Angeles, 19841. P. 5 Nabopolassar's "gesture seenn to have been an attempt to

rte support for his insur rection, on the pattern of Chaldean insurgents to the previous insciiption Note that the section 28. onuses of the lain assts the concerning lip of Suse, the Laety of media as, however, and at the the

48

PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU

symbolic of the century long period of Assyrian domination of Babylonia, from Tiglath-pileser III to the uprising of Nabopolassar. All these rulers are viewed negatively (the KI.MIN refers each time to the inauspicious reign of king 3) and summarized as "he will take the property of the l an d of Akkad to the land of Subartu" (although this statement might refer to the reign of king 8 only) After the Assyrian episode Neo-Babylonian rulers are listed in chronological order. Nabopolassar, Nebuchadnezzar and Awel-Marduk (kings 9 to 11). Kings 1 to 3 are Babylonian kings who ruled before the period of Assyrian hegemony. Within this group only the identity of king 2 (Le. Eriba-Marduk) can be established Previous discussions of the Prophecy have implicitly assumed that assessment of its historical background would automatically give the clue as to its purpose. In accordance with the evidence just outlined one would thus as sume that the purpose of the Prophecy was to bolster Awel-Marduk's claim to the throne. Yet one may also entertain the possibility that the historical material contained in the Prophecy was recast many generations after the actual events in order to provide an unnamed Persian or Seleucid ruler with a prestigious model set in the historical p as t, of exemplary behavior towards the city of Uruk. There is cogent evidence that this is indeed the c as e. In the Prophecy we read that king 1o/Nebuchadnezzar II not only returned to her abode the lamassu goddess carried off to Babylon by Eriba-Marduk but also established "the ri tes of the cult of Anu (GARZA da-nit-ti-tu) in Uruk." This statement is not corroborated by the inscnptions of that king, who never mentions Anu and his cult, but only claims to have reinstated the former ri tes of Istar (I R 65-66 II, 51. pel-lu-de-e q6-ud-mu-ti-ti 52. Ia dINNIN UNUGkt bé-e-li-it UNUGki e-el-li-d 53. ti-te-er af^ rat-ui lu-un), to have returned the goddess to Uruk, and to have rebuilt the Eanna. Anu was a rather unimportant deity at Uruk in the Neo-Babylonian period and the emphasis put on the reinstatement of his cult in the Prophecy seems more in agreement with the outlook of the Urukaean priesthood of the Hellenistic period than with that of their sixth century counterpart.^ 9 The fact is that at some point during the Achaemenid period there occurred a complete reorganization of the pantheon of the city leading to the replacement of Istar by Arm as head of the local divine hierarchy. The crucial phase of this process had already taken place by the end of the fifth century since by that time name forma ti ons with

29. Admittedly the word anutu ma y also apply to other gods in reference to their leading status The word may also apply to the cults of Uruk in general (including that of litar) with no spe.:ific reference to Anu (but still inclucng him). In this context, however, and because Uttar is never explicitly mentioned in the Prophecy, although the narrative is historically based on her tribulations, It seems appropriate to assume that, in his use of pear anütu, the author specifically had in mind the cult of Anu and his retinue.

Anu are overwhelmingly predominant in the local onomastics. It is only in the Seleucid period, however, that the rise of Anu was consummated with the final construction of the Bit Reg temple complex. 3° The author of the Prophecy is clearly more interested in Anu than in Istar (note that Istar is never mentioned by name in the Prophecy), and this might point to, first a later date of composition for the Prophecy than previously assumed, and second, the possibility suggested by Heinrich," that the text was composed to commemorate the dedication of the temple of Anu in the third century. This hypothesis is also supported by the colophon of TCL 6 38, which summanzes the contents of the tablet as GARZA d6o-u-tat "the ntes of the cult of Anu " The implica ti on of the colophon is that because of Nabopolassar's acts of plunder at Uruk, the ri tes in question were forgotten and the cult of Anu was suspended until the high-p ri est of the Bit Res" rediscovered the tablets in Elam during the co-regency of Seleucus (I) and Antiochus (I), which covered the years 294/93-281 B.C. It is significant that the alleged rediscovery of these rituals took place at a time when the bu il ding program involving the extension of the Bit RH the Irigal, and the ziggurat of Anu into one of the largest cultic architectural complexes ever built in Mesopotamia was certainly already contemplated by the establishment of Uruk, with the tacit approval, if not the active suppo rt , of the Seleucid mien. The dates of the phases of the rebuilding are known from the two dedicatory inscriptions of Anu-uballit/ Kephalon and Anu-uballit/Nikarchos, respectively dated to the years 68 and i to of the Seleucid era (= 244 and 201 B C.).j 2 These bu ildings almost completely obliterated the earlier Seleucid structures which were probably erected, on a much more modest scale, during the first quarter of the third century. The cult of Anu, Antu, and their circle of deities was doubtless reorganized on grander proportions to meet this considerable architectural expansion. There is Iittle doubt as to the antiquarian , and even somewhat artificial, character of the cultic revival which then took place. One may safely assume that such rituals as TCL 6 38, miraculously rediscovered before the onset of the vast building program of the third century were in fact complete fab rications firms pia that only remotely reflected the state of earlier cubic practices. 3o. Some aspects of the rise of Anu in late Babylonian Uruk, including the chronology of the change and the antiquarian character of the new cult are discussed in my article ' Antiquarian Theology in Seleucid Uruk " Ada Sumerologica 14 (1992). 3L E. Heinnch, Die Tempel und Heiligtumer im alten Mesopotam ien (DAR 14, Berli n, 1982), p. 301. 32. On these two personages and their inscriptions see L.T. Dory "Nikarchos and Kephalon," in A Scienti tc Humanist, Studies in Memory o"Abraham Sacks, ed. by E Leichry, M. deJ Ellis. and P. Gerardo (Occasional Pubhcauons of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 9, Philadelphia, 1988) pp. 95-118. The architectural remains from Seleuctd Uruk have recently been studied by S.B. Downey Mesopotamian Religious Architecture, Alexander through the Parthians (Princeton U. Press, Princeton, 1988), pp. 1 5 -46.

The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy Let us now consider the colophon of TCL 6 38 in conjunction with the Prophecy. The colophon indirectly imputes to Nabopolassar the responsibility for the loss of the paras anûtu "the ri tes of the cult of Anu, ' while the Prophecy insists, employing vague an d stereotyped formulas, that his reign (= king 9) was inauspicious. The Prophecy also credits his son and successor Nebuchadnezzar II with the reestablishment of these same paras anûtu. Thus we are able to detect two layers in the Prophecy. One layer is the emblematic opposition between two Babylonian rulers in their attitude to Uruk: Eriba-Marduk and Nebuchadnezzar II. This opposition rs based historically on the cultic disruptions imposed by the former and the reinstatement of the cult by the la tt er. But, while these historical events really concerned the cult of Istar, the author of the Prophecy is specifically interested in the cult of Anu His view of Nebuchadnezzar II is that of an exemplary ruler of the p as t, who restored the cults of Uruk and rebuilt her temples, a model for any contemporary or future ruler to follow should the same type of situa ti on a ri se. The second layer is the recas ti ng of Nebuchadnezzar II as the restorer of the cult of Anu as well as the implicit portrayal of his father Nabopol as sar as the ruler, or one of the rulers, responsible for the interruption, or at least neglect, of that cult. The Uruk Prophecy is therefore a recanting of historical material with the purpose of vindicating the establishment (presented as reestablishment) of a new cult (i e. the cult of Anu as reorganized in the third century by the priesthood of the Bit Res), to present the ruler who will foster this cultic revival (i e one of the contemporary Seleucid rider) as a new Nebuchadnezzar, to obliquely suggest that his father was a neglectful, and therefore malevolent, ruler ( as Nabopolassar had been) an d to predict an everlasting rule for his dynasty, even a rule of divine character. The historical background of the Prophecy now emerges clearly. Nebuchadnezzar II an d his son AwelMarduk were viewed favorably at Uruk, an d already in the Neo-Babylonian period there may have circulated among the city's literati composi ti ons written in suppo rt of their rule and in condemnation of their successors, especially the usurper Neriglissar, an d predecessors, EribaMarduk, Nabopolassar, an d other kings who did not fulfill the expectations of the Uruk estab li shment. This material was later recast in the Uruk Prophecy, whose purpose was to show to a Seleucid ruler of the first half of the third century the proper royal conduct toward the city. Specifically the Uruk priesthood was soliciting the active suppo rt of the Seleucid monarchy for its ambitious religious and architectural program of renewal. One may raise the obvious question' was the Uruk Prophecy really ever brought to the attention of the Seleucid monarch for whom it was intended? It is quite conceivable that it indeed was, albeit not necessarily in the form it has been preserved at Uruk. A Greek or an Aramaic version may

49

have been in circula ti on, or perhaps only the existence itself of the predictions was reported to the king or to cou rt officials. One may easily imagine a scenario in which the priesthood of the Bit Reg orchestrated a purported `discovery" of the tablet among ancient documents thus lending an aura of great antiquity to their fab ri ca ti on. One may further speculate, on the basis of some broken parts being preserved as first person speech that the entire text may have been cast as an oracle delivered by the god Anu, the obvious beneficiary of the predictions. As seen earlier, two other Akkadian prophecies, the Marduk and Sulgi prophetic speeches, a re likewise cast as oracles delivered in the first person by a god or a (deified) king with the purpose of justifying the reestablishment of the cult (Le. the cult of Marduk as supreme god at the end of the second millennium B C ) Further research may be needed in order to determine which of the Seleucid rulers was meant in the Prophecy as a new Nebuchadnezzar II, but Antiochus I appears to be the most probable candidate Like Nebuchadnezzar, Antiochus was the son of the founder of a new dynasty. In 294/93 B.C. his father, Seleucus, instituted a c o- regency by which Antiochus was to rule the portion of the empire located east of the Euphrates, with Seleucia-onthe-Tigris and Babylon as his capitals. After the death of Seleucus I in 281 Antiochus became sole ruler of the empire. But it was not long before he reinstituted with his own son Seleucus the same type of co-regency (this fi rn e not on st ri ct ter ri to ri al basis) he had shared with his father. This co-regency lasted from 279 until 267 and was brought to an abrupt end by the execution of Seleucus on charges of treason. In 266, however, Antiochus set up a new co-regency with his other son, Antiochus, who became sole ruler as Antiochus I1 after the death of Antiochus I in 261. During his co-regency with Seleucus I, Antiochus I was bound as ruler of the eastern domains to pay special a tt en ti on to Babylonia an d therefore to develop with the local elites a closer relationship than might otherwise have been expected of the remote ruler of a multinational empi re . It may not be a coincidence that it is precisely in this context that the Babylonian scholar Berossus composed his Babyloniaca. According to ancient histori33 ographers Berossus dedicated his work to Antiochus I, and it has been convincingly argued that the work was offered to Antiochus for his own instruction and edificadon on the occasion of his accession to the throne as sole ruler in 281 B.C. 34 It is likely that Antiochus was the focus of hopeful expectations that he would reverse the somewhat hostile policies of Seleucus I, who had already deprived Babylon of its central position with the founda ti on of his new capital Seleucia-on-the-Tigris. These S M. Burstein, 7#re Babykretioca of Remind, SANE and P. Lehmann-Haupt, "Berossos. ' in RIA II 0938),

34. See Bunt

B.ilki iaca,.p. 34.

so

PAUL -ALAIN BEAULIEU

hopes were partly fulfilled, albeit on a very limited basis, by Antiochus' own patronage of Babylonian temples. A building insc ri ption in the Babylonian s ty le found at Borsippa (V R 66) commemorates his restoration of the Ezida the temple of Nabû, begun in the 43rd year of the Seleucid era. 35 However, this pro-Babylonian policy was not emulated by Antiochus' successors. As seen earli er, the dedicatory inscriptions from Uruk commemorating the extension of the Bit Re are in the name of Babylonian city officials, and no building insc ri ptions of Seleucid rulers have been found in other Babylonian cities in spite of evidence of continuing rebuilding until the Parthian period. Antiochus I may thus have been the only Seleucid ruler who strove to win over the Babylonian city elites by promoting native culture and religion, presenting himself in the garb of a traditional Babylonian king, an d fostering care over the old sanctuaries of the country . There are good reasons to believe that the Uruk Prophecy was intended for him and was, very much like the Babyloniaca, a work of edification designed to convey a sense of respect for the great antiquity of Babylonian culture, as well as to underscore the ruler's duty to protect an d further that culture by his active suppo rt of pious works. 36 As seen earlier, the colophon of TCL 6 38 indicates that the priesthood of the Bit Reg was already collecting and forging documents supporting the revival of the cult of Anu during the co-regency of Seleucus I an d Antiochus I. And the archaeological evidence indicates that the early phases of the Seleucid expansion of the Bit Reg must date to the first qua rt er of the third century, only slightly more than a generation before the first rebuilding on a massive scale, the one commemorated by the insc ri ption of Anu-uballit/Nikarchos in 244 B.C. Evidently Antiochus I did not live to witness the completion of the new structure, but the circumstantial evidence (especially the chronology of the material) suggests that he was indeed the new Nebuchadnezzar described in the Prophecy as the expected restorer of the cult of Mu an d rebuilder of his temple. The author of the Prophecy also equated Seleucus I with Nabopolassar, two rulers he viewed negatively. Both founded new dynasties but neglected the cults of Uruk. King r r in the Prophecy (i.e. the historical Awel-Marduk) was equated, depending on the date of composition of the text, with either one of the two sons of Antiochus I, who successively shared the throne with him as co-regent. Antiochus I at Babylon . Horo witz, "Antiochus 1, Esagil n of the Ritual for Reewvation of Temples," RA 85 75-77. 36 This view agrees with the opinion recently expressed by M. de). Elks on the function of the prophecies and other "literary pttdsetive texts„" which was to indicate "correct and legitimate action." See M. deJ. Elks, "Observations on Mesopotanuan Oncles and Prophetic Tern Literary and Historiographic Considerations," JCS 0 (i989), P. 178.

To conclude, I must address the difficult question of the relationship of the Uruk Prophecy to other genres of Akkadian literature and to non-Mesopotamian genres as well. On the Mesopotamian side, little can be added to what has been said in previous studies I would only like to point to the resemblance between the Uruk Prophecy (and other prophecies as we ll) and certain chronographic and chronicle-like texts in which the reigns of past (named) kings are evaluated in the light of their behavior toward one or several cult centers. 37 One such text with a colophon of Anu-a[}-ugabgi, the high-p ri est of the Bit Reg and bearing the date year 61 of the Seleucid era (_ 25r/5o B.C.), is a fragment of an originally longer composition dealing with the kings of the third dynasty of Ur an d their attitude to several major Babylonian cult centen. 38 The preserved excerpt of the composition concerns the reign of Sulgi, who is charged anachronistically with plundering the property of the Esagil and also as having "disturbed the rites of the cult of Anu ([GAR]ZA d6o-u-tu), the plan of Uruk (GIS.BUR.MES sra UNUGM]) and the secret knowledge of the learned ([4-fir-ti Mumma-nu)." While the exact purpose of the composition still remains unclear, its general setting presents no interpretive problem. The date, only five years before completion of the full-scale rebuilding of the Bit Reg, as well as the specific mention of the ri tes of the cult of Anu, the paras anûtu, indicate that STU I z is also a pseudo-historical literary fab rication concocted in the wake of the reorganization of the cult of Anu by the priesthood of the Bit Reg in the third century. 39 To be sure, from a strictly formal point of view, this genre bears only a superficial resemblance to the prophecies. From the more general standpoint of their purpose an d ideological framework, however, they are characterized by a single preoccupation which they share with most oldie prophecies. the respective merit of successive rulers as protecton of cult centers, or of one particular cult, both in the past and in the future. Outside the Mesopotamian area, a few remarks should be made on the question of the relationship of the Uruk Prophecy to Jewish apocalyptic literature. Both the Uruk Prophecy and the Dynastic Prophecy a re par37. The best known of these texts is the so-called "Weidner Chronicle, which evaluates third millennium rulers according to their attitude towards the cult of Marduk and the Esagil. The text, now nearly complete since the pubhcation of a late Babylonian exemplar from Sippar, is cast in the form of a letter purportedly sent by king Dämiq-ildu of hin to king Apil-SIn of Babylon. For the new edition see F.N.H. al-Rawl, "Tablets from the Sippar Library I. The «Weidner Chronicle»: A Suppostitious Royal Letter Concerning a Vision," bog 52 (t99o), pp. 1-13 38. Published in Hunger, STU 12 . The text has attracted little attention so far save for the elucidation of the historical allusions concerning the reign of Sulgi by William Hallo, "Simurrum and the Hurrian Frontier," in RNA 36 0978) 76 (= XXIV` RAI, Pans, 1977). 39. Notwithstanding the fact that this fabrication may have been based on historical and chronographic material transmitted with the canonical corpus.

The Historical Background of the Uruk Prophecy titularly relevant to the study of apocalypticism because of their extremely late date of composition (third century), which brings them quite close to the date of cornposition of the Book of Daniel (early second century). The formal similarities between the prophesies and the historical predictions in the Book of D an iel have been repeatedly stressed. Both genres relish anonymity, allusive and cryptic language and prophesize ex eventu toward an apocalyptic climax. The Uruk Prophecy however distinguishes itself by one singularity. In the Book of Daniel, as seems to also be the case in the better preserved Akkadian prophecies, the historical narrative recast in the form of pseudo-predictions leads chronologically from the fictitious narrator (or prophet), set in the distant past, to the author, who writes just before the historical terminus (or the apocalyptic c li max) which ends the composition. The prophet D an iel, for instance, is set historically at the cou rt of Nebuchadnezzar II. The four successive kingdoms symbolized by the statue in Nebuchadnezzar's dream are the Median, the Neo-BabyloMan (both contemporary with Daniel), the Persian, and finally the Graeco-Macedonian (i.e. Seleucid), whose impending destruction is prophesied by the author. On the a gr eement of most modern critics, the author lived at the time of Antiochus IV, whose pursuance of policies hostile to the Jews led to the Maccabean uprising and the rise of messianic hopes connected with the expected overthrow of the Seleucid dynasty. As we have seen, the underlying structure of the Uruk Prophecy is somewhat more complex. The historical figures who inspired the closing predictions lived three centu ri es before the actual author of the Prophecy. The narrative on their reigns was only slightly recast in order to provide a superficial parallel with Seleucid rulers of the early third century The view of history which is inherent to apocalyptic literature is that history has a purpose (God's purpose) an d develops in time as a linear process leading to a cosmic c li max (apocalyptic time). The Uruk Prophecy, on the other hand, still adheres to the traditional Mesopotamian view of history, according to which events occur cyclically with the purpose each time of reestablishing an ideal model which was set once an d forever in primeval times and is periodically disrupted by the acts of malevolent rulers. This still seems to be the outlook of the Unikaean priesthood of the third century. Their "revival" of the cult of Mu, the result of complex theological and antiquarian speculations going back at least as early as the fifth century, was in many respects a self-conscious fabrication supported with spurious claims of its great antiquity. The insc ription of Anu-uballit/Kephalon even sets the origins of the Bit RE temple in antediluvian times , before the coming of the cultu re hero Oannes-Adapa. The reestablishment of this cult with the suppo rt of Antiochus I would just repeat the reestablishment of the (allegedly) same cult a Uruk by Nebuchadnezzar II, thus completing another cy cle .

5t

These remarks do not however undermine the value of the Uruk Prophecy for comparison with the Book of Daniel and other works of Jewish apocalyptic literature. It has been repeatedly pointed out that Akkadian prophecies, in spite of the close formal resemblance they bar to some Jewish apocalypses, lack the universal scope as well as the eschatological implications of the latter. The author of the Uruk Prophecy yearned only for a new Hetlszeit, which was to be brought about, not by the dramatic inte rv ention of God in history but rather, in accordance with the traditional Mesopotamian view, by a mundane ruler who would reestablish the cult in its perennial form. He was looking "backward" at primeval times as an age of bliss to be eternally emulated, rather than looking "forward" to an eschatological end of histo ry on behalf of the just, the salvation of man, and the estab lishment of everlasting good an d peace in the kingdom of God. Nevertheless, I would not rule out the possibility that some conceptual change was beginning to occur among the Babylonian intel li gentsia of that period. In the cosmopolitan atmosphere of the Seleucid empire the increased exposure of Babylonian scholars to other cultures, religions, an d philosophical systems may have induced them to alter their traditional intellectual outlook, very much in the same manner as Judaism was progressively becoming tainted with Hellenistic thought, this in spite of the fact that the Seleucid cuneiform record shows altogether little trace of a Greek cultural influence. The author of the Uruk Prophecy expresses his yearning for a new Heilszeit m rather forceful terms: "His dynasty will endure forever. [The kings of Uruk will exercise rulership like the gods." To hope for the establishment of an everlasting rule or dynasty is a topos of Mesopotamian literature an d royal inscriptions. Divine kingship, on the other hand — assuming the final sentence of the Prophecy points in that direction — seems in disagreement with the Late-Babylonian concept of kingship, although ideas of divine rule were current in the third and early second millennia. That kings possessed a divine aura, however, was a prevalent assumpdon in Hellenistic political thought. Among the many divine qualities attributed to Hellenistic rulers was that of saviour-king, Greek sour, an epithet borne incidentally by Andochus I himself. While this fact alone may not provide sufficient grounds to assume that the author of the Uruk Prophecy really viewed Antiochus I as a saviour much less as a. god one may still contemplate the possibility that the Hellenistic concept of royal soteriology had become familiar enough to the Babylonians for ce in a text intended to cater to a Seleucid fa t to sur i way to go still, of course, a long is monarch. But there between third century Greek soteriology and the eschaor is theft? As is amply apocalypses ology of Jewish t evidenced by the count of Jewish history during the Second Temple period, and even * tly later down to the revolt of Bar Kochba, cxpecudoru of the rise of a

52

PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU

messianic mundane ruler cannot be fully dissociated from the spiritual quest of salvation and the establishment of a celestial kingdom. Though falling sho rt of being true apocalypses the late Akkadian prophecies belong nevertheless to that formative period when the meeting of Hellenism with Judaism, Near Eastern, and

Egyptian cultures provided the background for the religious and intellectual revolution that was to culminate in the rise of Hellenized Judaism and Christianity. In that sense Akkadian prophecies and Judaeo-Christian apocalypses are arguably dis ti nct, yet inseparable, phenomena.

SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE SUPPILULIUMA - SATTIWAZA TREATIES Gary Beckman Yale University The diplomatic a gr eement between Suppiluliuma I of Llatti and Sattiwaza of Mitanni, composed in two separate "editions," one attributed to each ruler, constitutes one of the most important primary sources for the history of Hittite expansion into northern Syria in the early fourteenth century B.C.E. The better pa rt of the Akkadian- and Hittite-language texts of both venions has been available since the earliest days of Hittitology. But I would like to use the occasion of this volume honoring my friend William W Hallo to call attention to two additional pieces of this text group and to make a number of comments concerning these treaties and their relationship to one another. The texts are: CTH 51 1 , Treaty of Suppiluliuma I with Sattiwaza I. Akkadian "edition" A. KBo I.1 B. KBo 1.2 C. KUB3.I a-d+ KBo 28.III + 1I2+ I14(+) I13 Edited by E. Weidner, BoSt 8, 2-37 (without KBo z8 texts). H. Hittite "edition" KUB 21.18 (+) KUB 26.34 Edited by E Laroche, Ugaritica 6 (1969), pp. 369-373. CTH 52, Treaty of Sattiwaza with Suppiluliuma I. Akkadian "edition" KBo 1.3 (+) KUB 3.17 Edited by E. Weidner, BoSt 8, 36-57. II Hittite "edition" KUB 23 .5o + 219/w + HT 21 + KUB 8.8o

1. in Laroche's entry to reI have made a few min flect subsequent progress in the publication and study of these cornpositions. Special abbreviations employed here are CHD = H.G. Gitterbock and H.A. Haffner, Jr., eds , Chicago Hittite Dictionary (Chicago: The Onental Institute, Enstitute, 1980 -); CTH = E Laroche, Catalqgue des textes hittites (Paris: Klincksieck, 1971); HT = L. King, Mt-

tar Texts in the Cuneiform Charaaer from Tablets in the British Museum (London: The British Museum, 192o).

HT n + KUB 8.8o edited by J. Friedrich, MO 2 (1924), pp' I 19-24. As indicated above, the poorly-preserved Hi tt ite version of CTH 52 was edited long ago by J. Friedrich, but it is now possible to improve on his work through the joining of two further pieces to the text, 219/w and KUB 23.5o, the latter of which was tentatively placed by H.G. Güterbock in the "Deeds of Suppiluliuma 1" (CTH 4o JCS to [1956], p. 114, Fragment 42

KUB 23.5o + 219/w + HT 21 + KUB 8.8o (parallels Akkadian KBo 1.3 obv. 48-65) ] X tJRU[ Wa-al-lu-ugga-ni] 21. 3' •

4t•

St.

[

]-an - ma-al-ma-fat pf-r]a-an [hu-]i-nu-ut ma-(ab- ba - an-ma] uRUWa-al-lu-ugga-an-ni URU-n û-[it n]u-ulURI/ Wa- 114-u]g ga-a[ n-ni ma-al [LU.MES

tâk-lu-uf ) [i ya u-wa - an-zi' m i-im-rn -ir ma-ab- ba -a [n ka rt ERIN.MES [ANSE KUR.RA ME]S

-.

]

]

URU Wa-al-fu-ugga- anuRUA-allu]r [SA KUR na-an+ an-da ua-ah-[nu -ut]

[mPf-ya-al- li -It]-ïf-tna-za am-mu-ugga mSat-ti 4+-az-za-all-NA uR U lr-ri-te Ulk'.' Wa-al-lue- lu -u-en nu-u -na-al'-° 1 L e MU ugga + -an-na-az u-it uR UAKUR .ERIN.MES» SA ki-il-fa-]an IQ-BI a,f-slur] ERIN.M.8 ANSE.KURRA. A-NA ? ER(N.MES ANSE.KU]R.(RA.ME]S

uRUUa-at-tï [pa/ fa- ra)-a 4-iz-zi -ya-an-ni-lie

Ix

e-na-ah- ba -an-da A-NA [P4-MI LÙDUB,SAR 2. I would like to thank Professor Heinrich Otters for permission to utilize here unpublished 119/w and for checking my transliteration against his copy of the piece, which will appear m a future volume of Kilo Professor H.G. Gitterbock called my attention to 219/w and kindly allowed r c to study his photograph of the fragment, Professor H.A Hodner, Jr. initially suggested to me that KUB 23.5o might belong to this composition

GARY BECKMAN

54

14'. [ ] nu-wa-kân ERfN.MES ANSE.KUR[.RA MES I5 [ pé-]e-jtu-te-et ma-ah-ba-[an URU A-NA

6'. [ Wa-as- fu ga-a]n-na sra-ra-a pa-a-u-[en 17'. if-st[i? ] x x [ ] ne-ya-at-ta-[at ma-ab-ba-an-ma Li7.MES URUPa-kar-ri pal 18'. mP{-ya-[aS-srï -li-in DUMU.LUGAL] niSat-ti-ti-azza-an-na [DUMU.LUGAL ERIN.MES ANSE. i

19e. 20'.

KUR.RA.MES] SA KUR URU fJa-[at-ti A-N]A URU Wa-aJ-sru-ugga-

a[n]-ni [ ...I sra-ra-a pa-a-[u-wa-a]r if-ta-ma-ab srir

+ sign on edge of join of KUB 23.5o and

2191W

TRANSLATION (also utilizing Akkadian version) 3

[The Assyrian ...] sent him/it [t]o besiege Wa[ssukkanni] an d gave them a single marlyannu as leader. [But] when he c[ame] to the city [Wassukk]anni, [the people of Wa]is`ukkanni refused to make peace. But when the infantry an d chariotry [of Assyria] besieg[ed] Wassukkanni, P ri nce Piyaggili an d I, P ri nce Sattiwaza [were] in the town Irrite. A messenger came to us from Was"sukkanni [and] spoke [as follows]: "The infantry and chartotry of Assyria will come [for]th (in battle) [against the infantry an d chariotry] of Hatti ' (lines ir -17 are too fragmentary for translation.) [... And when the people of the town Pakarripa] heard that [Prince] Piya[s'gili] and [P ri nce] Sattiwaza, and the infantry an d chariotry of J3a[tti] were going up [t]o Waggukkanni, (the people of Pakarripa deserted and came over to our side). PHILOLOGICAL COMMENTARY The Hittite text seems to require slightly less than two lines for each line in the Akkadian If lines 33'f. of the Hittite (lines 17f. in F ri edri ch AID 2 [1924], p. 12o) gat-ti-G-az-za-at [DUMU.LUGAL .. ]) = Akkadian KBo 1.3 re v. 1'f. (mSat-ti-4-a-za] DUMU.[LUGAL ...]), and line 38' (Friedrich's 22) ([ . LUGAL] GAL LUGAL KUR [URU Jja-at-ti UR.SAG NA-RA-AM du ...]) = KBo 1.3 rev 4' (na-r[a-am dU ...]), then only about 7 Hittite lines or 3-4 Akkadian lines have been completely lost in CTH 52. If these lines were distributed evenly, we would have 70 lines on the obverse of KBo 7.3 and 64 lines on the reverse. Since the text often runs over onto the edge of the tablet - see copy of KUB 23.5o - we cannot be certain of the length of the lines in those cases where the has been lost or damaged (e.g., lines 3', 12'ff.). To judge by the following paragraph (lines 2I ' -29' = Friedrich's (

m

Some Observations on the .uppiluliuma - Sattiwaza Treaties

lines 5-13), however, the lines usually accommodated about 20 signs excluding what was inscribed on the edge. Line I': Akkadian parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 48: [LU A-asssu-ra-i / A-assfur-ra-i o o o o o] x URU Wa-[fug ga-a-ni an]a la-me-e il-ta par-sru. The spelling of "the Assyrian" va ri es within KBo 1.3 - c f. obv 6 an d 5 7. Assur-ubalut is never dignified with the title LUGAL in this text. It is uncertain whether the object pronoun -sru refers to an individual military commander or to a co llective designation for military forces (ERIN.MES). The plural genitive pronoun -srunu in the following sentence makes second alternative more likely. Lines 2'f.: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 48: I-EN Lil mar-yanu a-na a-lik pa-ni-sru-nu SUM-din. The Hittite sentence begins with an a-stem noun in the accusative, conesponding to Akkadian maryannu, of which only the desinence has been preserved: [...1-an=ma=mma[! ...]. For piran buwai- (here in the causative buinu-) used of a human military leader, see R. Beal, "The Organization of the Hittite Military," diss. Chicago 1986, pp 554-559. Lines 4'f.: Parallel KBo 2.3 obv. 49: [... DUMU.MES URUWa-]srugga-an-ni a-na sti-lu[m-me-]e ul i-ma-an-ku-n+. The traces in the copy of KUB 23 50•4 are better for URUWa-srugga-a[n-ni] but this would diverge from the usual Hittite spelling of the name of this city. 4 One might alternately restore [tak-feu-la-u-wa-an-zi] at the be ginning of line 5', but this seems too long. For the construction takiul iya- see E Neu, Studia Mediterranea Piero Meriggi dicata (Pavia: Gianni Iuculano Editore, 1979), 472. =srmasrin line 4' is probably in place of the reflexive particle -za. For minima-, "to refuse," with -za and infinitive see CHD 3, 264f. Lines 5'£: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 49f: i-nu-ma GI$GIGIR.MES ( [ERIN.MES ] For the restoration anda waab-[nu-ut] note [ar]a lamêin KBo 1.3 obv. 48 and see the vocabulary KBo 1.42 iii 46 (Izi Bogh - MSL XIII, 139, line 186): SI = la mu-A = an-da wa-aj-nu-mar, cited Heth. Wb. 240. Lines 7'f.: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. So: [a-na-kju meat-ti4-a-za DUMU.LUGAL [Al mPf-ya-asp sri-li DUMU.LUGAL Ina URU Ir-ri -te. Lines 8'-Id: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 5 If: [ü-tu URUWasrug-ga-a-ni DUMU.KIN it-li-kam iq-bi ma-]a [sea LOA-1 arsrur-a-i [o o ERIN.ME]S-fu û I0t$IGIGIR.MES-sru a-na UGU GIS GEGiR.MES I [ù ERIN MES fa KUR URUHa-at-ti kg. Of Of course such extensive restorations must remain tentative. Lines I tit:: Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 52: [...] ul-flu sir-ma DUMU.KIN a-na pa-ni-nt [il-li-kani].

...]-

Line 16 1 : Parallel KBo 1.3 obv. 5c [... UR] U Wa-lugga-an-nt ni-te-nr-ub-fu In the Hittite we can restore IRU[3. KBo 1.3 obv. 48-56 (Weidner, Bost 8, 46-47). A full trambtion of CTH 51-5s will he presented in my forthcoming Hittite Diplomatic Texts.

6

.

p. 479.

WasSrugga]nna since the usual Hittite a-stem is found in lines 6' and 8', despite the use of the i-stem in lines 4' and 19' (the latter damaged in any case). Line 21 1 (= Fri ed ri ch line 5)• In nu-use ma-fa-an [anda] kisrantat, =final, "to them/their side," must be an error for =nasr, "to us/our side," as shown by the context in which the people of Pakarripa respond to the presence of Hittite forces by informing them of the plans of their Assyrian adversary.

*** In order to extend the hegemony of ljatti into northem Sy ri a, it was necessary for Suppiluliuma to eliminate or at least reduce the influence of the current dominant power in the area Mitanni Among the Hittite king's first initiatives toward this end was the undermining of Tusratta, King of Mitanni, through the cultivation of a ri val line of mien: Artatama II who in our Hittite sources is styled "King of fjurri" and his son Suttarna III. Upon the murder of Tusratta in a palace coup, one of his sons, Kili-Tessup, later known as Samwaza, 5 fled by way of Babylonia to Matti, where Suppiluliuma extended him protection an d gave him a daughter in marriage. When Suttarna later became a creature of the Assyrians it was his son-in-law Sattiwaza whom Suppiluliuma installed as ruler in the rump state of Mitanni. This project required a military campaign against the forces both of Suttarna and of the Assyrians. This effort was not undertaken by the Great King himself, but was entrusted to his son Piyasgili, whom he had named King of Karkamis". 6 The newly-restored text of CTH 52 adds to our knowledge of the course of this campaign, but its final stages narrated in the extremely fragmentary lines 30'38' of the Hittite "edition" and the equally sorry KBo 13 rev. 7-6 of the Akkadian, remain unclear. 7 We may be certain of its success, of course, because this is implied by the very existence of the composition with which we are here concerned.

5. See H.G. Güterbock, JOE to (1956), p. 121, and C. Zaccagnini, Oilers Antiquus 13 (1974), PP• 25-34. 6. For a brief outline of the ruin of Mitanm at the hands of Suppiluliuma, see G. Wilhelm, Grundzüge der Geschichte and Kultur der Hurriter (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesdhchaft, 1982), PP. 49 - 53. Cf. also A Harrak, Assyria and Hanigalbat (Hildesheim: Obns, 1987), pp. 15-19, and 42-46. 7. These same military activities are treated in "Fragment 35" of the "Deeds of Suppduliunta ': KUB 19.13 + 14 + 961/ 1; duel. KBo 19 5o, studied without loins or duplicate by H.G. Güterbock, JCS to (1956), pp. 110-iii. (My thanks to Richard Beal, who made me aware of the supplementary material. He will discuss this passage more fully in the forthcoming publication of his dissertation.) In this section of the "Deeds," however the uiitial phases of the campaign are merely sketched as a victorious progress from Katkamil to Hatno, from Barran to Wa&ukkanni, and finally from Wa ukkanni to Taita, while only the ultimate confrontation before Tatra n treated in some detail. (It seems that the Assyrian forces take Fright and withdraw.) It is precisely this final phase of operations which cannot yet be recovered in CTH 52.

55

Since Sattiwaza was the son-in-law of Suppiluliuma an d owed his throne and perhaps even his life to Hittite intervention in the affairs of Mitanni, he was definitely the junior party in his relationship to the Hittite Great King. This is made abundantly clear in the two treaties, CTH 5 i (of Suppiluliuma) and CTH 52 (of Sattiwaza). The historical introductions of these documents, so central to modem writing of the narrative history of this period, deal for the most pa rt with different events. The first section of CTH 51 tells of Suppilufuma's conquests in Syria - of I3alab, Mukis, Niya, Nu}jais"e, and Kinza, as well as of Mitanni. The introduction to CTH 52, on the other hand, mentions none of these undertakings , but is rather devoted to painting a dark picture of Artat ama an d Suttarna in order to justify the actions of Sattiwaza in turning to the Hittite Great King. In what might thus be termed the "Apology of Sattiwaza," we are told that Suttarna had betrayed his heritage by turning his nches over to the Assyrians an d the people of Alie and by allowing these fo rm er vassals of Mitanni to massacre the cream of the Hurrian nobility. Sattiwaza himself we learn, had survived only through flight. It is only at this point that the historical sections of CTH 51 an d CTH 52 coincide. Both describe the arrival of the impoverished Sattiwaza before the Great King and the hospitality an d generosity displayed by Suppiluliuma toward his young guest. In structu re , CTH 5 t is a typical Hittite treaty. 8 After the historical prologue there follow the stipulations, which here deal with succession to the throne in Mitanni, alliance between I jatti and Mitanni, extradition of fugitives, frontiers, and the mutual relations of Hittite an d Sattiwaza of Mitanni (i.e., subordinates in Syria Piyasiili, King of Karkaniii). The text concludes with a clause concerning the deposition of the treaty tablet, with the list of the gods of both parties guaranteeing the provisions, and with curses and blessings upon Sattiwaza (dependent, of count, upon his future conduct toward Satti). In contrast, CTH 51 is totally anomalous among Hittite treaties. It contains no formal stipulations and thus a diplomatic instniment. It consists as cannot stand alone simply of the "Apology of Sattiwaza," followed by the deposition clause, the list of oath gods of Haut and curses and blessings, the latter interrupted by the list of deities of Mittani. It is dear that this text, after the first section compiled by Sattiwaza or his entourage (KBo 1.3 obv. t-3o) 9 is rearrangement of the Hittite document. The . as' ally a group of curses and blessings (Kilo 1.3 rev. 8-n) has first not even been changed from the second person appropriate in CTH 51 to the first person expected in CTH

r

V. Karaite, Hed itische do (Leipzig Weither, ,

56

Some Observations on the $uppiluliuma - Sattiwaza Treaties

GARY BECKMAN

52 I° The Human divine list has been removed and placed after this section (KBo 1.3 rev 23-26)," i followed by a second collection of curses and blessings, phrased this time in the first person (singular and plural, the latter to include the Hurrian nobility) and possibly the work of the Hurrians themselves, since the imagery here is unparalleled in CTH 5 t. This structural comparison of CTH 51 and CTH 52 has also revealed the dependence of Sattiwaza upon Suppiluliuma. The Human prince was certainly not acting autonomously in the composition of his diplomatic document. I2 In this regard it is instructive to examine the various manuscripts of CTH 51 and CTH 52.' 3 In sc ri pt, CTH 51.A and the more poorly-preserved CTH 5 i .0 are similar to CTH 52 in showing the usual sign forms used in Hittite-language texts of the first half of the fourteenth century ^ 4 and not what I have termed the "chancellery hand" employed for Akkadian-language diplomatic texts and international correspondence under the Empire» The sc ri pt of CTH St.B, however, resembles that used in texts dispatched from Mitanni to the Egyptian capital at Akhetaten (El-Amarna). i6 On the other hand it is CTH 51.B which shows the greatest orthographical affinities with CTH 52. This may best be illustrated by several writings from the Hittite god li st:

9. Note that it discusses deuils of Mitannian politics of which the Hittites could have known or cared little, such as the return of a door of silver and gold from WaEukkanni to its o ri ginal home in Assur (KBo 1.3 obv. 8-to). Even in this section Sattiwaza displays obsequiousness in repeatedly employing the full panoply of Suppilulima's diplomatic tides: "Great King, King of Uatn, Hero, Beloved of Teiiup" (e.g., KBo 1.3 obv. 18) lo. If the sequence of identical curses was not sufficient to demonstrate the "boilerplate" transference of this section, it is proven beyond all doubt by the common lapsus in KBo 1.1 rev. 66 (CTH 51) and KBo 1.3 rev. 15 (CTH 52): la lapeira < ... >. 11. The list of Hurrian deities is nonetheless the same as that employed in CT-I 51 (KBo 1.t rev. 54-58) with only minor divergences in sequence and orthography. 12, H Klengel, Kilo 5 t (1969), p. 9 aptly remarks that for Sattiwaza 'gewiss hethitischeneits die Federgeführt wurde " 13. In this section I have benefited from an unpublished course papa by M ar c Van De Microop. 14. See C. Riister and E Neu, Hethitisches Zeichenkxikon (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1989), and more particularly Hethitische Keilsdsrift-Paläographie II, Studien zu den +..=azköy-Texten 2t (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1975) ISff, column I. IS JCS 35 ( 1 98 3). pp. 98-too. 16 See the fins column of the sign-list provided by O. Schroeder, VAS 12, pp. 7311 Note especially EN (KBo 1.2 obv. 36), SA (obv. 2, etc.), 1-UR (obv. 2, etc.), and AH (obv. 8, etc.). Of course these shapes a re on rare occasion encountered even in Hittite-language texts at Boghazkny, but it is important to stress here that they do not appear m CTH Si.A and C

CTH 52

CTH 51

I. Hittite-language drafts of both "editions": CTH 51.I1; CTH 52.II.

DINGIR.MES lu-la-ab-bi (A rev. so) DINGIR.MES nu-t)-ab-bi t7 (B rev. 27)

DINGIR.MES sra

nu-la-a^i- [hi]IS (rev. 4)

DINGIR.MES (A rev. 51) dERES KI GAL (B rev. 28)

it-se-ti dERES KI [GAL] (rev. 5)

dNa-a-ra (A rev. 52) dNa-ar-ra (B rev. 28)

In summary, we may characterize the tablets:

dNa-ar-ra i9 (rev. 6)

How are these intersecting relationships among the various texts and their manuscripts to be understood? I put forward here a plausible explanation, in fu ll realization that others might account equally well for the evidence. At the diplomatic conference which formalized the alliance between Suppiluliuma and Sattiwaza, the Hittites obviously dictated the terms. But since Mitanni was given the status of kuirwana, "protectorate,s 2O rather than of vassal, the Hurrian was allowed to present his own "edition" of the treaty, with his name heading the text as in a parity agreement. We have already discussed the possible contributions of Sattiwaza an d his party to this composition, which is before us as CTH 52. The copy we actually possess was apparently made by a Hittite sc ri be from the o ri ginal tablet "presented" by the Mitannian ruler. On the other hand, CTH 51 is the 'edition" of the Great King, composed entirely by his chancellery. Since CTH 51.B is in a Hurrian hind, it was probably copied by a Mitannian scribe/diplomat in the entourage of Sattiwaza, but for some reason ultimately deposited in the Hittite archives. The Hittite-language versions of each "edition" might well have been the working notes of the Hittite diplomats at the conference.

17. Collated BoSt 8, 3o, note I CHD 3, 79 plausibly emends to rats-la -alb-bi 18. See CHD 3, 79-80, where no additional writings with mire listed. 19. For spellings of this divine name sec A. Archi, Or. 59 (199o), pp. t29 where only one other writing in -n- is included: [dNa-a)r-ra, CTH 66 (Treaty of Murs"ili II with Nigmepa of Ugant), line ro8. 2o. A status still held by Miunni under Murs'ili II — we KUB 2 4.3 ii 26-27, edited by O R Gurney, Liverpool Annals of Art and Archaeology 27 (1940). pp. 28-29. For the technical term, see A. Goetze, Kleinasien, zweite Auflage (München: Beck, 1957), pp. 98-99. A good general introduction to Hittite diplomatic practice is presented on pp. 95-103 of this work. For much mo re detail, sec G. Kcstemont, Diplomatic et droit international en Asie Orzidentak (shoo-:zoo ay. J.C.) (Louvain: Institut Orientaliste, 1 974)

II.A. Hi tt ite copies of the Akkadian text of Suppiluliuma's "edition": CTH 51 .I.A and C.

57

IIB

Hittite copy of the Akkadian text of Sattiwaza 's "edition" — CTH 52.I.

III.

Mitannian copy of the Akkadian text of Suppiluliuma's "edition": CTH 51.I B

Through a Tablet Daddy

THROUGH A TABLET DARKLY A RECONSTRUCTION OF OLD AKKADIAN MONUMENTS DESCRIBED IN OLD BABYLONIAN COPIES Giorgio Buccellati

University of California at Los Angeles There is today a haunting quality to the open spaces of Ekur: the remnants of a modern house perched atop the ziggurat; a massive dune spread over the temple at its b as e; an eerie stratigraphic column standing in the middle of the courtyard; all of it sunk in a hole as if a balustrade of centu ri es looking down at their own earlier past.' The perceptual reality of this monumental complex must clearly have been quite different in antiquity, being, as it w as , the most revered religious center of Mesopotamia, the bustling core of a thriving urban center, the magnet for a vast flow of cultural goods. Ekur was in fact the architectural complex centering around the temple tower, or ziggurat, of Enlil, the supreme god of the pantheon in Nippur, the sacred city par excellence. It consisted primarily ofa precinct which contained at one end the temple tower itself and at the other a relatively small temple at the basis of the temple tower. Considerable remains of the precinct wa ll , of the ziggurat, and of the temple at its b as e are still extant today The rest of the vast precinct was otherwise filled with the kind of regular deposit which accumulates in an open area But this open area would hardly have been empty in antiquity. In the Old Babylonian period for example, we know that there were monuments still st an ding which had been first erected by the kings of the Old Akkadian dynasty, some four to five hundred years earlier. The physical remains of these monuments have disappeared, but we have a so rt of archaeological record

which we owe not to recent excavators, but to an andent diligent obse rv er. For reasons which might have combined scribal erudition with simple scholarly interest, the texts written on these monuments were copied onto several large clay tablets, on which brief nota ti ons were added describing the monumental or "archaeological" setting of the insc rip ti ons themselves. The result was a so rt of anthology, which the ancient compiler described as follows: "The open air (monuments) which are set up in the courtyard ofEkur.i 2 The copies made by the Old Babylonian scribes were so accurate that these texts still se rve as one of the major sources for our knowledge of the Old Akkadian dialect. It is interesting to note that the sc ribes chose not to reproduce the paleographic appearance of the writing, but rendered nevertheless very carefully the graphemic as pect, so that they preserved for us much invaluable information about the details of Old Akkadian phonetics, divergent as this was from that of the Old Babylonian period 3 The linguistic contribution of these ancient scholars is so overwhelming that it has overshadowed the other dimension of this unique scholarly enterprise, namely the "archaeological" contribution, i.e. the rendering of the monuments as monuments. Our modern lack of appreciation for this important endeavor derives perhaps from the simple fact that nowhere is any monument described as such, i.e. as a complete an d self-standing structure of its own. Rather, the sc ribe noted the individual

I. So at least, did Ekur look when I first went to Nippur in the early sixties. I may be forgiven these personal reminiscences with which I reach back to the years when I Ent came in touch with Bi ll Hallo, first indirectly through our common mentor, Jay Gelb, who would so frequently refer to him when peaking to us younger nudents, and then personally through a growing series of encounters and through the commonality of our mutual interests. I am delighted to be ab le to offer him, as a token of my warm friendship and great admiration, these thoughts on a period to which he has contributed so much and so well. — In keeping with the recommendations by the editon of the volume, I win present here only the broad outline of my argument, addressing a general, non-Assyriological audience and trying to imitate Bill Hallo in what he don so well integrate into a unified picture the divenity of our sou rc es, see the life behind the words; empathize with the ancient scribe as if a colleague

2. Literally: "They are set up in the middle of the cou of the courtyard of Ekur," I.J. Gelb and B. Kienast, Die altakkadisdsen Königsinsdtnften des dritten Jahrtausends v. Cbr., Freiburger Altorientalische Studien, vol. 7, Stuttgart 199o, p.136 (abbreviated FAOS 7). See also p 139: ' [Monuments of] Sargon, Rimuï and Mantituiu, such as they an (found) in Ekur." The text edition in FAOS is the most recent pubhcation of these texts and will be used in this article as the standard reference. The other impo rt ant earlier edition is H. Hirsch, ' Die Inschriften der Konige von Agade," AR) w (1963), pp. t-82 (abbreviated AK) 20). 3. Thus, for example, signs of the set SA stand for /!a/, those of the set SA for /pi/.

58

components which together made up some large composite monuments, and it is not immediately apparent how these components fit together. Such is then precisely the thrust of my argument: that out of the many Old Akkadian insc riptions given in the Old Babylonian scribal anthology we may reconstruct relatively few monuments each one consisting of several different structural elements, with a variety of inscriptional components added to suit the nature of any given sec tion of the monument. Such an understanding would seem more aptly to match the assumption that these were large open-air structures, still standing in their o ri ginal outdoor loca ti on several centu ri es after they had first been erected. And it is interesting for us to try and visualize not only the individual monuments, but also the general layout ofEkur. It was an open public space much like a square, defined not by houses but rather by a precinct (hence the term "courtyard" used to define it). And it contained not just a single towering monument, but a collec ti on of important, juxtaposed structures. The perceptual image which we may form is thus somewhat similar to that of, say the Capitol in Rome. The very fact that such an assemblage of Old Akkadian monuments had survived as a group into the Old Babylonian period, and very likely m the o riginal emplacement in which they had first been set up, is indicative of their prominence an d overall impact on the viewer. But what can more readily be reconstructed from the scribal anthology as we have it are the individual monuments themselves, an d not so much the larger setting of which they were a pa rt . In return for such a reconstruction we obtain not only the presumed recovery ofa lost archaeological artifact, but also a fuller understanding of the text in its more complex literary structure. What were disparate philological segments acquire a new life as the inscriptional a rt iculation of a larger display. The segments complement each other an d emerge as a unified new whole If the whole is more than the sum of the parts it is because the texts point at each other an d at the representational components of the monuments. In what follows I will take up for special consideration one such monument, 4 which we may call the Battles of Sumer by Rimus. It is composed of nine different insc rip ti ons an d can be reconstructed as a statue of the king standing atop two quadrangular platforms and a rounded base, with a variety of representational elements 4. A fun treatment of the various monuments which can nstructed from the Old Babylonian anthology would requi more space than I have available here. I have prepared a detailed reconstruction of all monuments mentioned in the Old Babylonian anthology as part of an Old Akkadian seminar which 1 have offered from time to time at UCLA. I wish to record here my gratitude to the many students who have participated at various points in this seminar, in particirlar, Daniel Shimabuku assisted m an earlyconection of the representational evidence. I hope to have the oppQtniHit5' to provsele at some pomt the fun rendering of these interpretations, with a more detailed philological dision than is possible here.

59

and, of course, textual portions. As we shall see, it would appear as though even the name of the ancient artist is preserved. I will first present my reconstruction of the monument; then I will describe the inscriptional material; and finally I will draw some conclusions with regard to the fuller historical interpretation which the newly proposed interpretation makes possible. There has been, to my knowledge no attempt in the literature at reconstructing the monuments quite in the same way as I am doing here. The graphic reconstrucdon proposed by Kraus and by Foster for an inscription of Naram-Sins does not properly look at the monument as such, but only at the topographic situation as given in the representation pa rt of the monument. I. THE MONUMENT

The monument, as I understand it, contained nine distinct portions on which inscriptional material was included.° These nine distinct components correspond to what are normally assumed to be, in our text editions, five or s ix different texts. 1 will refer to these nine corrtponents by means of a Rom an numeral, according to a sequence which follows the logical order of the monument as I understand it. Such order is slightly at variance from the sequence which the texts have m the anthology for reasons which I will explain below. For ease of reference, I append here a concordance between the two sequences an d the standard editions. Sequence proposed

Sequence on tablet

FAGS 7

I II III IV (Ur+)

Cl

V (Adab+)

1 II III IV (1.1r+) VIl (Kazallu)

VI (U +) VII (Kazallu) VIII IX

V (Adab+) VI (Umma+ VIII IX

J9tff. bi bi bi bi b3 b4 b5

CI CI C2 C3

C4 C5 C5 C5

b5 b6

Our knowledge of the arrangement of these nine components derives exclusively from very brief scholarly notations which are included in the anthology. These notations are clearly identifiable as such because they are written in Sumerian and because they come at natural breaks in the flow of the Akkadian text. According to the standard style of cuneiform texts, these notations of the text to which they re to the portion appended will review now these colothey are colophons. I i.e. to be germane to the order which I consider phons in the monument, and I will also offer an explanation for be would have copied the ri the manner in which the sc .

6o

GIORGIO BUCCELLATI

insc ri ptions in the particular sequence found in the anthology. Such order is represented graphically in Fig. i which, it must be stressed, is based exclusively on my understanding of the colophons and on no other explicit textual or figurative evidence. My assumption is that a stone statue was placed on top of a double b ri ck platform, which was partly covered by stone plaques and rehefs. The choice of bricks was conditioned by the size of the platform* the lower platform especially would have been too large to allow for it to be made of a single block of stone. The b ri ck platforms would have ensured the permanence in their onginal emplacement as long as they were cared for and maintained, presumably through regular replastering — at least down through the Old Babylonian period when they were still visible for the author(s) of the an thologies to be able to copy them. But the least amount of neglect would have precipitated the collapse of the platforms, and with it the dislocation, if not the ruin of the statue an d plaques. This would explain why it would be very difficult indeed to discover such a monumental setting in its pristine emplacement. Judging from the size of portions of statues which are preserved an d which are essentially life-size, we may surmise that both platforms together may not have exceeded a total height of 1.5 or 2 meters.

I. " Wntten on the upper pedestal, to the front" — The fr ont of the monument is defined as the one towards which the statue is facing. The upper pedestal, presumably at eye level, would provide the most prominent loca ti on for a display inscription And in point of fact, the insc ri ption found here, as we will see momentarily, is a summary of a series of campaigns which are collectively called the Battles of Sumer. H. "On the (footstool] ? — My hypothetical reconstruction of the text at this point presupposes that the next insc ri p ti on is written on a less-visible surface of the monument, i.e. on the upper pa rt of the lower platform, which may have been understood as a footstool (If the statue had been sitting, then the top platform could have literally served as a footstool). It is possible that this surface may have tapered somewhat towards ground level, so that it would have been partly visible to an onlooker standing in front of the monument. However, since the i nscnptional content as we will see, consists of curses against individuals who might remove or appropriate the statue, it would stand to reason that for this particular inscription the main orientation should have been upwards, i.e. in the direction of the divine onlookers who were entrusted with the carrying out of the curses. iII.. " Written on the lower pedestal. Lu-Damu was the engravers — The front face of lower pedestal would be the "

7. This is hypothetical, since the text is largely broken at this point i assume a. reading [GiR 3 .GUB].E.

Through a Tablet Darkly

surface of greatest significance in terms of the monumental impact of the display as a whole: it might stand up to a meter high, and would be most readily identified by any viewer, whether literate or not. Clearly, this was the "p ri me time" equivalent of political propaganda: and it is here that the relief would have shown for all to see the rulers who had just been defeated, led by their very protective deities who had failed to protect them in battle. In spite of the breaks in the text, we can reconstruct, on the basis of the cap ti ons which were written above the individual figures four pairs of god/ruler. Such a row of figures in relief is known from fragments of other monuments which have survived. 9 Ironically, in our case, we seem to have the name of the artist (presumably written in some unobtrusive corner of the same pedestal face) for a work which has not been preserved!

IV. "Inscription written on its left hand side" — This colophon is the least explicit as to loca ti on. From the general logic of the display sequence, I am surmising that it may have been placed on the upper pedestal, the other two sides of which would have been left blank. Since this is the most important of the individual battles making up the overall sequence of the Battles of Sumer (as we shall see later), it may stand to reason that it be given a posi ti on of preeminence next to the summary account (inscription Number I), which is said to have been placed on the front of the upper pedestal. The notation that the insc ri ption is "on its left side" presents a slight problem: I am assuming that what is meant is the left of the monument as one looks at it from the front, but the exact convene may of cou rs e be true. This remains however inconsequential, since the alternative interpretation would simply result in a mirror-image rendering of my overall reconstruction.

V. "Plaque on the lower pedestal, on its left-hand side" VI. "Plaque on the lower pedestal, on its backside" VII. ' Plaque on the lower pedestal, on its right-hand side" These three insc ri p ti ons are symmetrically arranged on the three remaining sides of the lower pedestal. The word which I translate as "plaque" 1O is to be understood,

8. 1 propose to read BUR. at the end of the line. Since the copy (FAGS 7, p. 144) shows a hole in the clay immediately to the right of the sign BUR it may be possible to assume a reading BUR.[GUL] instead, though from the appearance of the copy this is doubtful. 9. A vanquished ruler led by his (personal') god does not seem to be a motif occurring in known early Mesopotamian reiefs. I am assuming here a scene which is otherwise very common in presentation scenes, see for instance E. Strommenger, "Statuemnschnften and ihr Datierungswert," ZA 53 ( 1 959). p. 49, pl. Xla, or D. Collon Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum. Cylinder Seals II: Akkadian, Post Akkadian, Ur III Periods, London 1982, no. 1 59. to. Sumerian MUS, (according to a collation by B. Foster, quoted in FAOS 7, p. zoo), corresponding to Akkadian bünu for which see CAD B 3zo. l^iterally bw,u means "figure 6ce," and then, by extension, "plan, shape (of an object)." ,

I submit, in a specific "archaeological" meaning, namely as a stone slab which coven part, but not all, of the b ri ck structure of which the lower pedestal is made; in other words, a plaque embedded in plaster. In contrast, the word "inscription"" used for N. IV would refer to a face which is completely made of stone. This might also imply that the upper pedestal was a solid block of stone, rather than a core of bricks lined with stone slabs — The reason for the discrepancy between what I perceive to be the logical sequence of the monumental display (V-VIVII) and the sequence as we have it on the Old Babylonian tablet (VII-V-VI) is as follows. As he was copying the insc ri ptions, the sc ribe would have covered first the front (I-II-III), then the secondary face of the top pedestal (IV) at that point he would have moved (perhaps after an interrup ti on?) to the lower pedestal, and would have started somewhat haphazardly from the right (VIIV-VI); finally he would have turned to the statue itself. The logical sequence of the historical events as related in the insc ri p ti ons would seem to require instead the sequence proposed, which might have been less apparent to the sc ri be as he was engaged in the physical labor of copying on clay the text of the stone insc ri ptions

VIII. "The pedestal on which he stands: the fallen ones" 12 We are now moving to the statue itself. As on the front face of the lower pedestal, this is a semiotically rich display surface, if I may say so. Here too we have four pai rs of names, each pair representing one of the four major armies defeated in the overall Battle of Sumer. They are not necessarily the leaders, but presumably the most important individuals that were slain in the field. As in other figura ti ve representations, 3 they were most likely shown in a supine position, going around in a circle. Presumably, the names would not have been readable from the ground, but the main message was conveyed representationally by indicating very concretely the nature of the success achieved in battle. 4 As in other statues, IX.

"Inscription on his side" —

the small inscription with the name of the king would have been placed on his shoulder. This too could not easily have been read by anyone on the ground, but the informational content of the inscription is obviously minimal. As for the more general ques ti on as to who may have in any c as e been privy to the written message, we must obviously think in terms of the broader issue of display insc ri p ti ons as a whole. In a well-known p as sage of the Code of Hammurapi the king urges that the person who feels oppressed should have "the inscribed monument read aloud" to him' 5 : the monument stands II. Sumerian MU.SAR. 12. On the copy given in FAOS 7, p. 144, the reading KLGAL KI.GUB' (instead of KI.GAL KI TA) seems clear. 13. See for example A. Spycket, La statuai re du Proche -Ortent Ancient, Leiden 1981 pl tot. On our monument, the two individuals in each pair may have been shown one on top of the other. 14 See for example Strommenger, op. cit. p. 31. P I. trb•

61

as a visible symbol of the judicial caring of the king, but one which contains at the same time the substance of the judicial verdicts to be issued. Similarly, a political display inscription is a visible symbol of the successes of the ruler (in this case, military successes)* the content, which may be validated upon reading of the text by an expert, would but verify and validate the claim which is otherwise made representationally. It is time, then, that we turn to the specifics of the insc ri ptions as given on our monument. 2. THE INSCRIPTIONS

I will give now a brief review of the inscriptional content of each section, with a translation of some key passages, explaining how they relate to the individual components of the monument as I have just described it Accordingly, I will follow the sequence as outlined above, and in so doing I will emphasize how the various parts of the monument, far from being isolated vignettes, add up to a unified whole which exhibits a perhaps unsuspected unity of literary composition. Fig. 2 reproduces the monument as I have explained it, with an appropriate desc ri ption for each inscriptional component of the monument. Appendix i gives the fu ll text in transc ri p ti on, and Appendix 2 the translation. I. Summary — In capsule form , this provides a synopsis of the whole monument. It begins with an identification of Rimui as king — which parallels insc ri ption N. IX on the shoulder of the statue. This is followed by a brief summary of the major battles waged, with body counts for the overall campaign. A brief sentence refers to the setting up of this monument 16 : this is the only place where such a reference is given. A brief curse formula concludes this section. One point deserves particular mention. I interpret the beginning of the narrative as follows: "He won three battles of Sumer in succession."' 7 .

or, mo re loosely, "He defeated Sumer in three consecutive battles." This requires a few comments. (t) The term translated as "baffle" is a plural, since it agrees with the numeral "three " The text uses a logogram here, followed by the genitive "of Sumer." Either the logogram may be taken or else it is (tabazi), to stand for an Akkadian plural form in case a singular form which, however, as is often the . (2) The term transal ds for a plur an the construct state st the numeral, qualifies adverbially lated "in succession" t8 on similar to that found in "the four rivti with a construc The qualification of a (rapid) suc) er banks together." cession of the three battles is important for a historical evaluation of the events about which I will say more bc-

Through a Tablet Darkly

GIORGIO BUCCELLATI

62

63

Stone Stone Mudbrick

Mudbrick

IX. Insc ription on his side.

IX. The conqueror.

VI. Plaque on back side of lower pedestal. VIII. The pedestal on which he s ta nds, the fallen ones.

VIII. The fallen ones. VI. Umma and Der.

VIL Plaque on the lower pedestal, on its right hand side.

IV. Written on its left hand side Written on the upper pedestal, to the front

^`

IV. Ur and L'agas

it On the footstool.

V. Plaque on the lower pedestal, on its left hand side , li N„ , .. ala

VIL Kazallu

;

11111

.1%

^

lit

\N:

:..

anaaa

aaa

aaa

wawa

am-

i aaaa

(The monuments) which are set up in the iddle of the courtyard, the courtyard of Ekur.

Figure I. Reconstruction of the monument of Rimu.l showing hypothetical placement of tablet colophons.

Figure 2. The Battle of Stoner.

onuncental arrangement of the inscriptions.

GIORGIO BUCCELLATI

64

low. (3) While the text speaks of three battles, there are in fact four major battles all told. However, as we shall see, only three battles take place in the Sumerian south (hence, appropriately, "three" battles of Sumer), while the fourth takes place against Akkadian Kazallu, which is mentioned separately in this first insc ription for reasons which will become clear later. II. The major curses — While each prose section (i.e. e ach section except II, VIII and IX, which only give captions) contains a brief curse formula, this section is e ntirely devoted to a longer curse formula, which mentions explicitly the "statue of Rimus," i.e. the overall monument with its platforms as well as the statue itself As mentioned earlier this particular section may have been facing upwards as it was destined primarily for the III. The enemies — The list of enemies and their gods is partly broken, but from the size of the break an d from the names that are left we may assume that there were four pairs of names, each pair giving the name of the rule r and of the deity; this was placed, as if a caption, next to the representation in relief of the two figures The sequence is as follows: God + governor of Kazallu [God + ruler of Adab or Zabalam] [God] + governor of Umma God + king of Ur

If so, then each of the four pairs would represent one of the four major campaigns to which the monument is dedicated. Since in the figurative sequence the god should appear in fr ont of the respective ruler, and since e n the other hand the sequence as given on the tablet begins with a god it is possible that the row of figures was split in two, so that two pairs faced right, and two pairs faced left, each one progressing therefore towards the center, i.e. toward a point which was dominated above by the towering figure of Rimus. The figurative sequence may therefore be as follows :

Adab/Zabalam

Kazallu

Ur

Uroma

G

G

IV - VI. The three battles of Sumer — Two pairs of cities are mentioned in each of the three inscriptions, using a formulaic and repetitive language. The pairs are: Ur and Lagas, Adab and Zabalam, Umma and Der. There is a geographic rationale about this order, to which we

ead ad matt!, consisting of the preposition ad "until" and the temporal mati which has the value "when, ' but also the value "a1ways" in the form matima. I understand the terminative-adverbial ending -i!, as giving a special lexicalized value to the expression, "until whenever," i.e. 'consecutively , in sequence." I owe the reading matt! though not the interpretation, to some personal notes of U. Gelb. t9. kiémtum arbeurn &tenif e.g. in Sar-kah-s`arti C1 10-12.

Through a Tablet Darkly

shall revert later. In N. IV the standard editions reconstruct in a break (C2 7) the name of Umma as the second city next to Ur, but there is no reason for this. The logic of the monumental sequence suggests that the name of Lagas has to be reconstructed here. VII. The battle of Kazallu — The battle of Kazallu stands apart in that the city is mentioned by itself rather than as pa rt of a pair What is also significant is that the governor of the city bean an Akkadian name, and that the city is located at some remove north of the other Sumerian cities, and much closer to the presumed location of the capital city of Rimus All of this is explained in the summary inscription (N.I), where it is said that Kazallu was in revolt as Rimus was winding his way back from Ur and Lagas by way of the other Sumerian cities: it was, in other words, a rebellious Akkadian city, of which the king took care after dealing with the Sumerian enemy. VIII. The fallen ones — The most prestigious enemies that had fallen in battle are shown in a supine position immediately below the king's feet, and their respec ti ve names are given as captions wntten on the silhouette of their prostrate bodies They are also given in pain: the second, third, and fourth pair are accompanied by the name of a city, but not the first one, as follows: Zabalam Der LAO

governor's brother governor governor governor

There is one problem for which I have no adequate solution, namely the discrepancy in detail among the various body counts given in the different insc ri pti ons. This problem, however, is not a function of the interpretation I am offering here, so it does not militate against it: there are discrepancies even within the same summary insc rip ti on given as N. I. It may be that further

I

total for Sumer as computed (4 1 ,784) plus Kazallu ( 1 7,914)

59,698

IV+V+VI

grand total for three individual Sumerian campaigns

5 9, 8 94

his minister his minister his high minister his general

Zabalam, Der and Lagas each corresponds to one of the three major campaigns of Sumer. For the first pair, for which no city is mentioned, two alterna ti ves may be suggested The missing city may be Kazallu, which is the fourth major campaign to which the monument is dedicated. It seems strange, however, that the name of the city should be omitted, an d that the leading figure should be identified as the brother of the governor, implying that the pertinent governor is already known. It seems more likely, therefore, that the person mentioned is the brother of the governor of Lagas. It is true that Lagas is mentioned last in this sequence, but since it is very likely that the row of fallen figures is placed in a circle on the outside face of a round base, the first an d the last would in fact match. In other words, the "brother of the governor ' would in fact appear immediately to the nght of the governor of Lagas", and thus the relationship would be clearly established. IX The conqueror — The final text is the caption placed on the shoulder of the statue which identifies the conqueror of all battles towering above his enemies and standing as guarantor of the truth of the statements contained in the insc ri ptions written throughout the monument.

65

collations will clarify this issue, or that there were mistakes made by the Old Babylonian copyist, or that there was some confusion in the o ri ginal figures. I cannot discuss this issue in any detail, but it is interesting to point out at least the following correlations: The curious correlations among divergent ways of arriving at similar total figures when starting from different

I

I grand total as given by sc ribe in summary

total for Sumer

54,106

53, 8 3 6

I

VII

Kazallu

Kazallu

17,9 1 4

17,916

as computed (4 1 ,784) plus Kazallu dead (12,052)

3. THE EVENTS

body counts might suggest that there was some confusion in the o ri ginal tallies resulting from the campaigns. But such a confusion might militate in favor of considering the informa ti on as relatively accurate within an order of magnitude, precisely on account of its slight discrepancies: if these were purely imaginary figures, they would presumably have been even figures which would have easily been kept the same across the board. At any rate, the desc ri p ti on which emerges for the overall conduct of the war appears to be quite historical in nature, partly because of how unexpected some of the details are. The best way to visualize this is to look at a map (Fig. 3). Leaving from a point in the north, wherever the capital of Akkad may have been located, Rimus bypassed all of the Sumerian cities and went straight for Ur, the southernmost city, which was probably the leading and unifying power behind the enemy forces. He also bypassed Kazallu, which is described in the text as "being in revolt," 2 O not as ' having started a revolt" (following the departure of the king for the South). The implicanon may be on the one hand that Rimus exposed his flank by overreaching all intermediary stages and aiming directly for the farthest target, but on the other hand t hat 20. The Akkadian uses the the preterite, ikkir

(Cr 47). not

he took possibly by surprise the city of Ur, which would presumably not have expected such a swift action. (In some way, this appears to be a mirror image of the strategy followed by the allied forces during the Gulf war.) Assuming that the proposed sequence of the inscripdons corresponds to the sequence of the events, it would appear that Rimus' would have continued the war going north from Or and choosing his engagements in a so rt of irregular spiral. It would appear as though the Sumerian cities joined forces in pain which corresponded to discrete regions: Ur an d Lagas in the south, Adab and. Zabalam slightly to the northeast, Der an d Umma in the south-central region, an d finally the single city of Kazallu in the north, dangerously close to his own capital. Kaza"Akkadian" city in the specific sense that k does an llu is not belong to "Sumer": its governor, with an Akkadian name, is a governor close to the Akkadian dynasty, appointed directly by it. It h interesting to observe the geographical awareness that the insc ri ptions of the Old Akkadian kings reveal. Sumer is viewed in the Rimus monument as a distinct region, from which Kazallu is clearly perceived to be altogether separate. The other monuments of the Akkadian kings, partly preserved in the Old Babylonian copies, afford a glimpse into the wider horizons which their expan ing geographical percepaon Wes incorporating. While I cannot delve here into the details of these other

66

Through a Tablet Darkly

GIORGIO BUCCELLATI

67

ÏXRTU

Ç

the "countries upstream"

al %

BASAR Itinerary of Naram-Sin. "forehead of the Euphrates"

the `four river banks"

Figure 3. Proposed sequence of events for Rimut' battle of Sumer (2315 B.C. )

monuments, I will conclude by referring briefly to some aspects of this development. The map on Fig. 4 combines two specific dimensions of this perceptual atlas of early Mesopotamia. The very concept of Mesopotamia takes shape at this point in time. It is not the perception incorporated in the Aramaic/Greek term of "Mesopotamia" or the Arabic term of jezira, which reflect an almost cartographic view of the rivers as encasing an "island" in their 'middle." It is a more concrete perception from within, as it were, according to which the "four ri ver banks" shown with shading in the map on Fig 4 are what we call Mesopotamia. 21 Thus when Sar-kali-sarri, for instance says that 2a the "four ri ver banks revolted against him,' he indiat. For mo re details on this, as well as on the whole concept

cates all of Mesopotamia (not the "four quarters of the world, which would have been an excessive hyperbole even for this type of political literature) as a comprehensive ter ri to ri al unit, of which the Sumer of Rimus is only a part. The perceptual dimension of the rivers is also apparent in other terms which begin to appear at this time. The collection of insc ri ptions of Naram-Sin recently published by Foster23 presents us with military campaigns to the north an d the west In the reconstruction of the itinerary as shown on Fig. 4, Naram-Sin goes along the Tigris to the regions "upstream,"^ 4 i.e. the Khabur plains which are at the headwaters of the various rivers an d streams comprising the Khabur triangle. From there he goes to Subartu, which is the upper pan of the Tigris basin, where the ri ver is still channeled through a

of perceptual geography, see G. Buccellan, "'River Bank', 'High Country and 'Pasture Land' The Growth of Nomadism on the Middle Euphrates and the Klubur," in S. Eichler, M. Wäeer, D. Warburton (eds.). Tell alHamidiyah 2, Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, pp. 87-117. as. See above, footnote 19.

23 B. Foster, "Naram-Sin in Manes and Magan," Annual R imew of tlse Roy al fnscriptionr of Mesopotamia Protect 8 (î 990), pp. 25-4424. Referred to by the Akkadian term abitum (Foster, op p. 25,i 3); on this too see Buccellati, op. dt., pp. 96-98.

Figure 4. Geographical perception of early Mesopotamia.

mountain valley. Coming southwest across the Sinjar, he faces the "forehead of the Euphrates,"^ 5 i.e. the steep escarpment which delimits the edge of the valley trough cut by the Euphrates along its middle cou rs e. From there, he went across the western steppe, away now from the ri ver banks, towards the r an ge of the Bishri in the di re ction of Palmyra. To the many innovations of the Akkadian period, so dynamic within the overall cultural development of ancient Mesopotamia, we can also add now the introduc25• Akkadian ana pati Purattim (foster, op. cit., p. 27, n 13)• My interpretation "escarpment (of the z&)" fits well both the perceptual Impression that the escarpment makes on anyhody coming from the steppe, and with the general geographical situa ti on of the itinerary. Thu is abo true for the occurrence of the same term in another inscnpnon of Naram-Sin (FAOS 7. Narun-Sin CS 421) Foster's sue` won (p. 36) that the expression may refer to Sippar seems less Plausible to me on both grounds

environof new perceptions of the geo-polipca! fion ment, and, more importantly, the establishment of major permanent monuments to commemorate their accomplishments, on a scale perhaps unknown in previous times. If the ravages of time came to have at sonic point the upper hand on their physical permanence, their intellectual survival was guaranteed by those early Mesopotamian Assyriologists who, like us, treasured the past 26 as a safeguard for the future.

r the profo 2, I am grateful to my student Dana M. Rennes fessioosl rendenng of the figures.

GIORGIO BUCCELLATI

68

Through a Tablet Darkly

APPENDIX i Synopsis of Rimush Ci -i (left po rt ion)

I i (Cl)

I (Cl)

Iii (Cl)

IV (C2)

APPENDIX I Synopsis of Rimush CI-S (right po rtion

V (C3)

VI (C4)

Invocation RimuS far killatim

Rimul far killatim Rimul far killatim in iilbazim Urim u gagaflinu Kazallu en'ar in tdhaz Kazallu dar u 8040 eilatim ulamgit. 12052 eflatitn ulamgi4 5864 asir&tim ikmi, 5460 axis. ' ünt ikini. uAlarit4 illiakK, UKaki, far Urim ikmi. ikm il Udüaânilu :rabbit. UKuuPid iladlt Lugal iloni u dlanifuni en'ar u divdniluni u'abbit u in tldniluni ula iamma ana kardlim ilkun.

Tdliaz Eumerim ad midis 3 if'ar 11322 glutim ulamgi4 2520 eitiairn ikmi. UKaku far Urim ikmi u ilJu^k/ri-Ju. U rarablunit adima ti'amtim lapiltim t

4100 liairrl in dldni Sumerim u fri um-ma ana kardlim Wain. U dldniIuna en'ar u dioànilun6 u'abbit UUion ina ta'drifu Kazaltu nakirma en 'as; ina garbi mat Kn'allu 12052 gtatim ulamgi4 5862 dsiriaim £bni UAfarid iIJiak K, ibni u duMu u'abbir Napluv 54014 adi migittim, adi asirraim adi cilia tin fat ana karaJim ifkunni (Jarrànu n lu surra(mmaJ! gamal u Aba iun• let surratim, la kind-mai

Rimul Jar kiliatins in ta(lazim Adab u Zabatam iPar u15718c airn ufamgit 14576 astrutun ikmi. U Meskigalla, iJliakAdab, ULugalgalzu, if flak Zabalam, ikmi. AlaniUuni en'ar [u diianiluni u'abbit U âldniluniJ ulit}iam-ma anakariilim ilkun.

The !nu ràhazim fua memorial $alamfu ibni-ma monument ana Entil sdlimilu igif. Curses

Sa prppam lua ulazzakuni Entil u Écimai ilidfu listuha u zerfu liqutti.

VIII (C5)

Mannama fum RimuS far kt.ffati"

S`a tuppam lua

ulannakuni Enlil u .`amaf ifidlu linutld u zerfu lilquta.

ulazzakuig `al ,fatant Rimuf funda ifakkanu-ma "$almi-me" igabbiu, Enlil be'al ia/mi fua u gamaf ifidfu Gssutud u zerfu litq^^rd mdra

ga fuppam lua ulaaakuni, Entil u . amaf if -uilu lissului u zerlu lilqutd

Ssa n ippant lao

ulnnn,lami Enlil u gamed (ifidlu li ssut^äJ u zerlu lilqutd.

Occasion

Riirnul Jar killatim ni Enlil matira la iddilfum.

Rimul Jar killarim ina tdhazim Umma u Der it'ar u 8960 ellatirn ulatngit. 3540 osiratim [ikmi)

1."J

Uajl ilfïak Umma data u Lugal-K4 UFtakDer aura u itldniluni en'ar u dirdnduni u'abbit u Ma dldniluni 3600 etliaim ul6,ciam-ma ana karnllitn ilkun.

The memorial monument Curses

Ta pippam tua ufazzakum Enlil u gam& ilidlu lissuCä u zerfu !iqutd.

matrif

(DNJ ilia ma(rifu. Alar& ifEak Kazallu. [ca. 3 missing) Be(.. J drak Umma u.ME dlik ma(rifu Kakis Jar Urim.

Captiom

Colophon

SISAL Aix

IX (C5)

Invocation

surranima larnaam Enlil iddinuJuni! Occasion

VI (C5)

10.GAL 10-TA BUR Lu-Damu

Captions

MUSAR GUB j NISE3 A.A8SAR

GAL KLT

MU33 KLGAL KITA

Ir 2WANA

EGI

Colophon

Mu ta GUB3 BU

q.GAL 10-GUB 1

Through a Tablet Darkly

GIORGiO BUCCELLATI

70

Section IV

(Conquest of Ur and Lagash, text similar to that of Section I)

Reference to monument

INSCRIPTION WRI 1

Section VII

(Conquest of Kazallu; text similar to that of Section I)

Reference to monument

PLAQUE ON THE LOWER PEDESTAL,TO ITS RiGHT-HAND SIDE

Section V

(Conquest of Adab an d Zabalam, text similar to that of Section I)

Reference to monument

PLAQUE ON THE LOWER PEDESTAL, TO ITS BACK SIDE

Section VI

(Conquest of Umma an d Der; text similar to that of Section I)

Reference to monument

PLAQUE ON THE LOWER PEDESTAL, TO ITS LEFT SIDE

Section VIII Captions on figures

Zinuba, brother of the governor; Ashar-mubi, his vizier Lugal-galzu, governor of Zabalam, Ur-Sin, his vizier Lugal-KA governor of Der, GIS-SA, his grand vizier, Kitnu'1d, governor of Lagash Irbada, his general.

Reference to monument

THE PEDESTAL ON WHICH HE STANDS, THE FALLEN ONES

At the time of this campaign, he set up his statue an d dedicated it to Enlil, his helper.

Section IX

Rimush, king of Kish, to whom Enlil gave no ri val.

Curses

Whoever should abrade this insc ri p ti on, let Enlil and Shamash tear out his genitals an d drain out his semen.

Reference to monument

INSCRIPTION ON HIS SIDE

Reference to monument

WRITTEN ON THE UPPER PEDESTAL, TO THE FRONT

Section II Curses

Whosoever should deface the statue of Rimush and put his name on it an d say "h is my statue," let Enlil, the lord of this statue, an d Shamash tear out his genitals and drain out his semen, let them not give him any heir let him be unable to stand in front of his god.

Reference to monument

ON THE [FOOTSTOOL]

APPENDIX 2 Translation of Rimush CI-5 Section I

Invocation Conquest of Ur and Kazallu, with body counts

Rimush, king of Kish by god, if it isn't Enlil who bestowed kingship on him! He won three battles of Sumer in succession in which he struck down 11,322 men an d bound 2,52o men in fetters. He bound in fetters Kaku, king of Ur, and his governors. He forcibly seized the tribute (as due) as far south as the lower sea, he removed 14,100 men from the cities of Sumer and slaughtered/interned(?) them, then he occupied their cities an d tore down their walls. Afterwards, on his way back, he occupied Kazallu which was up in arms against him, within its temtory he struck down 12,052 men and bound 5,862 prisoners in fetters; Ashared, governor of Kazallu, he bound in fetters an d he tore down the city's walls. The total is of 54,016 men, including those fallen in battle, those bound in fetters, an d those slaughtered/interned(?). By g[od], if this wasn't the campaign! (?) By Shamash and Aba I swear that these are no lies, but that it is all true.

The memorial monument

Section ID Cap ti ons

Reference to monument

I the god who goes in fr ont of him

hared, governor of Kazallu [DN, the god who goes in fro nt of him.] [PN, governor of Adab(?). DN, the god who goes in front of him.] E.. ] governor of Umma. U.MES the god who goes in front of him; Kakug, the king of Ur. WRITTEN ON THE LOWER PEDESTAL; LU-DAHU WAS THE ENGRAVER

E TO ITS LEFT-HAND SIDE

71

On Mesopotamian Jails and Their Lady Warden

ON MESOPOTAMIAN JAILS AND THEIR LADY WARDEN Miguel Civil

The Oriental Institute can be said about the date of composition of this text is that it already was in existence — like almost all Sumerian literary productions — in the first half of the 18th century B.C. The text abounds in literary devices, but has no discernible poetic patterns. The disorganized s tyle and confusing images may perhaps be attnbuted to the straits the author found himself in at the time he cornposed the text.

This study attempts to clarify the general meaning and some points of detail of the composition é u 4 bus anki, published under the tide "Nungal in the Ekur" by Â.W. Sjöberg in 1973. 1 It is dedicated to my colleague W.W. Hallo who years ago devoted his a tt ention to a lexical point — not unrelated to the present notes — of the composition.' Most of the improvements proposed here stem from a reexamination of Sumerian terms designating jails and capital offenses. Others are due to the n ormal progress of Sumenan studies during the intervening years between the fundamental edition of Sjöberg's and the present time The interpretation proposed here is based on the following premises: (i) é-kur means 'prison , and so does é-és', and (2) NIR-da means `capital offense' and, by extension, 'capital punishment'. The justification for these statements will be found in sections 2 and 3 respectively. E

The opening lines (1-26) describe — with the help of rather baroque, mixed metaphors — the p ri son itself, stressing (see 2.1) the solidity of the building and of its doors, as well as its capabilities for the capture and restraint of enemies and criminals. Next, the Lady in charge is briefly introduced (27-33) and the transpo rt and jailing of the accused is described in some detail (34 - 57) The t ri al and the sentencing, a public affair with ai rs of a fes ti val, and the subsequent imprisonment start with line 58 and continue until line 116; this section takes one-half of the text length and constitutes the heart of the cornposition. After line 62 the desc ri p ti on comes from Nungal's own mouth an d is embedded in a self-praise of the goddess, introduced with the traditional formulas. Lines 117-121 are a bnef closing doxology. To keep this article within reasonable limits, only a transla ti on of the crucial passages will be given here. 1.2.

THE NUNGAL HYMN

1. 1. The author of the Nungal text appears to have been, in all likelihood, a sc ri be who found himself accused of a capital offense. Before his sentencing, and in the hope of being given a jail sentence instead of being e xecuted, he sings the praises of Nungal, the divine Warden, of her prison, and of its rehabilitating effects. He is not the only sc ri be known to have faced the rigors o f incarceration Centuries later, Ribi-Dagan, an Emar scribe, tells us that he spent his time while he was "in chains" writing a tablet with the Sa Vocabulary. 3 Whate ver may have been the fate of our anonymous scnbe, his brief poem became one of the "classics" of the Nippur literary cur ri culum and has been preserved in some fifty-four tablets and fragments. The only thing which

3. Translation 27 Nungal, its (of the p ri son) Lady, a powerful goddess whose aura coven heaven and earth takes a seat on its great august dais, she resides in the precinct of the House, she rules the land, 3o looks at the king in the middle of the council. She secures the 'beam" over her enemies, her vigilance never ends Great House, trap laying in wait for the enemy, (but) giving good advice to the land. Fearsome waves, onrush of a flood that overflows the ri ver banks

AtO 24 (1973) t9ff.: additional material in JCS 29 ( 1 977) ext used here is a complete revision prepared in the Oriental the hypertext corpus of Sumerian litenry texts (file NU.HW3). Studies on the Nungal text: T.S. Frymer, JESHO 20 (1977) 78ff.; G. Komoréxzy, .9da Antigua 23 975) 1 53ff z. JCS 3t (1979) 161ff. 3. M. Civil, AuOr 7/1 (i9 8 9) 7. (

1

.

72

When an individual is brought in, he cannot resist her aura. 35 The gods of the universe have to bow down towards the t ri bunal. The Lady-of-the-Great-House sits down, high on the lapis lazuli dais. She keeps her eyes on judgments an d decisions, she knows true from false. For her, they throw over the land her casting net of cleverly woven mesh; the evildoer who does not follow her path does not escape its reach. 4o The gate of the great House is an angry storm, a flood which reaches everybody, when a man of whom his god disapproves reaches it (the gate), he is delivered to the august hands of Nungal, the warden of the p ri son; this man is held by a painful g ri p, like a wild ox with spread forelegs. She makes him go to the house of sorrow, 45 she blindfolds him, she walks him in darkness, he forgets his way, is caught in a wide street. His acquaintances do not address him, they keep away (from him). No powerful one knows (how to say) "open up this door!," incanta ti ons for it are ineffective (This door) opens over a city in ruins, its layout destroyed 5o The men in there, like sparrows held by the talons of the big owl, look towards the opening like to the rising sun. Brother counts for brother the days of misfortune, (but) their calculations get utterly confused. A man does not recognize his fellow men, they have become strangers. A man does not return the password of his fellow men, their looks are so changed 55 The interior of the House gives rise to weeping, laments, and c ri es. Its b ri ck walls crush the evil ones, but give birth to honest men. The angry hearts spend there the days in weeping an d laments When the time (for the t ri al) has come, the Prison is made up as for a pub li c fes ti val. The gods are present at the place of interrogation, at the River Ordeal, 6o separating the honest from the evildoer, it gives birth to a just one. She clamps down on her enemy, he does not escape her reach. At that moment, the Lady praises herself, 63 the powerful goddess, holy Nungal, congntulates herself

73

75 "Pity an d compassion are mine, I put pressure on no one. I keep the black-headed people under my sight, they are under su rv eillance. I hold in my hands the tablets of life, I write down the honest ones No evildoer escapes my reach, I know about his actions. All countries look towards me, as to their own mother-goddess. 8o I temper severe punishments, i am a compassionate mother. I cool down the angriest hearts, pouring (on them) cool water. I calm down the wounded hearts, I snatch men from the jaws of destruction. i built my House on compassion, I am a life giving lady. Its shadow is like an oak forest growing on a clean place, 85 Birtum, my husband, the very strong one, takes a seat there with me He sits down on the great august dais, gives important orders. The spi rits of my House, the angels of beautiful eyes, urge the men (to come). My head superintendent, igalimma, is the "be of my hand. He has been promoted caretaker of my House they urge the men (to come). no My messenger does not forget anything, he is the pride of the palace. In the city named after/by Enlil, i know true from false. Ninharrana brings the news, they are put before me. My chief barber se ts my litter in the awesome House Nezilla organizes the joyous occasion. 95 When the individual has been brought to the House, the man is accused ofa capital offense; My chief prosecutor, Ninmug, extends his arm (in accusation). The man receives the death se nte nce, (but) he is not executed. This man (instead) is snatched from the jaws of destruction , brought into my "House of Life" (and) kept under .

too No one wears clean clothes in my dusty House. My House falls like some drunkard, upon the man. He is listening for snakes and scorpions of the House My House gives birth to a dust the liar.

74

On Mesopotamian Jails and Their Lady Warden

MiGUEL CIVIL

I filled its b ri ck walk, (which are like?) a womb, with tears, (but) I (also) built it with compassion. loy i soothe this man's heart, i cool him down. Once I have appeased for him his god's heart, burnished (this man) like precious metal, made him shine from among the dust, washed out the dirt, like the best metal applied to a holy body, I retum him to the good hands of his god, 110 so that this man 's god be praised forever, so that this m an may prise me (and) tell about my greatness." 1.4. Commentary' "Beam ' translates &drab, Akk. rappu, a literary term refemng to some kind of restraining device used to control or curb (iu-n = lâ{u A). Since GIS.RAB GAL, and possibly GIS.RAB, have a reading /guiur/ (like gist-ùr) one can imagine some so rt of heavy log or pole that immobilized the miscreants attached to it. 32 The transition from the trap metaphor to na-de s is somewhat surprising. This term has three meanings• (t) 'to purify' (e1ûIu), (a) 'to advise' (aiani), an d (3) `to fell trees' (magctu, or the like). The second meaning seems to be indicated here: the danger of being caught by the trap makes people alert to their ways. 34. The accused man is also called sag in line 95. 35. 'Have to' renders the verbal infix styG^tieally associated with some verbs, one of them gam/gûr. 38. Because of the infix -na-, one has to assume either an indeterminate 3rd person agent or that -na- can have a reflexive meaning when it refers to the agent ('for herself') 43 , ssu-si-d re mains obscure but it must describe way of immobilizing the forelegs(?) of a wild aniperhaps 'forcibly spread ? The second pa rt is ambiguous; the varian t sâ-sùes a transla ti on 'walks hungry', while sa-sig-ga probably means 'walks (as) in a dark, narrow place'. References for in TCS 3 7of. 46. The second clause must mean that, blindfolded, he geu lost even in a broad street; the precise translation of Ku/dab s is not clear. 48. The translation takes nig-gig 'sick' in the sense of 'weak'. . 49. if one could open the door one would see inside only ruins; strange image. comparing the insides of the jail to an outside landscape.

59. It is not clear whether the t ri al is metaphorically compared to a River Ordeal, or an ordeal effectively takes place. as recognized by Sjöberg; unuhu, 4 = Here u1 75 however, I prefer the meaning 'to harass, to put pressure on', derived from to hurry' (trans.), in agreement with the regular meaning of arabu A. The parallelism with hulub does not contradict this nu an ce. Here because of the presence of -d-, perhaps one should translate "I do not need to hurry anyone. ' See also line 87. 84. This is an example of the equative construc ti ons which have the postposi ti on after the subject/agent rather than after the predicate. Here the implication seems to be that the t ri al takes place outdoors, next to the prison, in a pleasantly shaded spot. All this, furthermore, is next to the royal palace (line 95), an d speaks for jails being an annex of the palace, rather than of a temple. 9o. Seven or eight messengers (kin-gi r a, instead of ra-gaba) of Nungal are listed in An = anum (CT 25 4:15ff.; CT 24 35:22ff.), all with names of instruments of restraint or torture; the last is 'sleeplessness' (dù-nu-ku). 91. Is this a way to men ti on Nippur? 92. it is doubtful that Nin-bar-ra-an-na, the maskim sag of Nungal, should be identified with Pabilsag (var. of CT 24 47:32, against CT 25 4:9); I think that ML is just a mistake for DU-srae.fieig. 94• dNE-zi-il-la is the herald (nimgir) of Nungal in CT 25 4 23, where the name is written dein en-rziP-lâl (tablet, or copy?, PA). There is a deity dNE-zil-15 in an astrological context in 5R 46 9, most likely the same. The alternation NE : en recommends the reading en-zi-il. A single source (K) has nig-kal(?) something difficult/precious' before s"à otherwise the object of si-sa has to be s"à-bù1-ia, referring to the t ri al (called `festival' in line 58). 96 Nin-dimgul, `Lady/Lord-Mooring-Pole', is the sukkal of Nungal in An = anum (CT 25 4:8). The duties of the gal s -li, an officer of the cou rt , are unknown, but he had an odious reputation - like the masicim - as shown, e.g., by the manna an d Dumuzi literature. 'Prosecutor' is a provisional transla ti on that seems to fit the context and the reputation of the office. The term is common until Ur III times, when it becomes quite rare. It may very well be identical to Akk. kalla, 'messenger' or the like. The term is unknown in OB (except Ma ri ) and attested from MB on 97. This is a crucial line for the interpretation of Nit-da; see section 2. The expression ka NIR-da should mean 'death sentence'; cf tidi ina pi lerti pans babâla "you know how to pardon in case of a death sentence" (Lambert, AID 19 [ 1 959/6o] 56:13, 15). -

,

104. The third sign of the line is presented only in source I, where it is unmistakably GAxSAL, not itima (GAxM9); see photo in MO 24 ( 1 973) 21 . 109. Stock phrase to indicate, in incantations, the fu ll recovery of physical or "moral" health; for parallels, see A. Falkenstein Haupttypen 65.

2. ON SOME SUMERIAN TERMS FOR JAIL

é-kur

2.1.

It is generally assumed that the é-kur mentioned in the Nungal hymn is the Ekur temple of Enlil in Nippur. The tide of Sjöberg's edition (Nungal in the Ekur [emphasis mine]) and statements by commentators of the text, such as "the Ekur complex in Nippur sewed such a function [sc. of pnson]", or "das Ekur [of the text] ist das Heiligtum Enlils in Nippur,' 5 leave no doubt about it. Frymer, noticing the pnson function, assumed thus that there was a jail in the Ekur. Already Sjöberg (p. 24) sensed the existence of the problem, without directly addressing it. One can prove I believe, that this é-kur has nothing in common, besides homonymy, with Enlil's sanctuary. There is, in the first place, the equation é-kur-ra = stbittu 'prison'. 6 It is found in a late prayer, but there is no serious reason to doubt its correctness. An examination of the description of the e-kur in the Nungal text (lines 1-26) shows that it is radically different from any desc ripti on of Enlil's Ekur (e.g., Temple Hymns 25-38, or the text é gal kur-ra-àm gal [Kramer RSO 32 (19S7) 95ff]). There is no men ti on of Enlil or Ninlil nor of any known architectural pa rt of the Ekur, or of the religious role of Enlil's sanctuary. 7 The epitheta and explanatory terms that accompany é-kur, such as é-éi, en-nu-un, é Nit-da (see below), point to something quite different from the great sanctuary. The main motifs of the description are: (a) capture and restrain (traps, nets); (b) solidity of doors and locks; (c) darkness and terror; and (d) separation of good and evil Finally, in the two passages where é-kur is found in the Nungal text (lines 2 and I i5) it is explained by é-ég, a term for prison (see 2.2). A meaning 'prison' for é-kur is thus the most natural in the Nungal text. é-H

2.2.

This term appears also in Nungal, line 2, but was omitted in Sjöberg's critical text, despite being - with a single excep ti on - in all manuscripts. It reappears in line 115. In both inst an ces it follows é-kur, as an epitheton P Steinkeller has in press an article proving that ééi means 'jail', based on UruKAgina 4 xi 20-29 = 5 xii 13-22 and on several Pre-Sargonic an d Sargonic passag8

T.S. Frymer, JESHO 20 ( 1 977) 7 8 and G. Koinoeétzy, Acta Antiqua 23 ( 1 975) 159, respectively. 6. S.M. Maul Herzbenshigungsklagon no. 57 r. 6, with comments p. 266; Maul considers the term a designation for the Netherworld. 7. The mention of Enlil as name-giver, or namesake, of the "town" (line 91) does not refer in any way to the é-kur = jail. 8. Steinkel er kindly communicated to me proofs of his article; since his conclusions are identical to, but better supported than mine there is here neither need nor space to repeat hu arguments. See also B. Alster and C.B.F. Walker in Sjöberg Vol. 9f. 5.

75

2.3. en-nu-un (and va riants) The use of this word to designate 'imprisonment' is well-known in Ur III and Sargonic texts. Already Th Fish, JRAS ( 1 939) 29ff., collected sufficient passages proving this meaning. More recent studies, however, e.g., J.-P. Grégoire, AAS (197o) 33ff., seem reluctant to accept this meaning. The word en-nu-un has three semantically related meanings: (i) `watch, guard'; (2) ' watch' (as a division of night time); an d (3) 'imprisonment' and, when designating a place, `prison'. An examination of the administrative texts where this word appears shows that although meaning i is known in Ur III texts, meaning 3 is more frequent. Whenever en-nuun is used in the locative with the verbs ti-(I) or tai, or the subject is qualified of lù-dab s -ba, an d in most instances of the construction s"à en-nu-un-ga-(me), the meaning is undoubtedly 'detention' or jail . Often, the reason for the imprisonment is given: theft (NATN 32), desertion (TENS 259, TJAMC pl. 57 [OS 40]), or the duration of the detention is specified (from 7 to 450 days are attested) There are inst an ces of "forced labor at times when there is a pressing need for manpower harvest (TENS 419) an d flood season (TENS 196:5ff., STA 2 iv 3o0. 9

There are other terms which, one way or another, mean `prison', or are desc ri ptive epitheta of 'prison'. They will not be discussed here, but note in the Nungal io text: é NiR-da a a-sir-ra, e-gas-la, etc. 2.4.

3. NiR-DA 'CAPITAL OFFENSE' 3.1. Form and etymology

The origin of the word NiR-da is not clear. The Emesal form is ie-er-da or ièr-da in Post-OB texts (see 3.2.4 for references). The Akkadian transla ti on is consistently tins. Assuming that NIR-da is an early loanword from .•tu, one would expect a main dialect form ier Ida, thus identical with the Emesal one. The writings with k-er- and ièr- would be in this case a kind of hypercorrection. However, there is no proof for a main dialect S other than the assumption of a loanword. The presumed existence of an Akkadian nerda, loanword from Sum. *nee-da, hardly proves anything since this word should, in my opinion, be eliminated from the dietionaries: it is nothing but the logogram NIR..DA with an extra A (compare the writing in [3 6]). More appropriate would be to assume that *ntr-da comes from Akk. rEmu. But this would require a semantic shift from murder, as a crime, to legal execution Furthermore there is no basis 9. The tontbuiorn accepted here are given in detail in a recent term gratefully aoknowwkalg+ed here. to. See, for insane, W.W. Hallo's note on é gu-b. `big home 16tß A orararu which colloquial trim for prison Gktrau nsncnces - is é- rus -ra. '

..

.

On Mesopotamian Jails and Their Lady Warden

MIGUEL CIVIL

76

in the lexical tradition for this hypothesis. Note, however, that such shifts are known in the earliest lexical texts.'` The meaning 'capital offense' has thus to be inferred from contextual evidence.

Follow the main passages with this word, with the translations suggested by the new proposed meaning. Pre-Ur III gig-3tt mu-due gis-gir mu-zi û-gur 5 mu-gar inimdug4 -ga bi-gi 4 MR-da c-ba im-ma-an-gi 4 '(Gudea) opened manacles, removed fetters, established . , legal complaints were rejected; he locked up (the ones guilty of) capital offenses' (instead of executing them) Gudea Cyl. A xi' 24ff. ts 3.2.2.

Ur Ill

[2.1] u 4 ba-zàb-dè -na -gi NIR -da bé-a bi-in-dug4 "he declared: '11 I were to desert (again), let it be a capital offense"' (BE 3 1:5f (guarantee document)). [2.2] tukum-b1 nu -3g NIR -da lugal-a -mu in- na -dug4 "he declared to him: 'if I do not pay back, it will be my capital offense against the king' (NATN 366:3ff.). u4 kin-a -na a-ba -na-da NIR be-a "If he abandons (da = tak 4) his duties it will be a capital offense" (YOS 4 14:3ff.). ]

,

tukum-bi di bi-in-dug4 mit-da i-me-a 'if the case goes to cou rt , it will be a capital offense" (JCS 12 io6 = WMAH iff.). (2.4]

ed.. &Iinguirmo a Ebk 86ff. (polite) 'to slaughter' in

ry (MEE 4 295:852), with a loanword from Semitic A proposed ne-ra-ak to murder' (Or 54 [19851 a8 n' 9') is aI1 l ikelihood wrong. Rare occurrences of this teen in Ur 111 docunwnta suggest that tic-n-(as')-4k is simply a variant writing of nam-ra-(tai) ale. Compare, for instance, 3o genii ..• tie-n-a3le` ak hu-hu-nu-ri igriu Router 15 r:18fi. (= JAOS 33 11912] 300)), and 1 lo xa gi si -dug4 gemé ne -n-ale -ne (Charpin and Durand Stras bowrg 52: t IT). with occurrences of nam-n-ale followed by a toponym (e.g. , TrD 86.15, TCL a 54 8 5. 55454. etc), and with 3à-grtl gercé rum-ra-ale (Nikolski 2329 iv 6) or gercé nam-n-ak-me (TUT 159 v 7". . respectively. In any case, the Ur III p as sages exclude a meaning to kill'. 1a. The is rsasonably clear within a context of amnesty (to provide manpower for the building of the temple) and suspension ofJudicial activities, 1 assume that in gii gir the second sign sands for gir 'foot'. A translation "he pulled out the camel thorn" does not fit the context. except perhaps in a metaphonc, unparalleled way. 1 prefer r see here a scnbal ' n * de signet. ' The scribe then would have ucd

in the nme vein with the puzzling ii-gur. A translation

_a the

s" (S1dberg TOE 3. 1 33) n grammatically and conbk. Perhaps one could read bu, -gtrr artd aniline rate solution, but npare sig-erim e St. B vii 36)• Th e meaning of he suspended capital punish-

[2.5] PN i dam-gir-ra dumu PN 2 PN3 in-ni-Rl-a-sè ba-bul NIR-da-as 'PN 3 had caused harm to the merchan t PN I , son of PN 2 , by (or: 'up to') ... (enough) to (constitute) a capital offense ' (MVN 3 342). [2.6] PN sabra-ni ensi-ke 4 NIR-da-bi ba-mu-gâ-gà in na-an-dug4 'PN said to his temple administrator: let the governor establish (whether there has been) a capital offense in this matter' (Gomi & Sato, Selected Neo-Sumerian Texts from the British Museum 373; a slave had been discovered with stolen meat (uzu zub-a) from two sheep of his master and there had been no compensation for the stolen sheep (zi-is-da udu zub-a-sè in-na)).^ 3

giitukul erim

kà-kà-am a-lei 'l [...] i[m-...] za-ra mu-ra-a[n-...] a-leas-a sri im i di-`x' [...]

"Nungal [...] all of the [..,], the 'house of capital offense' [...], weapon that devours the evil one to you .. [..]" (AO 4332 ii zfF [NFT 212]). This passage appears to be an early OB text addressed to Nungal. [3.2] 269. NIR-da i-gà-gâ zi n[u-m]u-ra-ab-sum-mu 27o. um-nu sag-bur-ra mas-mas-e unkin(?)-né inim(?)-ma-ni mu-ni in-sig 271. saga-a-ni gû idburanun-na-ka i-ni-in-sub -

[2.7] tukum-bi ad-da-ni in-gu 7(?) NIR-da nu-ubtuku tukum-bi egirx(MUR7) ab-ba-na-ta-àm PN-e sag kur6-ra ba-ra-an-tak4 PN NIR-da-àm "if his father consumes it (a share of grain crops), he will not be guilty of a capital offense. But if PN, after his father s (death), takes away the best pa rt of the share, (for) PN it will be a capital offense" (Falkenstein NSG no. 215:9ff. [TCL 5 6048]). [2.8] 12 iku sag GAN-gud-ka engar PN-ke 4 in-uru 4a PN sanga ba-an-su-a `x'' 4 -ba NIR-da in-ni-gar-ra [se]bi é-gal ba-an-ku 4-ra "12 iku, at the narrow end(?) of an oxen-field', farmer(s) of PN had plowed an d seeded, this (part of the field) has been returned to (or by(?)) PN, the temple administrator; a capital offense was established for/in its ... (?), the [grain] went to the palace" (Falkenstein NSG no 213 If . [ITT 2/1 924]) This obscure passage is a sworn declaration by the temple administrator himself; there was, it seems, a prohibition, under death penal ty , on some form of cultivation of a part of a field* it resulted in the confiscation of the crops by the palace But nothing is said about the guilty party and his fate. [2 9] NIR-da-dba-u-ib-gu-ul (Jacobsen CTNMC 54 i 29) is not, I believe, a personal name the NIR-da pa rt is probably a scribal notation an d not pa rt of the name, leaving an otherwise well-known dba-u-113-gu-ul as the onomastic pa rt . Thus NIR-da is here a nota ti on similar to BAD, tu-(ra), or Lib, before a personal name.

3.2 3. OB literary texts

[3. 1 ] d nun-g[al ]15 dnun gal kill-la-a[t ...] r[i-. é NER-d[a ...] bi 't sie-er-ti-i[m -

...

"She established that it was a capital offense (of the diviner), `I am not pardoning your life' (she said) The old lady Sagburra . . her decision, about the diviner, in the assembly(?). She threw her prisoner from the banks of the Euphrates (and he drowned)" (Enmerkar and Ensuhkesdanna 269ff) 16 Note that once the offense is established, there is a possibility of pardon but a swift execution is equally possible. [3.3] NIR-da mu-dub su mu-un-sig-sig "I strike against (the ones guilty of) capital offenses, the flesh trembles" (Ur-Namma C 32 [ZA 53 ( 1 959) 118])• The context describes other judicial activities. [3.4] NIR-da KA-ni DU-DU-gâ (Sulgi B 228); obscure context, the assembly (pu-6b-ru-um) is mentioned in the preceding lines ^ 7 (In5] NIR-da gu-la-ni su-ni-ta ù-mu-e-ni-in-gar [3 ninsagurra 8o [ZA 65 (1975) 184, revised]) "when she (manna) has charged her (the rejected woman) with the greatest mortal sin against her (manna), in her (the wornan's) flesh. s' 8 The passage describes the fate of the wornan who has been rejected by manna ("she treats most harshly the woman she rejects," line 76). The punishment is described in lines 81-82: "she makes her perform an act of submission, calls her 'vilest' (a term for 'eunuch'), cuts her with the tip (of a dagger), and, as if she were a man, delivers a weapon to her heart" ( an allusion

]

] t[i- ] ...

13. The editors have copied UZU but read subur, For zi-ß-da, see P. Steinkeler's note in RA 74 ( 1 98o) 178f. now to be slightly modified Th e rest of the document deals with the governor's request for the master to produce a related document. 14, Falkenstein restores [An, possible but not certain. 1 5• The first sign, here and in line z', looks like MAS, but it must be a simplified AN; most texts of this group write AN with two consecutive honzontah (like the late form of the sign) rather that in the older star-shaped form.

16. See A Berlin, Enmerkar and Ensuhkefdanna p. 58; text collated and revised. The second verbal form is restored from R: `nu n-ab-sum-mu, X. -m]u-ra-ab-sum-mu. 1 do not know how to t ra nslate line 270: source R has at the end K[A]-`ni? x? -'sub. The sign LÛxGAN-ten17, not LOxBAD, is certain at the beginning of 271. unft-ba dar-n-ba 7 Line 227 seems to read: zub-a X gin 17. "when a thief has tunneled like a .. into the dining hall"(?) 18. The possessive after NIR-da gu-la refers in this case to the person against whom the fault has been committed, as shown by the parallel line 25of NIR-da gu-la-zu su-mu/gi ba-e zu-zu a-nu nïggig-ga igi ma-lib la-n-ab si-il-ta-Am 'I recognize in my flesh a great moral sin against you; sad laments keep me awake, with splitting sharp pains. "

to the self-inflicted punishments of manna's male devotees) . [3.6] nam-tag-ga du e -ù tu-lu-bi mu-e-zu NIR-da-a sag gis nu-ub-ra-ra-an "I release from punishment, I know how to temper it, I do not kill the one (guilty) of a capital offense" (Enlilbani A 8 i ff) lugal mu-zu lui-e-es pà-dè-dè sag im-ma-absum-mu-a lu NIR-da did-16-ru-g6 kalam-ma gait lei us bal-bal-e-ba ni la ba da ab to ga e a nam-tag dugud-ta nu-e, -dè e-ne-ra it The king who rushes to falsely swear m your name, who is not afraid of the place of execution, of the River of Ordeal of the l an d, of the defeat where blood is shed, he does not escape heavy punishment, it is imposed on him" (OECT 5 8:75ff. (completed by UM 29-13-704), see ibid. p. 23 (Iddin-Dagan war -song)). [3.7]

[3.8] NIR-da uru-za-ka im-"sub-bé dingir bus-ni NE [...]-na-ak (Lugale 598, composite text, with the Akkadian translation partly preserved: ana semi a[li ...]; obscure context). [3.9] anse 16 a-ga-dèki 2-1m u-gu ba-an-dé al-du u 4 za-ba-al-ak-e ul-tus NIR-da-àm "Two Akkadians have lost an ass, one walks and gets lost (too), the other sits down and becomes (guilty of) a capital c ri me" (Proverb Coll 2.82) This proverb is obviously based on a wordplay between ù-gu-dé = bialaqu an d (za)-ba-al-ak' 9 ; the gist of the proverb is that there are situations where no matter what one does the consequences are bad. 3.2.4. Post-OB

The occurrences of NIR-da, after OB, are in penitential prayers; see CAD S/2 324, an d S.M Maul Herzberuhigungsklagen 446 sub se - er-da, sèr-da. (NIR-da does not appear in this corpus). They will not be discussed here. 3.3. Meaning For purposes of exegesis of the Nungal text, it is sufficient to prove that the semantic field of NIR-da includes the meaning 'capital c ri me', i.e., punishable by death. The assertion, in Nungal 97 and in [3 6], that the man who is guilty of NIR-da thanks to a compassionate deity or ruler, sometimes was not executed, shows that NIR-da implied, if not always at least in some cases, punishment by death The same conclusion can be inferred I^lâqu: once by za-ba-al-(ak) itself is u4 t9. The term tw-Zra-la-oq "you make evil disappear" (VAS za-ba-al-ale 4 nig-erim u 1738:32). In Proto-lzi 1 383, one ms, has u 4 - za [3a a[l-(ak')] between entries designating pits and holes in the ground, and graves. Otherza-halc mu-e-zalag-ge si nu-s5 u 7 wise, it is found in. [si]-si ku-ssg, za-h(a-al) "you make shine like gold what is just, make 4 ak-e (var. u what is unjust disappear" (EnWbani A 75ff [ZA 59 ( 1 96 9) 78D. us what had of ?] "the return 4 si maab-[dug za-ha-al-ale-ba gur-ru bi disappeared has .. me' (TRS 57:144 text uncertain, very poorly it t). The morphology of this word is uncertain written school tab le rs found in parallel with finite verbal forms, but the term itself is not inflected.

MIGUEL CIViL

78

from (3 2], since the guilty party could be pardoned, lit. "given life" (zi-sum). While there is no direct proof that all NIR-da offenses were punishable by death, it is clear that the crimes punished by execution were classified as NIR-da. Pertinent questions such as what crimes could belong to these two categories, to what extent the legal terminology fits the penal practice, who can impose the death penal ty , to what extent the term applies to theological capital sins, to what extent it is used metaphorically, etc. deserve a study that cannot be pursued here. Suffice it to say that a comparison of the NIR-da c rimes with the crimes for which the death penal ty is explicitly mentioned in Ur III times corroborates the proposed meaning of NIR-da. 2O

2o. Leaving aside the instances of gaz in the law codes, (Or so 0981) 87@:), the court record RA 71 (1n) 125ff. (see also M Roth and R. Zeder MO 31 [1984) uses gaz-de ba-sum "was given the death sent ence," li t. "was delivered to be executed' (lines 6 25). The pardon is expressed by lugal-e in-na-ti "the king gave him life ' (line 8), compa re ri-sum above [3.2]. En a standard type of sworn (Ieclaration about the use of irrigation waten without government pemnission (ITT 3 48 47. 5395. MVN to 152), the farmer states that his failure to comply will result in his own execution: I-gaz-46)1n-dug s; compare nir-da bé-a bi-dugg y and variants, above [2.1-2]. A contract (Finkelstein Mem. Vol. 1591f) has the clause tukim nu-na-Sg gaz-da "if he does not repay (the grain), he has to be executed"; the objections of S. Lieberman JCS 3o (r978) 91ff. are unconvincing (note, among other points, that in Ur EII texts to break/annul a tablet is zinot gaz). A Sargonic text (MCS 9(1964] 252) reads a-ga-dè i lugallit na-bi-gaz-e "there is a king in Agade, you cannot execute an Agade citizen," which I take to indicate a conflict of jurisdiction: only the king can impose the death penal ty upon his subjects. It h not within the power of the addressee of the letter. This interpretation differ somewhat from the ones proposed before, see M Lambert RSO 49 ( 1 975) 163, B. Foster Iraq 39 (1977) 41, C. Wikke JCS 29 (1977) 185f., with the rejoinder of Foster RA 73 ( 1 979) 1 79 Since some cases of negligence can be a ca pital offense, it may be worth quoting here the puzzling text NRVN 6: PN engar en-nu-ta é didam! tukum-ba I g3-la dag-ga im -ma-gub e lei mu-Kum-mu-a "PN, a farmer. has to go home from jail; if he (again) performs (his) duties with negligence. he will be immured in the house." I propose this vanibdora with the utmost c au tion; against it is the existence ofa PN é- lei (a farmer in TMH NF r 142 r. s') and the questionable -dam (Waetzokk's collations in OEM t4 [ 1 975] 310 have no remark at this point) In any case, I am reluctant to follow the proposal of H. Sauren to translate é b nin(?) "(amen seine) Sdnrester can freigelassen)" and then inserting (ZA 6o [ 1 97o] 78; see alto C. Wikke ZA

or)

68 [1978])

21

4. WHY A LADY WARDEN'

Leaving without comment many other interesting points of the text, one question at least deserves an answer. Why the Warden of Mesopotamian jails is a woman, an d not a strong man capable of keeping the inmates under control? From the perspective of the author of the text, a prison sentence is a compassionate alternative to the death penal ty , and compassion in Mesopotamia is mainly a female attribute. Nungal herself is described as compassionate in several passages. But there is more. The metaphors of the text insist on the darkness of the jail an d on its solid enclosure. The prison's gate is a source of light All this points to the underlying metaphor of the jail as a womb from which a new, rehabilitated m an will after expiating his cnme, emerge to the light of day The text itself explicitly says that the jail `gives birth" (ù-tm) to an honest just man (lines 56, 60 103). If it has been correctly understood above, line 104 may even directly equate the solid b ri ck walls of the jail with the womb. The metaphor has a lexical foundation which ties together the aspects of compassion and rebirth the term for 'womb' and the term for 'compassion' 2 ' are identical both in Sumerian and in Akkadian.

21. arhul, urx = rimu; see E. Dhorme L'emploi métapho ri que des pallia du corps en hébwu et en acadien (1923) pp. 34f Other Semitic 1 parallels in H. Nokia Kt tog I want to thank Dr. Jenai H. Wu for a productive discussion of the literary images of the text.

TWO VERSIONS OF A FARA-PERIOD NAME-LIST Mark E. Cohen

Potomac, Maryland

The organization of personal names into standardized lists is well-attested from the Old Babylonian period and with the publication of BM 86271 by W.G. Lambe rt , this type of scribal endeavor can be traced back to the Sargonic period.' Wi lliam W. Hallo, among whose interests is the study of prosopography, drew my a tt ention many years ago to two prisms in the Yale tablet collections catalogued as name-lists. Subsequent investigation revealed not only did the names in these prisms derive from the Fara period, but the two prisms contained versions of the same list. YBC 2124 (Text A) is a partially preserved nine-sided pri sm, measuring 2 cm. high with an average of 5 cuneiform lines per cm. 2 NBC 11202 (= 5NT ?5) (Text B) is a five-sided prism measuring 17.5 cm. high. Despite the contents reflecting names from the Fara period, the two prisms were copied at a later date, probably during the Sargonic or early Ur III period. Text A appears to be the less corrupted form of the o riginal version of the Fara name-list, for Text B has divided the names sei-ib-ul-tu (A ii 13) and ses-ib-dim-gal-an-na (A iv 24) each into two separate entries: [ses-i]b / [(x)]-ùn-du 10 (B Ii 13-14) and ies-ib-dim-gal / na-na (B vi 17-18). Also Text B has omitted the name nim-tur (A ii 19), which was probably on the onginal list (see below). The Fara period name-list upon which our two prisms are based may have been known to the compiler of YOS I it, a seven-column Sargonic period compilation of Old Sumerian names an d terms. 3 Both YOS 1 I I and our two prisms contain the sequence of names nim-

tur, ku-li-tur, a-zal-le (YOS I I I vi 5-7, Text A ii 192I, Text B 20-21). 4 An interesting aspect of these prisms is the inclusion of pronunciation glosses for the signs ENxG I (aura enki_ ENx[G]IP-re-si [A iii 16]); mim (mimmim-ni [B Ii 17]); [(AN)].MUSit- IPTIN.[TIR] BALAG (A ii 29); and urn s (aIa-uru 5 um [B vii 19]). Interesting va rian ts include [idfib (B ii 13) for [se]s-ib (A ii 13) and the variants mès-lulLAL+NI (A iü 19) an d mès-LO/LO (B Iv 2I). A rather curious variant is iitax(SILA 3 )-ba (B vi 23) for DU-ba-da-ba (A iv 29). We cannot discern any particular logic for the overall ordering of the name-list contained in the two prisms However, there is the grouping of small numbers of names on the basis ofsiurilar signs (men in B i 20-22; mès in A iii 18 20 = B iv 20-23; sag in A iii 28-3o; dul 9 in A iv 9-Io; lugal in A iv II-13; e in A v 27-31; abzu in B viii 19-21) an d similar concepts ("water" in A ii 21-22 = B n 21-22 an d B v ia 17-21). Text A:

Text B:

YBC 2124

NBC 11202 = 5NT 75

(col i destroyed)

i

(break of 14 lines) 15. [(x)] x x 16. KA-kés 17. URUxA-URUxA

18. en- kalam -du 10 19. en-ezem -kalam 20. men-du 10

21. men-an 22. men-ki

t.

W.G. Lambert, "An Old Akkadian List of Sumerian Personal Names, ' A Saent Humanist, Studies in Memory of Abraham Sacks, Philadelphia, 1988, pp. 251f., wherein footnote 5 contains a list of references to Old Bahylonian name-lists. 2. For 'microscopic" cuneiform cf S.N. Kramer, "A Sumerian Document with Microscopic Cuneiform," Expedition 1/3 ( 1 959) pp. 2-3, a Louvre tablet of erfemma-hymns, the largest fragment of which measures approximately I x r inch and contains 16 lines per inch. 3. Pa rt of this list has been commented upon by J.J.A. van Dijk, UVB 16 pp. 58-59, who notes "Dieses Penner, das palographlsch wohl in die AnSnge der Akkadzeit gehört ..."

23. PAP.USUM DU

ii

(break of I t lines) 12. [x]-Su-min-kaur

(break

(ill

I2. [...]

4. Another group of Old S lished in WVDOG 43 has been treated pp. 84-86. Although several of the names on o these lists, there is no indication that the compiler( texts were aware of the Fan name-list on which our

79

lines)

terns pub47 ( 1 953) cur in

Two Versions of a Fara-Penod Name-list

MARK E. COHEN

8o Text A: 1 3.

[se]s-lb-W -tu

14. [GADA+KI]D -GADA+KID 15. [giz]zu 16. [x]-nu 17. [x -ur-ra 18. [é• -ûr-k 19. [n]im-tur

ro^

20. [ku]- li -tur 21. [a- zal]-le 22. [x-x]-surb

23. (ù]r-[xJ-ni 24. sul é? [N]E? 25. [(x)] mes -1ab 26. lu[gal]-Iù 27.x-bùl 28. [nin] -gis29. [(AN)].MUS 1r- b'

TIN [T1R].BALAG 30. [x]-bulug3 31. [x]-tur 32. [x]-ga 33• [(x)-d]i rdu7 34 [x]-mu-da

35. (a-N]E-NE 36. (x]-BAD 37. [me-lirn] -kur -ra 38, [é]-anzumuien 39. [- •]-su - nun-NI

40. [xl [ x]-na -na 41. [x]-gar 42. [.. -NJl-m ud

43• [.,•] 44. [...1 45. [...] 46- [...] 47• [•••] 48. [.•.] 49. [. 50, [...] ANGU:LU L munus-ur-sag 3, lugl-sà-ge-ib-tud 4, RU-gis 5. sal-sal-la ..]

6. KA -sum

7. 16-LUGUD2 -da 8, â-mu-ta 9 1:11-i- na bcndur-sag- gis` -hé-ak 111 ab sin -na 12, a-ur-sag-kalain_ 13, cri- Iii-nu-g1 4

Text B:

Text A:

Text B:

Text A:

Text B:

13. Reg-i]b 14. [(x)] un du 1O 15. KID? -KID?

14. en-lù-nu-zàb 15. s"ul-la I 6. ama-enki-ENx [G] I gi

16. en-lit-nu-zit). 17. sul:AN:la 18. ama-ki-ENxGi-ra

28. dar-da 29. DU-ba-da -ba 3o. turs-turs-a 3 I . IGI -IàI -LU 32. [...] -li 33- 1•••] 34. [ •] 35. [.••] 36 . [...] 37. [•• .] 38. [...]

22.

-re-si

16. gizzu 17. mimrnlm-ni 18. ur-ùr 19. é?-ul -kalam

20. mès-KA-dù

19. mès-lul-LAL+rNP

21.

ku - li-tur 21. a zal-le a-mir-sir 23 ùr-ru 12 -ni

22.

J [ J [

2

3. [...]

4. 1•••] s. [...]

6. [...] 7. [. ..] 8. [...]

mès-ul-tu 21. lù-làl 22. LUGUD 2 -da 23. me-mm-né-si 24. gi-en8-bar-tur 25. ganam-da-mud 26. a-nun-en-da 27. URUxA-gal -unkin-e-si 28. sag-mès-ul-tu 29. sag-SlM 3o. sag-BIZ-BIZ 31. [. .] 32. [...]

9. 1.•.] 10. [...] I I. [...] 12. [...]

13. x-BAD 14. me-Lim -kur -ra 15. é-anzumusen 16. ssess-ib-sul-nunNI-du to 17. KA-na 18. nun-né-és- gar -ra 19. a-nun-NI-mud 20. k-ur4-ra 21. me-ur, --ra 22 ur [S]t• nu sa? 23. gestin-tur iv 1. [...] 2 [ ] 3 • [•..]

4.(...) 5. [,..] 6. [...] 7. [• •l -

8 • (...] 9. [.•.] i o. [...] t 1. I, „]

33. [••-1 34. [.• -J 35. E.•.] 36 . [ ] iv I. gu¢ nun-NI-[gi] 2. sitax (SILA 3)-ne-

te-[na] 3. Id-Ex) 4. lù-kù-x 5. AN: ma-tri 6. me-ki-gal-ta 7. a-ul-tu 8. a-mir-kalam -ma 9. dul9-dul9 1o. munus-dul-amar I I . lugal -ni-bi-ak 12. ak -lugal 13. ur-lugal

14. IGI +BUR-ma 15. ma-nu i6. a-me-s 17. a-kar-re-si 18 LA-LA 19. gestin-LA 20. gu c an-na 21. an-na-s'e-x 22 nig-ki-bi-s"è -gar 23. d utu -me-te

13. al-apin-ta 14. a-ur-sag -kalam

lù-nu-g1 4

mès-LLJ/LLJ

mès-fir -ba 23. mès-ul-tu V I. E..] 22.

20. 20.

19. en-ki-dagal

17. en-ki-dagal 18. mès-KA-du 1 o-ga

24. ses-ib- dim -gal -an-na 25. é-sag-gi-ni-du lo 26. sag-ga-ni-da 27. AS- sul-la

2. [...]

23.

Vli I.

2. [..] 3• [•••] 4. [..]

56.

[•••]

7• [•••] 8. [•••] 9. [...]

2. [. .]

II.

[•••]

[. ..)

3. L...]

I2. [...]

6. [...] 7. E...]

4.E..]

5.

8. [ ..]

5•

[

1•••1

13.

[...]

6. [ .. ] 7. E...] 8. a-[...J

14. [•••] PIR G? [...] 15.

ganam-da-[mud] 17. a-da[lla- ..]

16.

[ .1 Io. [ ..] II. [ ..1

9. PIRIG [...] Jo. a-[...]

ual a-ma-inus 19.

I2. [ ..]

II. id•gna-an

20.

9•

I3.

dumu -kù

14. ses-kù I5. UA-gi I6.su -ba-nu-GIBIL 17. gu4 nun-gi 18. sitax (SILA 3 )-mete-na 19. gi-uU 20. la-kin-du ll 2I. AN:ma-gi

22. me-ki-gal -ta 23. a-1114u vi I. [...] 2. [...] 3. [•••) 4.

[...]

5. [...] 6. [...]

7. [...] 8. [...] 9. [...] Io. [...] II.

[. ..]

I2. [...]

13. 14. an-[ ..] I5. nig-ki-bi-sè -gar 16. utu-me-te 17. ses' -ib -dim -gal 18. na-na 19. sag-ni-da 20. é-sag-ni-da 21 "sul-la

12.

a-lul-[x]

13. DU-[x] 14. sà-an-[x] 15. kingal NI [x] 1 6. GIS GIBIL-[...] 17. GIS.GIBIL-[ .] i8. sitax(KAK+GIS)é-nu[n'] 19. pa 4-an-[ .] 20. pa-GIS.GIBIL-[x] 21. nim-[...] 22 . d Li9

-

si4 Ex]

23. sag-dLi9-si4 24. AN:AN:[x] 25. a-NI-[x] 26. amar-[x] 27. é- UD -[x] 28. ban- uD -Ex] 29. é-ul-[mar] 30. é-igi-b[us] 31. é- igi -[...] 32. x-[...1 (remainder destroyed)

18.

2I. 22.

PIRIG-x-x idigna-an a-lul-le x-(x)-lul-le si-an

23.

viii

I 2.

[J [...]

E•••] 4 - [•••] 3.

5• [ •J 6. 1...] 7. [...] 8. [...J 9.

I0.

[...]

[•..]

II. [...1 ei I2. 100 e]

13.

[...]

14. [. i5.

NOTES5

[...]

[•J

I.

19. ga-na-mud 2o. uriki-ki-du 10 21. kuark-ki-du 1O

[...]

Io.

V

Text B:

dar-da sitax(SILA 3) -ba

. .]

3. [..-1 4. E...)

8i

•.]

[ ..]

16. [(x)-a i -nu-kùs [g]i-dar-AN dar-AN 17. [gli18. [e]s -da- gin -na 19.abzu- gin 7 - d[uiJJ 20. me-dim-gal-abzu 21. abzu-nu-si '-bara 2 -u22. (x)-gin ? -bi -la z3. a-gin r tiim

I5. (not preserved) 16. gue ra[b-(x)] 17. ama-aga 18. gal-ga

B i 17

The personal name URUxA is attested among the scribal names listed in Biggs, Abu Salabikh pp. 34-35 and in the name list YOS I II iv 9. For the reading of the sign as /uru/ note MSL 2 73 54 0: u4ru / URUx[A) (restored on the basis of Ni.1o278 7); A. Falkenstein ZA 52 (1957) 70 n. z; E. Sollberger, ZA 54 (1961) p. 9 with references; A. w. SJöberg, TCS 3 64 and 140. For the reading /rid see I.J. Gelb, MAD 2 p. 73 no 243 B i 18 en-kalam-du10 - For this name at Fara see Pomponio Prosopografta, pp. 98-99. Similar names are a-kalam-du 1O (Biggs Abu Salabikh, scribal names pp. 34-35); nin-kalam-du 1O and unkin-kalamdu lo (Biggs Abu Salabikh, names an d professions list); munus-kalam-du io (TSS), mes -kalam-du lo (BIN 8). Note the hypocoristic names en-kalam (Biggs Abu Salabikh, names and professions list) an d kalam-du lo (TSS). B i 20-22 men-du10, men-an, men-ki - Note the similar names me-en-du 10 (Biggs Abu Salabikh names an d professions li st), men-DU (OECT 7, Jemdat Nan period), me-en-DU (Falkenstein, ATU). The names men-du i ., men- an , an d men-ki may be hypocoristic names possibly beginning with en-, as in en-me(-en)dirr-an -na, en-me(-en)-bira-ge -si, en-me(-en)-gal-anna, en-me(-en)-lù-an -na, an d en-me(n)-nun -na (see Th. Jacobsen, index to AS it (1959) 16); en-men- an-na (D O Edzard, ZA 53 [ 1 959] t6). For-me-en- with variant -men- see Edzard, ibidem 18 n. 41. This might explain the positioning of these three entries directly after names beginning with en-. For men-ki as a possible hypocoristic, cf the names in UET z: a-men-kalam an d PA-me-en-ki B i 23 PAP.USUM.DU - For the element PAP.DU possibly occurring in a name cf. OECT 7: EN:sign-it (=PAP?):DU an d sign-I 1:Du; Falkenstein, ATU: i-ib-ul-UI - B ii EN.rPAP'.DU A ii 13 = B

s.

URUxA-URUxA -

In addition to specific tablets, we well refer m the personal name indices or lists in the following books: Bt .•. Abu $alabrkh = R. Biggs, Inscriptions from T ell Abe Salâbikh, OIP 99; BIN 8 = G. Hackfrom Pndynastic man, Sumerian and Akkadian Administrative Texts Times to the End of the Akkad Dynasty; Deimel Fara III = A. Deùnel, The budtri . ften von Fara vol. III; Falkenstein ATU = A. Falkenstein, Archaische Texte aus Uruk; NTSS = R Jesnn, NouveIks Tablette Suméri en nes de Sun/ppak au Mush d'Istanbul; Pomponio Rvsopogmf+a = La Prosopografa der Teal presatgoniri di Fans - Edzard Rerhtsurkunden = D.O. Edzard, Sumerische Rtdrtsurkunden des IIL Jahrtausnrs; TSS = R. Jestin, Tablettes Sumér trines de Sunrppak, Westenholz Jena = A. Westenholz, Early Cuneiform Texts in Jena; Westenholz OSP = A. Westenholz, Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts ils- Philadelphia Chiefly from Nippur (Put 1 = BiMes 1, Put 2 = Carnet] Niebuhr Inravation Texts, E. Burrows. • Ur stitute Publia

vol. II.

8z

MARK E. COHEN

13-14 has written the name as two entries. Reg-i]b and [(x)]-ùn-du i p, ùn-du i p being a phonetic va ri ant for ultu. Our reading ib indicates a reading ses-ib for sesL.IB. For a discussion of the name 'se's-ib-gestin, see Earliest

Land Tenure Systems in the Near East Ancient Kudurrus, O1P 104 p. 72 wherein Steinkeller notes "two Ebla lexical entries where IB.SES plus other signs is identified with gamàrum, "to please," "to save," and ra'àmum "to love." There are seven names listed in UET 2 beginning with the term ses-ib. In addition, the names ses-ib-girgal (and hypocoristic(?) ses-gir-gal), me.dar:ses-ib-IGI +BUR, and su:se3-ib:du 10 occur in UET 2. Note similar formations in UET 2 a-gestin; munus-gestin; lu-ges"tin; ama-gestin; Ici-ib-gir-gal, a-gir-gal, munus-gir-gal, lugal-gir-gal, ama-gir-gal. Perhaps the element ib is relaced to the element iB in the terms EN'IB (ED La A 13); in (ED Là B 39 an d ED Lti E 58); 16-03 (ED Lii C 6).The term ul-tu occurs in several personal names in our prisms: mès-ul-tu, a-ul-tu, sag-mès-ul-tu, as well as in bâra-ul-tu (NFT 222: AO 4397, Edzard Rechtsurkunden

no. n6 iv 18'), possibly meaning "born (in) joy." A ü 14 = B ü 15 GADA+KID-DADA+HID / It1D?-K1D? This name may be attested in OECT 7 no. 49 ii 6 an d most certainly occurs in UET 2, being listed in the prosopography as GAD NUR. Cf. also DP 478 rev. i an d DP 481:e-GADA+X-ki-du i0 . Cf. also BE 3o no. 4 37-40 (vDijk LaSagessc 66): NI+KID-na A h 15 = B ii 16 Gizzu - This name is extremely common in Old Sumerian economic documents. A ii 17 = B ii 18 ur-ùr - Although the orthography ur-ùr(-ra) is elsewhere unattested, the orthography ur-ur(-ra) is extremely common in Old Sumerian prosopographies. Note PBS tr/i for the orthography ur-ur 4 . Note RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 84 in which ur-UR is followed by ur-Ku, which M. Lambe rt has read as ur-tai and ur-tus. A ii iç-aI = B ü 20-21 nim-tar

ku-li-tnr, a-zal-le - All three names occur in this order in YOS 1 U t, the only other occurrence of the names nim-fur and ku-li-tur. The name nim occurs in UET 2, Westenholz OSP 1; ku-li as a scribal name in Biggs Abu $alabikh, in TSS and VET 2. The name a-zal ( 'running water") occurs in Deimel Fara I1L A ii 22 = B ii 22 amir-suri13r - This name occurs as é-mir-sur 6 in TSS. Note the variant in RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 84 i 6: a-gar i4 -sùr.

Cf also the possibly hypocoristic name a-mir (Deimel Fara III and UET 2) and the similar names a-mir-ZAL (Deimel Fara III) and a-mir-kalam-ma in our Text A iv 8. A ü 23 = B ü 23 ùr-rung-ni - The following orthographies may represent the same names: ur-ni (Deimel. Fara III, TSS, NTSS); ùr-ni (Deimel Fara III, WestenholzJena nos. 16, 34, 36, 52); ar-ni (TSS, Weste nholz OSP i, Edzard Rechtsurkunden, TMH nF 5; Wes-

tenholz OSP 2); urn-ni (Westenholz OSP 1); ur-ra-ni (W.W. Hallo , OrNS 42 238:61); ùr-ra-ni (Edzard Recht-

surkunden; Westenholz OSP 2). A ii 25 [(x)] mui-lab s - The term mui-lab4 ("snake-charmer") occurs in Deimd Faro 111,. Bi :... Abu ,Salabikh names and professions,

Two Versions of a Fara-Period Name-List

and TSS. It is, of course, possible that this entry in our text is a profession and not a personal name. Cf. gal-ga (Text B ix i 8) which occurs in the ED Lù list A ii 28-

29 Nin- gir-im4, Irban - The inclusion of two theophoric names is unexpected, unless these entries are hypocoristic forms for names. The only other entries which might be construed as theophoric are lù-làl (Text A iii 21) and ma-ma (Text A iv 15). Note the Za-mi hymns (OIP 99 p. 51) 161-162, wherein the names Ningirim and Irban occur in the same order as in our text. A ii 35 a-NE-NE - This name is quite common (Po rnponio Prosopografia, p. 9). Note Biggs Abu Salabikh scribal names p. 35 for u-NE-NE. A h 37 = B ni 14 me-

l3m-kur-ra - This name occurs in Deimel Fara III. A ii 38 é-anzumokn _ This name is quite common Note the va rian t a-anzumaien in Deimel Fara 'IL A ii 39 = B iii 16 lei-ib-lu-nun-NI(-duip) - For ses-ib see our commentary to Text A u 13 above. A ii 37 = B iii 14 KA-na - This name occurs in Deimel Fara III. A ii 42 = B iü 19 a-nun-NI-mud - For names ending in mud, see our commentary to Text A iii 25 below. Cf. YOS I I I iii 9: Nun-NI-NI-mud B ni 20-21 le-ur4ra, me-ur4-ra - The name me-ur 4 occurs in Deimel Fara III. B hi 23 geitin-tur - This name occurs in Deimel Fara III and UET 2. A iii 1 AN:GU:LUL - Cf. the name LUL:GU-aka m Edzard Rechtsurkunden and BIN 8. For the value /lug/ for LUL see P. Steinkeller, SEL I (1984) pp. Sff A iii 3 lugal-11-ge-ib-tud - Cf. Westenholz OSP 2 for the name lugal-a, possibly hypocorostic for our name. A iii 4 RU-gii - Cf. the name dRUkès"-ta O. Bauer, Altorientalistische Notizen 44 [Höchberg,

1987] for OIP 14, 51). Cf. also lugal-gis (Westenholz OSP I, Erhard Rechtsurkunden, BIN 8); ur-gis (BIN 8); é-gis (BIN 8); gis-ri (Westenholz OSP O. A iii 7 1tß -LUGUD2-da - Cf. the names LUGUD2 -ta (Westenholz OSP I); LUGUD 2 -da (DP 207 et passim and our Text A iii 22).

A üi 8 3-mu-ta - Although unattested elsewhere, the similar name â-ni-ta does occur (BIN 8, Edzard Rechtsurkunden). A iii 9 131-3-na - For a similar type construction cf. the name làl-anu-na (BIN 8). A iii 10 bendur-sag-gii-bé-ak _ For a similar type construction cf the name lugal-ib-bé-ak (UET 2). A hi 12 = B iv 14 a-ur-sag-kalam-ma - Cf. the similar names in UET 2: a-ur-sag-dNanna, amar-ur-sag-kalam, a-ur-sag. A iii 15 = B iv 17 iul-la - The namesul-la occurs in Deimel Fara IIIan d NTSS. Note that Text A has sul-la and Text B sul:AN:la, whereas further in the list Text A has AS--s'ul-la an d Text B has sul-la The name AS-sul-sul occurs in UET 2 and for sul-sul/dun-dun see V an Dijk UVB 16 p. 58. A iii 16 = B iv 18 ara-enki-ENx [Os -re-si

/ ara - ki-ENxGI-ra - Despite the occurrence

of the en-sign before the 1d-sign m Text A, we believe that the en-sign is part of a gloss, indicating a reading / engi/ for the sign ENxGI. A hi 19 = B iv 21 m1s-lulI.4L+'NI+ / mès-LU1/L0 - For similar names

cf mès-lu-

lu (Deimel Fara III, HSS III t), mès-lui-le ('TSS); mès

gar-lul-le (Deimel Fara III); mès-gur-lul-le (Deimel Fara III); mn-gar-LCT/LtJ-a (Edzard Rechtsurkunden); nin-garli-e (Edzard Rechtsurkunden). It is unclear whether the lul-sign in Text A is a gloss for the sign-LAL+NI (=1a1u2). It is also possible that this entry is a combination of two va riant o rthographies: mès-lul and mès-lalu 2 For a discussion of the reading of the sign LNL+Ni, see P. Steinkeller, AuOr 2 (1984) pp. 137ff. B iv 22 This name occurs in Deimel Fara III. A iü 21 Iliba - This IM - The name occurs as a personal, not theophoric name, in UET 2, Deimel Fara III, and Westenholz OSP I. A iii 23 me-nun-ni-si - Cf me-é-nun-si (UET 2, Deimel Fara III) me-nun-si (UET 2, TSS); me-an-né-si (Deimel Fara III, Edgard Rechtsurkunden, BIN 8). A iü 25 ganam-da-mud - Note Text B vii 16 below for ganam-da-[mud] with the syllabic orthography ga-na-mud in Text B ix 19. The -da- in our name is a variant for ta-, as in pa4-abzu-ta-mud (TSS); ad-ta-mud (NTSS), abzu-ta-mud (Edzard Rechtsurkunden); and es-ta-mud (Edzard Rechtsurkunden; Pomponio Prosopografia, p. 105)

A ill 26 a-nun-en-da - Cf. the name é-nu-an-da (TSS). Also note a-en-da (Deimel Fara III, UET 2); aen-da-das (?) (TMH NF 5) A iv 1 gu4-nun-Nl-gi - Cf. YOS 1 II iv 6 munus-nun-NI-gi4. A iv 6= B v 22 me-ki•gal-ta - Our reading of this name as -ki-galrather than -sur 6- is based upon the orthography me-Ugal-la-ta (TSS). For other names with -U-gal- see A. Goetze, JCS 23 (1970) 44. A iv 9 duit-dish - The name dul-dul is attested in Deimel Fara III, TSS, and NTSS. A iv 12 ak-lugal - The name occurs in UET 2 Falkenstein ATU. A iv 13 ur-lugal - This is a quite common name. A iv 14 IGI+BUR-ma - The sign IGi+BUR is attested in UET 2: a:IGI+BUR; ama:é:iGI+BUR; ama:ki:IGI+BUR; é:IGI+BUR; munus-: IGI+BUR; me.darsesib:IGI+BUR. For the deity dUNUG. IGI+BUR.ME.MU at Ur note UET 2 Suppl. no. 12. Alberti and Pomponio, Stadia Pohl 13, p. 44 notes the Fara deity dUNUG.ME.MU .

A iv 16 a-me-si - Perhaps this name is a vari ant of

83

dama-si (YOS I I1 1 I, 12). A iv 18-19 Lid-LA, geitinLEi - The name la-la is quite common. It is possible that our entry is to be read sur s-surs and Text A iv 19 then gestin-sur s . A iv 24 = B vi 17-18 3el-ib-dim-gal-anna - Note that Text B has divided the entry into two names, ses-ib-dim-gal and na-na, the la tt er being a rather common name. A iv 28 dar-da - The name dar-da occurs in Deimel Fara III, DP too ii 3 et passim, UET 2, and YOS I II. A iv 29 Du-ba-da-ba - This name may be a form of the name DU-ba-pà-da (RA 47 [ 1 953] P• 86). We have no explanation for the variant sita x-ba in Text B, except for the homonymous endings /daba/ and /taba/ A iv 30 turn-turn-a - Note RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 84 for the homonymous entries dùr-dùr-a / air s -tut-5-a. A v 8-Ia - These names have been grouped together on the basis of terms dealing with water. For the name idigna-an cf. idigna-[ ] in UET 2. A y 24 AN:AN-[x] For possible restorations note the names AN:AN:AG (TSS) an d AN:AN:DCJL (Westenholz OSP i). A v 25 a-

Ni-[x] - Perhaps this entry should be restored as a-ni-DU on the basis of RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 8 5 iv 6 B viii 16 [x-6]nu-kù1- For names of similar construction note munusâ-nu-kùs (Deimel Fara III, TSS, NTSS, UET 2); pa 4 ânu-kùs (Deimel Fara HI, TSS, NTSS, Westenholz OSP I); en-â-nu-kùs (Deimel Fara III); mès-â-nu-kùs (Deimel Fara III); dumu-â-nu-kùs" (TSS); ses-â-nu-kùs Edzard Rechtsurkunden). Note also the possibly hypocoristic name â-nu-kùs (Deimel Fara III; Yoshikawa, Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum 5 [1983] p. 24. B viii 23 a-gin)-tûm - This entry has been read on the basis of RA 47 ( 1 953) p. 8 5 iv 7: é-gins tum. This name is attested in Deimel Fara III and Edzard Rechtsurkunden. Note é-gin.I-tam in BIN 8 B ix 18 gal-ga - Gal-ga occurs in ED Lù A 20 and Falkenstein ATU B ix 20-21 Uric ki-än10 Kuarki-ki-duip - Names ending with ki-du i p are quite common. For Urib-ki-du io see UET 2 an d PBS it/1. However, we are unaware of any other references to Kuarb-ki-du,o. ,

-

Two Versions of a Para-Period Name-List

MARK E. COHEN

84

COL. ii

YBC

2124

(to the left resting on its top) an d NBC

YBC 11202 (to t he

right)

COL. iv

COL. iii

2124

85

COL.

y

86

MARKE COHEN

AKKADIAN L.

bit piristi

Timothy Doty

University of Missouri - Kansas City The Akkadian expression bit pirilti refers to a room in the Babylonian temple complex which was used to house the vestments of priests an d the garments used to clothe the statues of deities. While pirisrtu, "secret," is a fairly common word, it occurs with bitu only in NeoBabylonian and later contexts. These include the le xi cal list ea A = ndqu, where the Sumerian é-hal-la is given the Akkadian equivalent É pi-ri is- tû. 1 That the bitpirifti was a room in the Babylonian ternple complex is indicated by two texts, one monumental an d one canonical The first is the Nabonidus stela, 2 column VIII lines 31-43, which read as follows: "I had plated with shining silver the wooden door-leaves of (all) the rooms in the temple of the gods of the upper and the netherworld (to wit) the mystery-room [É pi-oil ti] (lit.: room of seclusion) of Marduk and Sarpanit, and the door leaves of the temple ki.durun.KA which are on both sides of the temple é.mah, and (also) those of the gate of the goddess Beltia (Madonna) for the procession of Sarpanit, the beloved of Marduk, she who makes firm/steadtst the foundations of my royal throne." 3 The canonical text is the late bilingual lamentation ABZU PELAM. 4 The relevant line (S 1) is pa rt of the description of the destruction of the temple of Damgalnunna in E ridu: é-bar-ra mu-lu ba-ab-dib-ba-na e ne-sè, "She goes to him because of her corridor through which -

-

I. Richard T. Hallock, The Chicago Syllabary and the Louvn Syllabary AO 7661, Assynological Studies, No 7 (Chi ca go: r94o), page 2.4 (line 256). The Chi ca go Syllabary copy of ca A = nckju is dated to the Seleucid En (see page 4). 2. Inscription t in Paul -A lain Beauli eu, The Reign of Nabonidus King of Babylon 556-539 B.C., Yale Near Eastern Researches to (New Haven: 1989), pp. 2of., where previous literature is cited. 3. The translation is that of A. Leo Oppenheim in ANET 2, p. 31o. The Akkadian reads: (31) giiIG.MES 'i-ii lb ira (32) E.MES É.DINGIR.AN.KI (33) É pa-ril--ti dAMAR.UTU (34) ù 'ierpa-ri'U 4 (35) ù ISIG.MES 1 KI.DURUN.KA (36) hi-la-at-ta-an (37) la EÉ.MAtJ {38) a KA dGASAN-ia (39) 14 mal-da-fu 4tm-pa-rri-tu 4 (40) na-nr-am-ti AMARUTU (41) mu - lao- f-da -at SUMS (42) FiGU.ZA lao- ru-d-ia (43) KU i .BABBAR eb-bs 4 lal-bil. 4. The following quotation is from the edition and translation of M.E. Cohen, The Canonical Lamentatiortr of Ancient Mesopotamia, vol 1 (Potomac, MD: 1988), pp. 51 and S9 with the note to lines so51 on p. 62.

men (now) traipse." The Akkadian translation for this line reads: ana É pi-ris-h-!â !â nak-ru i-ba-'-û. As the editor points out (p. 62), é-bar-ra is not the equivalent of bit pirifti, 5 which does not mean "cor ridor," as we shall see. However this passage an d the preceding Nabonidus inscription make it clear that the bit pirüti was a part of the Babylonian temple complex, an d a significant one at that. The association of the bit pirifti with the wardrobe of priests is suggested by the Seleucid Era ritual text from Uruk, W18728. 6 The text relates to the clothing to be worn by various cultic functionaries an d by the king on a particular ritual occasion (the "taking the hands of the gods" ceremony is mentioned in re v. 8'). The lines obv. 3' and rev. I', containing the expression bit pinfti (E piril-tu4), are unfortunately damaged, but the association of the clothing of the temple personnel with the bit pirifti is apparent. Presumably the bit pintrti was the area of the temple in which the priestly vestments were stored. This presumption is confirmed, an d extended to the wardrobe of the deities as well, by a group of archival texts from Hellenistic Uruk. These a re sales an d other documents relating to nghts to temple income associated with the goldsmith's craft (kutimmtku). 7 In each of these texts, the craft of goldsmith is associated with authorization to enter a particular restricted area of the temp This authorization is expressed by the phrase bib-bit-piriStatu, "office of one permitted to enter the bit pirifti." These texts provide unusually detailed descriptions of pplied the Akkadian translation for this line periaaps interpreted bar in é-bar-n as an occurrence of bar = set aside, reserve; to hide PS D bar E), rather than as bare "outside" in the expression c-bar- n "outside of the house, corridor" (PSD bar A 3.2.2). Thus the scribe might have understood c-bar-ra as "set rmas bi t përirL aside/hidden room" and translated the te 6. The text is edited and discussed by A. Falkenstein, her Zeit, ' WB r 5 pp. 40-44• Rimait eus seIeuk 7. The texts are OECT 9:33 (sale 95 St). OECT 9:57 ( u too+ s.E.). OECT 9:45 = OECT 9:46 (sale, it r 5.E.). OEC1" 9:5o (deed of gift, 135 s.E.), OECT 9:54 = OECT 9:55 (quitclaim, 126+ 5.E.), OECT 9:60 (sale, 133 s.e.), VAS 1 5 0 37 (sak. 171 LE). OECT and (sak, date lost) OECT 9:5 t (sale, date lost), OECT 2 9:44 9:4 (sale , date lost). "

(

Akkadian bit pirilti

L. TIMOTHY DOTY

88

the particular temple income to which the owner of the allotment (isqu) had rights. A well-preserved example of such a desc ri ption is found in OECT 9:5o, a deed of gift which reads: 8 1,

'd6o-DIN-il A la'd6o-NUMUN-MU A 14 '1a-ba-fi A 'é- kur-za-kir ina bu-ud lib-bi-fû

2.

mi-fil ina 12-'-4 GIS.SUB.BA-fti i 6KU4 .É-AD I-JALu-tû û l "KU3 .DiM t+ -rti la d 6o den -111 dna-na-a u dGASAN-srâ eSAG mi-fil

3.

ina 1 2ina AN-e û pa-a-ta

US2 .MES GADA MES

}u-up-

GESTIN.BI,A bu-sa-na-a-14 d Ma KU 3 BABBAR fa

5

a-na ta-am-mir-ra-a-tu 6. ik-kal fi-du mi-fil Ma 12-'-4 ina UDU. NiTA 2 .MES la b7-ta-parmi fa a-na 7, lu -bu-uf tu 4 " fa d6o den-111 dna-na-a u dGASANLI eSAG 8. ïk-kaf -li -du mi-fil Ma 12-'-4 ina UZU ba-l'al u balçu 14 uDU.NETA 2 .MFS 9. la ina u4 .ES3 .E5 3 MES gab-bi a-na 8ABANSUR fa den-1a u dGASAN -Ia -eSAG E , MES ina 12-'-4 GES.SUB.BA luKU4 .É-AD UAL-itt1 u i 1KU3 .DIM-441i MU.MES ä d6o dm-111 dna-na-a u dGASAN-la iSAG a mimma gab-bi 12. la a-na GIS.[SUB.B]A MU.MES ik-kaf-fi-du la KI i 6 EN MES UA.LA.MES-fli gab-bi a-na 2 -4-tu a-na ' dUTU -MU-nu A fa 'Ki. dGASAN A 'lu -uf-tam-mar -diM 14, a-na u4 -mu ja-a-t4 it-ta-din Anu-ubal]ïç, so n of Anu-zer-iddin, son of Label. , descendant of Ekur-zakir, 9 of his own free will gave as a gift (ana rimatu ... irradin) one-half in one-twelfth (ï e. 1 1a4th), his "authorization to enter the bit ptrifti" and goldsmith allotment of Anu, Enlil, Nanaya and Belet-sa-Res — one half in one-twelfth (share) in the canopies and cultic pedestals. curtains, linen coven, strips of carded wool, juniper, wine, sashes and in the silver which pertains to the iâmamu-gifts; 1° onehalf in one-twelfth (share) in the sheep of the

8.

Lines a Gilbert J.P. McEwan, Fliest and Temple in Hditnisili urger dltarientalische 5rnr3ltn. Band 4 (Wiesbaden: t and 763 respectively, 9. Anu-ubaDi;, the glv n member of the extended fanù)y of Laban descendant of Ekur-zaitir. Th e business of the; fesniniy are descnhed m L T. Doty, `Cuneiform Ar tic Uruk" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Yale Uni.crsity, 7977). pp, t8rg-228, 1o.. For a discussion of the terre tànwrtu e McEwan, Print and Tr.epk, p. 130,

bitpu-offerings which pertain to the clothing

ceremonies of Anu, Enlil, Nanaya and Belet-saRes; one-half in one-twelfth (share) in the cooked and raw flesh of sheep which goes up to the offering table of Enlil and Belet-sa-Res on all of the (monthly) effelu-festivals — one-half in one-twelfth of the "authorization to enter the bitpirilti" an d goldsmith allotment of Anu, Enlil, Nanaya and Belet-sa-Res, and whatever pertains to that allotment, which is with the owners of all of his shares, to Samas"-ittannu, son of Dannat-Belti, descendant of Lustammar-Adad, in perpetuity It is noteworthy that in this and other desc ri ptions of the inib-bitpiri!tatu and kutimmatu allotments, much of the income pertaining to them derives from the clothing ceremonies (lubuftu) which included the hitpu-sacrifices I r It is this connection between ritual vestments, the garments of the divine images, and the goldsmiths that provides the final clue to the meaning of bit pirilti. The enb-bit-piriftatu and kutimmatu allotments are inseparably joined in the documents from Uruk because both were necessary to carry out the duties of the goldsmith. It was one of the jobs of goldsmiths in the service of the temples to clean and repair the gold and silver ornaments sewn onto the clothing of the statues of the gods an d goddesses. 1Z This work, due to the great value of the materials involved, was carefully regulated by the temple administration. Detailed invento ri es were kept of the gold an d silver items issued to the goldsmiths for cleaning and repair. One such 'jewelry inventory" from Hellenistic Uruk, NCBT 1066, is an accounting of the items issued to the goldsmiths Labasi and his (unnamed) brothers sons of Anu-uballit.^ 3 The text is dated 22 Teb e tu 7 1 S.E. (= 20 January 240 B.C.E.). It is likely, though not certain, that this is the same Labasi who appears in the earliest of the érib-bit-piriftatu an d kutimmtitu allotment sales. This sale is OECT 9 33, dated 22 Arabsamnu 95 S.E. (= 27 November 217 B.0 E.). The opening line of this text, which names the sellen, reads: 'ana-GAL-ka-d6o à 'ina-gi-

btt-d6o DUMU.MES fa 'la-ba-fi

DUMU fa 1d6o-DIN-il [...],

'Ana-rabutika-Anu an d Ina-qibit-Anu, sons of Labari, son ofAnu-ubal iç [...].' The break at the end of the line is big enough to contain an ancestral name or a professional designation. The remainder of the text does not give any indication of what if anything, was in the break. However, given the approximately 27 year difference between the two texts, it is tempting to see OECT IL For details, see McEwan, Priest and Temp le , pp. 163-164. I2. A. Leo Oppenheem, "The Golden Garments of the Gods," J•ES 8 ( 1 949). pp• 172-193• 1 3. This text is copied and edited by Paul-Alain Beaulieu, 'Textes administratifs inédits d'époque hellénistique provenant des archives du Bit Rel," RA 83 ( 1 9), pp. 62-67 The copy is Texte I 98 on p. St.

9:33 as the sale by the goldsmith Labasi's sons of shares previously actively held by their father. Given the high value of the gold and silver objects used to decorate the garments of the deities, one must assume that the pa rt of the temple in which these garments were stored was highly restricted. Since the work of the goldsmiths required that they enter this area on a regular basis, the craft of goldsmith was always accompanied by

89

official permission to enter this storage area. The storage area or room was the bit pirlti an d the authorization to enter this area was called érib-bit pinft4tu. Thus the bit piriltl was a room or area of the temple in which the vestments of priests and the costly garments of the statues of the deities were stored. The English term "sacristy" comes closest to translating Akkadian bit pirilti.

mar-URU 5 :

Tempest in a Deluge

nomenon such as a strong wind or tempest! O This understanding is further strengthened by the passage from Bird and Fish whose va ri ant text records the term as 1Mmar-TE indicating a type of wind.1 r It should also be noted that the term mar-ru 1O occurs in association with the following winds:

mar-URU 5 :

TEMPEST IN A DELUGE Bar ry L. Eichler

University of Pennsylvania

This lexicographical article, presented to Bi ll Hallo in appreciation and wann re gard, will attempt to set forth the relevant textual an d orthographic data relating to the Sumerian term mar-URU 5 an d to discern its relationship to the terms a-ma-ru "deluge" an d e 2-mar-URU 5 "quivet" A first millennium bilingual text of the canonical lamentation uru 2 am 3 -ma-ir-ra-bi, dating to Seleucid times, exemplifies the confusion concerning the meaning of the term mar-URU 5 (=TE guna). The text gives two alternative Akkadian translations reading mar-TE I Iu-sat-ill -la me-e s'i-in ga- men3 -[na]: a-bu-bu fa t e-mu-qa-a-1u 2 1a2 -qa-a / if-pa-turn ve-bi-tum [Ana]-rku'-ma -

'I am a flood whose strength is extraordinary I I am a quiver raised up." 2

Th e confusion in rendering the term mar-URU 5 as then "flood" or "quiver" does not seem to be restricted late periods since both meanings of the term are assumed to have been attested also in early Neo-Sumerian times. Basing himself upon the Gudea insc ri p ti ons, Adam Falkenstein understood mar-URU 5 to represent an orthographic variant of two distinct vocables. 3 According to Falkenstein. these two vocables, *aura`-URU 5 (k):abnibu "deluge, floodwaters," and e 2 -mar-URU 5 ilpahu quiver," coalesced orthographically as a result of the loss of each of their initial vowels. Although the o ri ginal etymology of the Sumerian term for "flood" remains undetermined and its earliest and most prevalent orthog-

ÛRU AM-MA-lR-RA-B!

p, 5ar I. c+43o. A Faiternsein, Grammatik der

Stuttgart: Franz Steiner P. tos No. 56:22-24. The Lu -il, -la with the tabVolk, op. cis . Tafel Lamentations of An . vol. 2

.

(MC' aa).. p

41-

Lq.

raphy is a-ma-ru, 4 it is generally accepted that both ama-ru "flood" and e2-mar-URU 5 "quiver" share the common orthographic vari ant mar-URU S.5 It is also assumed that this va riant should be read as mar-ru m since the URU5 sign is at times replaced with the ru sign in these contexts. 6 The general acceptance that mar-ru m is an orthographic variant ofa-ma-ru an d e2-mar-ru 1O is called into ques ti on by the occurrence of the term in an unpubhshed fragment housed in the University Museum, N 2 355. The line 'n ques ti on, rev. 2 r , reads sag-kal a-maru mar-UR[u s] [...].7 In this context, it seems difficult to interpret mar-ru n, as "quiver" yet the text clearly distinguishes it from a-ma-ru "flood." There are also a few passages in Sumerian literature in which the term marru m does not seem to refer to either "flood" or "quiver." This is especially apparent in those contexts in which the term occurs in conjunction with an "heavens, sky." The simile invoked in both Dumuzi's Dream 67: silo-mu mar-URU 5 -gin7 an-na ma-ra-nigin-e 8 "My hair will whirl around like a mar-ru m in the sky for you," and in Bird and Fish 1 i5' mar-TU an-sa 3 -ga pu 2-pu 2-gin-i an -na mu-un-nigin 9 'Like a mar-ru m whirling in the midst of heaven, (the bird) circled in the sky " seems to indicate that the term refers to a meteorological phe4.

A. Falkenstein, AnOr 28, p. 41 n. 5; E. Sollberger, Business and Administrative Co nespondena Under the Kings of Ur (TCS I), p. 99. 5. J.S. Cooper, The Return of Ninurta to Nippur (AnOr 52), p. 127 with n. i.

6. A. sjöb rg, TCS 3, p. 62 on the basis ofTemple Hymns 63 which has the variant ma-ru for mar-URU 5 (see apparatus m TCS 3. P . 243); Cf also n. 53 helow for Ewe and Grain mi in which a-marURUs (UM 29-16-461 + 29-16-662 rev. 5) interchanges with a-maru (CBS 1 3941 + UM 29-15-913 obv. 3o; CBS 15161 rev. I1). 7. Despite the fact that the tablet breaks off at the fi nal vertical of the sign, there is no doubt that the sign is URU 5 . This tablet was brought to my attention by Professor Ake Sjöberg. It represents hie 2 37 of the composition, Death of Urnammu, according to an unpub^ prepared by Dr. Steve Tinney at the University fished m manuscript 8.

One of the four witnesses, CBS 1590 ohv. 13, has the variTE for mar-URU 5 . 9. So CT 42 pl. 47 no. 42 rev. iii 4. The other witness, UET 6/1 4o M. 47 reads [M mar-T[E] for mar-TU.

with dal-ha-mun:a.fam to "whirlwind," 12 in VAS Jo, 199: rev iii 16 mar-URU 5 ma-an-ze e-rem3 dal'ha-mun mac-an-ze e-em 3 > "(Enlil) gave the tempest to me, he gave the whirlwind to me ' 13 ; with IM-u, 8 -Iu:mertl "impetuous windstorm" in Inanna and Sukaletuda 188 = 20o IM- 1 u 1 81 -lu marURU5 -hug igi-se a mu-un-[dib-be e -esi "An impetuous windstorm, a furious tempest [passed by?] to the front" 14 ; and also with iM-mir-ra. mejia "raging windstorm" in Sulgi A 62-63: u 4-bi-a u 4-de3 gu3 he t -eb-be e marURU 5 het -nigin-nigin IM-mil-mil-ra IM-u l g-lu ur 5-bi nix bi-a bu-mu-un-sa 4 15 "On that day, the storm shrieked, the tempest whirled; the impetuous windstorm an d the raging windstorm howled at each oth"16 er. As evident from the above passage, Sulgi A 62, marmm may occur in poetic parallelism with u 4:iimu "storm."" Both terms also occur appositionally in OIP The 3 -mi y u4 am-gal-nun za mar-URU5 99, p. 47:53-54: tempest, the storm, Amgalnun, be praised";; in Inanna and Ebih 4: u 4 mar-URU 5 su-tag4-du 11 -ga 19 "You are armed with the storm, the tempest" and in Sulgi V 13: du tu-tuku u4-mar-`URU 5' za 3 -s"e-nil nu-til-e .O "The ro. An irinnma to Blur also associates this term with an in BM 96927 rev. ii 97: mar-TE an-ta-zi-zi Di-Di sag an-Le s mi ni=in-d3. S.N. Kramer ("BM 96927: A Prime Example of Ancient Scribal Redaction," Lingering Over Words [Harvard Semitic Series 37], p. 26o) translates the line as "Made the deluge raging from ahove, rushing about, raise head to heaven." M.E. Cohen (Sumerian Hymnology: The Erfemma [HUCA Supplements 2], p. 6o) translates the line as "proceeding(?), a devastating flood, rising high, he is majestic " The context is difficuh but there is no reason why a possible association with "stormwind" rather than "flood" should be excluded An alternative transla ti on would then he 'Made the tempest, rising up from the heavens, rushing ahout, rant high the had" 1 I. See n. 9 above. 12. With A. Sjöberg. TOE 3, p. 83. CAD (Al2, p. 4n) translates olaHrlÜ- tu as "dust storm." 13. Cf W H Ph. Römer, "Eine sumerische Hymne mit Selbstlob inannai," Or NS 39 (1969) 981 16 with pp ro4E Musei rs ty Quoted from an unpuhlished ins. in the Unive 14. um, provided by Dr. Konrad Volk for the University of Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary Project. 15. At least two of the witnesses attest to the variant mar-TE (3N-T468 Eli 13; and VET 6/1 79 rev i6) for mar-URU 5 (CBS 10993 + N 2478 in 9; and SLTNi 81 rev. 4). 16. Cf. J. Klein, 77rnee Sulgi Hymns (Ramat Gan:Bar-Ihn University Press 1981), pp. 196f. '7. The term u 4 :wrm, with the meaning "storm," is discussed by A Sjöherg (TOE 3, p. too) who notes that the term is characterized by its ferocious roaring and howling as it rushes forth. 18. With J.S. Cooper, AnOr 52, p.127 a. 2. 12 67) Two of the five witnesses (UET 6/1 in and Sb 19. n-URU5. have the vacsnt nay- Ili Gor t;rar

91

swift runner, the storm, the tempest, (the strength of) his loins is never ending." zi The term mar-ru m also occurs as a similitude for u 4 in Lamentation Over Sumer and Ur 2 an d 113: u4-de3 mar-URU 5 -gin,, ur-bi i 3 -gu7-en "The storm, like the tempest, is all devouring." Additional suppo rt for interpreting mar-ru n, as "ternpest" may be sought from the above mentioned unpublished fragment N 2355 rev. 2t in which the term is juxtaposed to a-ma-m. Should mar-ru n, bear the meaning "tempest," this verse would be parallel to STVC 35 rev. 16: a-ma-m IM-u 1 8-1u nim-gin 7 gir2-gir2-e "(Ninurta) the deluge, the impetuous windstorm, who flashes

like lightening," 23 in which a-ma-m is similarly apposed to turbulent winds. Since some of the winds with which mar-ru 1O has been associated a re also identified in lexical lists with directional winds, namely lM-u 1 3-lu with 1^ttu "the southwind"^4 an d IM-mir with dtanu "the northwind,i 2 $ it is tempting to associate the mar-ru n, with IM-mar-TU= amurru ' the westwind." z6 This seemingly attrac ti ve sugges ti on, however, cannot be maintained with certainty because of the orthographic evidence. While mar-ru in 'tempest" is usually written with either the URU 5 (—ihgun1)-sign or the TE-sign,^7 none of the references to tM-mar-du 2 (TU):amunu "westwind," to mar-du 2 (Tu): amurru as an ethnic or geographic designation, or to dmarURU s (TU) "the god Mardu" are written with the du2 28 sign. Although one cannot definitively equate mar-ru m with the westwind, the above cita ti ons from Sumerian literary texts seem to attest to a term mar-ru 1O with the meaning "stormwind, tempest" to be distinguished from the terms a-ma-ru "floodwaters, deluge" and e2 -mar-

-

;

(SRT -sign is effac 5 Because the middle of the URU 20. TE or 13:13), it is impossible to deternune whether URU 5 (21. CL Wilcke (Latbadoepos. p. 179 n. 46o) interpreted this expression as a variant writing for a-mar -uni s (cf. aho J. Klein, Beerby comparing 4 value for u ara suggesting perhaps an 2i), Skew 2, p. the writing u 4 ri-a (UET 6/i izo:i) with a-n-a (OECT 1. ri 1). However, AM A1-Fouadi s collation of die OECT passage yields u 4 and not a. Although Wilcke's interpretation is still tenable by assuming an assimilation of the /a/ vowel > /u/ in the environment of erred urne previously exists in the environnent du, o -tuku, no such expression treat rIlis and hence it is proibnble to Inna ha and Ebih 4, as two separate nouns in apposition the Che (77a Lamentation Following P. Michalowsk 's sigh 22. Winona il, Ur [Mesopotamian Civilizations, tion of Sumer and Destruction Lake: Eisenbrnune 19 8 9 pp. 288:). texts A rev. r5 and U obv. a have -TE. have the variant mar 2 while Be obv a and DD obv. mar-URU 5 23. With J. Klein. 'Sulgi and ibnedagan: Runners in the Serofthe Gods (SRT i3)," Beer-Shan' (1985) 2, p 23 102. Sjiiberg, TCS 3, p. A. cf 44:to'; 24. MSL 17. p. 3o:82, p. p. 118. *berg, TCS 3, A. 6:156; cf i 5 25. MSL 17, p. A. *berg, Hyman, P. 2U and Su* J. Klein. That 26. Cf TCS 3,p.83 , 42- 42 (It 4 71 27. A S'ipQar witness for Bird and Fish r15 iii 4) cbsplays the unique variant writing mar in the Ur witness variant iM-ma1-TE Thus the a. and Ash 115 cited above NET 6/11 4t> rev. 47) cannot be IM-mar`ths a(nl). ,

BARRY L EICHLER

ru,° "quiver." This distinction, however, is assured most definitively by the unpublished fragment N 2355 rev. 2 7 sag-kal a-ma-rw mar-r[u, O J in which two of the terms ar e orthographically differentiated. It is therefore necessary to determine whether such orthographic differentiation is evident from other texts. For the early Neo-Sumerian period, evidence of such orthographic differentiation may be gleaned from the Gudea Cylinders. On the basis of context, a-ma-m occurs in the Gudea Cylinders as ' floodwaters,"^ 9 as the name of a weapon, "Deluge-weapon," 3° and as an epithet of Ningirsu, "Deluge of Enlil." 3 ' The writing marru 10 occurs only twice in the Gudea Cylinders: Cylinder A vi 20: ti-mar-URU 5 -a u4 gin 7 i3 -e3 clearly associates mar-ru 1O with ti "arrow" and must therefore be translated as "(When) you have made arrows protrude from the quiver like rays." 32 Thus mar-ru 1O is clearly an orthographic va ri ant of e 2-mar-URU 5 (Cyl B xiv 6) "quiver." 33 The other occurrence of mar-ru 10 is Cylinder B ix 22° mar-URU 5 -gin7 zi-ga which describes Ensignun's execution of his duties. This context will not allow the tra nsla ti on of mar-ru 10 as "quiver" and hence Falkenstein opted for an association with a-ma-ru "flood "34 Nevertheless, context would also clearly allow an association with mar-ru 10 "stormwind, tempest " By translating, "He sets out like a stormwind," the simile appropriately emphasizes Ensignun's alacrity in performing his duties. Thus by giving weight to the orthographic evidence, one may discern that a-nu-ru "floodwaters" is orthographically differentiated from mar-ru 10 "stormwind' and (e 2 -)mar- ru 10 'quiver" in the Gudea Cylinden Such an orthographic differentiation seems to be maintained also in the Old Babylonian period as is evident from the occurrence of the above terms in Angim and Lugale. In the Old Babylonian unilingual ve rs ion of Angim a-ma- ru "deluge" occurs as an epithet of Ningirsu," and as an epithet of a weapon, 36 while the term mar-ru 10 occurs only once. Angim 142 reads: mir lu g -ra 4= ana mar-URU 5 -mu mu-da an gal l -la-am 3 37 "I bear the min-snake that attacks humans, my bow and quiver."j 8 There is an Old Babylonian witness to this sq. Cyl. A iv t 8, v 15, viii 26 (written uniquely as a-ma -ru f2 ); and Cyl B c 21. 3o Gudea Cy+ A acv s4: tukul aCyl. B na -ru; Cyl. B viii a. g0-'sar2- ur3 a-ma -ru -rne3. 31, Cy E Ax a and xxiiï 14: a -tria ni d en32. With T. Jac obsen. The Harps that once. . (New Haven: Yak Untversity Press, ;987), p. 396, 33. A. Falkenstein. AnOr 28, p. 41 n. 7 A. *berg, TCS 3, p. 6s and StOr 46 (1975) 313. 34. A. Falkcrcuein, AnOr 28. p 41 and cf. T. Jacobsen, Harps. p. 433, Note t hat both translations depart from the basic meaning of rma'rn n "deluge, floodwaters" and opt for 'hurricane" and 'doodstorm," respectively. Angim sol, kala-ga a-ma-ru la, " Stro ng one, DelAngim 160 and Angi 141: a-ma -ru-mea -a utug, - sag-5a-mu "Deluge of mace. "

verse with the va rian t a-ma-m. This va ri ant is best explained as scribal confusion based on the occurrence of the a-ma-ru-weapon in the preceding verse which was transferred in error to this verse because the context of 39 Since the a-ma-mboth verses is that of weaponry weapon occurs already in line 141 and this Delugeweapon is usually described as a mace and never as bow, the reading mar-n1 1O in Angim 142 with the meaning "quiver ' is to be preferred. 4° A similar orthographic differentiation between a-maru "floodwaters" and mar-ru m , representing either the term "stormwind" or a va ri ant writing of e2-mar-ru 1O "quiver," is also found in the unilingual Old-Babylonian version of Lugale. In this version, a-ma-rm occurs as an epithet of Ningirse an d as a destruc ti ve force against the foe. 42 These contexts clearly allow the usual translation of a-ma-ru as "deluge." 43 The term mar-ru m occurs three times. In line 114, the tireless ac ti on of Sarur, who is depicted as a bird, is descnbed as nu-kus 2-u 3 laba-lass-u3 a2-bee mar-URU 5 DU ' Untiring, (garur) did not perch, its wings brought forth a mar-ru 1O." 44 This context would allow a meaning ' stormwind, tempest," which seems preferable to a meaning "floodwaters, deluge" since the movement of a bird in flight and the stormwind are both associated with the atmosphere. The term mar-ru m also occurs in Lugale 82. mar-URU5 se-ba mu-un-NE-en-DU. 45 Despite the later bilingual version which equates this occurrence with abubu "deluge," 46 context and orthography point to ' tempest." In the previous and following lines mar-ru m is parallel to 1M-bu! and u 18 -lu (line 81) and uru 2 mab (line 83) The resultant ac ti on of these windstorms is Ninurta s stirring up the dust an d depositing it elsewhere, thereby levelling the ground. 47 Although this context is slightly ambigu37. J.S. Cooper, AnOr 52, p. 8o with text Q = Ni 4297 rev. 1 t (ISET 2, pI. 26). Text P = CBS 14012 + UM 29-16-64 has the variant 'a-ma-ni'. 38. Based on the variant reading in text P (see previous note), J.S. Cooper to slates this line as "I bear the mir-snake that attacks humans, my Deluge-bow" (AnOr n p. 80. 39. For a similar example of scribal confusion, see the va ri ants to Lugale 689 with n. 49 discussed below. 40 Cf. J.A. Black MO 27 [198o] p. 158. Also note that the quiver described with other weaponry in Gudea Cyl. B xiv 6 seems to be decorated with snakes (AnOr 52, p. 16o n. 2 and T. Jacobsen, Harps, p. 437). 41. Lugak 3: a-ma-m mir -ia 4 nu -kus u3 lei -bal -a ga nga,. 42. Lugale 229: a-ma -ru r u$.7 ' [...-d]a - gar-a tu r n sud, sud 1de 3 and Lugale 66o: ur-sag a-m[a -ru ga]ba su nu -gaz-ga2. 43. So.) van Dijk. LUGAL UD ME-LAM-bi NIR-CAL (Leiden: E J. Brill, 1983), 1, pp. 51, 79, 138: "déluge' ; and T. Jacobsen, Harps, pp. 2 35, 247, 269: 'floodstorm." 44• The image is that of the constant and rapid movement of the wings which stirred up a mar-URU 5 . Cf. T Jacobsen, (Harps, p. 2 42), who translates the clause as ' its wings kept moving (bke) a floodstomi' ; and J. van Dijk, (LUGAL, I, p. 66) who translates "dons les talks portent k déluge.' 45. T. Jacobsen (Harps, p. 240) and J. van Dijk (LUGAL 1, p. 62) have translated the verse as "the flood storm strode at their flanks" and "dam leur bras il plana le deluge " respectively. 46. J. van Dijk, LUGAL z, p. 53.

mar-URU5: Tempest in a Deluge ous since floodwaters would also displace the soil, the parallels with other windstorms and the writing marru m favors the translation "tempest. ' The final occurrence, Lugale 689, is problematic since the Old Babylonian witnesses offer two different readings. Texts I 4 an d J4 attest to the reading gstukul mar-URU 5 kur-re sum-mu while Text S4 attests to the reading gistukul ma-r[u] . 48 Unlike the conflicting Old Babylonian variants to Angim 142, discussed above, it is more difficult to ascertain which of the two va ri ant readings of Lugale 689 is correct. Since a-ma-ru is well attested as an epithet of a weapon in Sumerian literature, 49 it seems best to consider a-ma-rm as the preferred reading, thus translating "The Deluge-weapon, hurling fire upon the highlands. ' 5° The literary associations of Otukul with arrows and quivers' would help explain the more difficult variant reading mar-ru 1 0 "quiver," especially since the weapon's hurling of fire would suggest a projec tile weapon with a burning rip, such as arrows. 52 From the above references in the Gudea Cylinders and the Old Babylonian venions of Lugale and Angim, it is evident that during the Old Babylonian period and earlier, the term a-ma-ru "deluge' was usually differentiated orthographically from the terms mar-ru m, 'tempest" an d (e 2-)mar-ru 10 'quiver." It is also evident from corrupt va ri ants in Angim 142 and Lugale 689 that the Old Babylonian sc ribes began to confuse a-ma-rm "deluge" with (e 2-)mar-ru r0 "quiver" in the context of weaponry. 53 This orthographic confusion, however, was not limited to a-ma- ru and (e 2-)mar-ru m . Confusion also arose between a-ma-rat "floodwaters, deluge" an d mar-ru m `stormwind, tempest" because of the similarity of their 47• Ibid., pp. 53f. lines 84-85: sabar i 3 -zi-zi sahar i 3 -gargaz dub-du 12 lag mu-un-si-p a-p-n i 3 -KAB-be, "It was tearing up the dust depositing it (again) evening out hill and dale, filling in hollows (T. Jacohsen, Harps, p. 241) For the textual apparatus, see van Dijk, LUCAL 2, pp. 48 1741 49. See nn. 3o and 36 above, to which may be added Gudea Statue B v 37: sar rur3 a-ma-ru-me 3 -ka-ni; Susin Hut. Inset. A i 25 and Angim 141: a-ma-ru-nae 3 -a. Also cf. CAD A/I, p. 79• 5o. As in Lugale 82, the bilingual version equates the term in line 689 with abûbu. Both T. Jacobsen (Harps, p. 27o) and J van Dijk (LUGAL 1, 142) translate the line under discussion u referring to the Deluge-weapon. 51. Cf. Susin Hist. Inscr. B i 32: gittukul n-mar-ru, o , and gis.al Hymn 66: utug2 Ydiukul 6-mar-ru m d al am3 -ma-an-du,,. 52. For the association of arrows from the quiver with fire, see Tree and Reed 186: gis-leak-ti mar-ru, o -da izi-girn ri gis-gin s ba-ndimz -en ' You (the Reed) cannot fashion like the Tree an arrowhead which shoots forth from the quiver like fire." For this idea to be reflected in Lugale 689, one would have to understand Otukul as a genenc term for weapon, thus translating "weapons of the quiver" (i.e., arrows). Note, however, that etuku) without reference to arrows also occurs in association with fire in Lugale 256 gi ltukul feu k subversive mit `7a massue KIN(var. sag,)-di-da kur-re izi ba-sum (Harps, 83). Th. Jacobsen LUGAL 1, p. a la Montagne" 0. van Dijk, p. 248) seems to take giltukul as a projectile weapon from his transladon, "The weapon, going to reconnoiter the border areas, can fire upon the highlands."

93

literary associations. As mentioned above, a-ma-m occurs in association with stormwinds, especially with IMu 1 8-1u:meb4 "impetuous windstorm."S 4 Such an association is in consonance with Sumerian literary imagery which associates gale winds an d torrents of water, e.g., Lamentation Over Ur 184: IM-bul-e a-mab-e 3 -a-gin7 gut-bi nu-ga 2-ga2 "The evil winds, like mighty waten surging forth, cannot be quelled." The devastating power of the fierce onrush of both the floodwater an d stormwinds which one can neither remain nor withstand easily accounts for their associa ti on. This association is further strengthened by the use of the same verb zi(-g) in describing their common action of rising up. 55 Furthermore, in comparing Lamentation Over Ur 199: u4 a-ma-ru-gin 7 uru2 i 3 -gul-gul-e "The storm, like the deluge, destroys cities," with Lamentation Over Sumer and Ur 2 and 113: u 4- de 3 mar-ru 10-gin 7 ur-bi i 3 -gu 7-e "The storm, like the tempest, is all-devouring," it is evident that both terms, at times can be easily interchanged Thus it is often difficult to distinguish the two terms when translating a verse if one re li es only on context. A c as e in point is Ninegalla 84: dinanna mar-TU kus"7 -za su 3 -[ x x x (x) ]. 56 Basing himself on Lugale 229 in which the verb is associated with a-ma-ru:abtibu, H. Behrens understands mar-TU as "deluge" although he does note that in the preceding line manna is described as a heavenly phenomenon.S 7 Equally instructive, however, is Lamentation Over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur 491: an-sa 4 -anki-e IM bul rlal-la-gin ? kus7 bee- ni-ibsu-su "It (the storm) levelled Anian like an evil blowing wind." 58 Thus the verb kus 7-su su/su3 -su3 `to level, devastate" is associated with both floodwaters an d stormwinds and only attention to orthography is able to help dispel the ambiguity. Unfortunately, however the 53. Also instructive are variant writings for "quiver" in Ewe and G rain tot Ida-lu -us, a-ma -ru Opana-gal-gal-e si mu - na -absa,-e "He prepares the sling, the quiver and the great bows, which CBS 15161 rev. I i and CBS 13941 + UM 29-15-973 obv. 3o have the va ri ant a-ma-ru and UM 29-16-461 + UM 29-16-662 rev. 5 has the variant a-mar-URU 5 , while the Philadelphia Free Library pnsm FLP 2628 has the reading gi3/e 2 "-mar-URU 5 . This unpublished material does not appear in the text apparatus of B Alster and H Vanstiphout s edition of iable and Aman (A cta Sumelogica 9 [198 7] 1-43). IM VAS 17, 40.4, ci See above with n. 23. Also 54. u 13 -lu rx-x' [ ], said of likur. 55. Cf. a- nia -m zi-ga (Curse of Agade t jo), u, ki's Journey o Nippur 85), mar-ru, o û-p and IM-bul zi and Ebiih 137 and 138). 56. For the writing mar -TU attested in both witnesses, CBS 833o + 13669 ii 13' and CBS t4o52 + t41o9 ii 33, see the above reference to Bird and Fish t is with n. 9. in his forthcoming treatment of the Hermann Behrens 57• Dr. Ninegalla Hymn (to appear in FAOS) restores the end of the line as Stunnfut, in manna, du.j "[wenn e)]. translating 3 [su 3 - da -zu-de deiner Zerstörung (alles) Überfluten [hiss[]." In his commentary, Beas nabasau "to sui "destruction" and naspnntu alone as hrens takes kus 7 inundate." 58. With P Michaiowski, The Lmncntation Over the Desindaion of Sumer and Ur, p. 67 and bibhogrnphïc references to kid,-su-su as a compound verb on p, rob Ain

BARRY L. EICHLER

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orthographic differentiation between a-ma-ru "floodwaten" and mar-ru 10 "stormwind" which is apparent in the early Neo-Sumerian and Old Babylonian periods begins to break down even in the Old Babylonian period due to scribal confusion. For example, in the bilingual royal hymnal inscription of Hammurapi, one finds mar-URU 5 gi -gis'-la 2 :abwb tuqumàtim.S 9 Based on the Sumerian orthography, one would have expected an Akkadian translation of the epithet "Tempest of battles" rather than "Deluge of battles." This orthographic confusion seems to have increased in the post-Old Babylonian periods when mar-ru 10 "tempest" and "quiver" began to be written as mat-ru 10, an d subsequently a-maru began to be written as a-ma t-ru 1O , as attested in the bilingual venions of Legale an d Angim. 6o Despite the scribal confusion which eventually developed, the term a-ma-ru "deluge" seems to have been differentiated, nevertheless, from the two terms marru 10 "stormwind" and (e 2-)mar-ru, 0 "quiver" by their different orthographies throughout most of the Old Babylonian period an d earlier. This orthographic differentiation and subsequent confusion seem to be evident also from the lexical evidence. In Proto-lzi, it is note-

1, 42 iv 8. of Lugak 3, 82, 229, and 689, see LUGAL 2 pp. 2 5, 53, 82, and 1 75; Angun 72, 141, 142, and 2o7, see the .S Cooper, AnOr 52 pp. 66, 8o, 82, and too. ne possible reference to a-ma -ni in my in TCL 15, 14 (pl. 41) rev. iv 5': i-bal (gul gal-line and which attested only as a later ortho-

...]

worthy that there are two separate orthographic entries, a-ma-ru an d mar-ru m, which are followed by ulu 3 (or uru2?), an d a-ma-ru-kam. 6 ' However, in an appendix to In Boghazköy, there is only one orthographic entry amar-ru in which is equated with Akkadian isr [pa tu] "quiver," a bu [bu] "deluge," an d a fa a[m fu tu] ' wind62 storm." Nevertheless, despite its confused orthography, the In Boghazköy listing seems to suppo rt the existence of three onginal Sumerian terms, namely ama-ru "floodwaters,' e 2-mar-ru 1O "quiver," an d marru m "stormwind." 63 -

-

-

-

-

-

-

61. MSL 13 p. 30:402-405. 62. MSL 13 p• 1473'-5'. 63. On a final note, the article may he viewed in some way as " a tempest in a deluge." If one understands a-ma-m as a cataclysmic phenomenon comprised of devastating floodwaters and humcane winds, one is tempted to see both aspects of water and wind in the etymology of the term, a + mar -r11 10> a-ma-ru. However, as underscored in this ankle, there is strong evidence of an orthographic differentiation between the terms a-ma-m "deluge" and mar-ru, o 'tempest" which does not readily allow for such an attractive etymobgid derivation for a-ma-ru. However, in discussing this matter with Dr. Antoine Cavigneaux, he has suggested that the term a-maru may have been isolated graphically from its etymological components a "water"+ mar-ru, o "wind" because of its overwhelming reference to the unique "cosmic deluge." There is also a temptation to speculate about the relationship of mar-ru,, "tempest" to the term ea -mar-m u, "quiver." If one were to view e a -mar-ru m as `tempestbox," the "tempest" must then be descriptive of the onslaught of the arrows contained therein. The phrase P itukul ti-mar-ru, a (see above n. 51) would then be translated "weapon, tempest-arrows" rather than "weapon, arrow (and) quiver." The difficulty of such a derivation for the term e a-mar-ru in , however, lies pnmarily in the highly hterary nature of the etymology.

"FORERUNNERS" AND "STANDARD VERSIONS" A FEW THOUGHTS ABOUT TERMINOLOGY

• •

Walter Farber

The Oriental Institute

The term "forerunner"' has been pa rt of Assyriological jargon for many years, so much so that a cuneiformist who has not, on occasion, used it himself would probably be hard to find. I have refrained from spending much time to find out exactly when, an d by whom, the term was first introduced into our field,' but there is httie doubt that it came to lasting prominence only after B. Landsberger used it for the pre-canonical versions of U AR-ra=bubullu, starting in MSL 5 (1957). From this usage with lexical texts, the term was borrowed quite frequently to describe texts of other genres which were viewed as links in some kind of a developmental chain, thus contrasting the earlier stages with later, "standardized," or "canonical" versions. For obvious reasons, such a concept of "forerunners" is strictly limited to texts belonging to the "Stream of Tradition" which, after being written down once, were collected, edited, an d often completely reformatted by ancient scribes of later generations. The terminology has thus been used with more or less frequency 3 with reference to, for inst an ce, omen texts, 4 myths and epics, 5 hymns,6 cultic laments, 7 and magico-religious texts like prayers & and incantations?

A preliminary version of this paper was read at the tooth Annual Meeting of the AOS, Atlanta 1990. It profited from a spirited discussion there, in which Bill Hallo, to whom I wish to dedicate this final version, was one of the main voices. Obviously, responsibility for all views expressed here remains with me alone. t. German " Vorliufer," French "pr&xrseur." 2. The earliest reference I am aware of is in H S Schuster's dissertation RA 44 11 93 8 1. pp. 235, 238ff., et, pointed out to me hy M Civil), and the term may thus well ultimately go back to Schuster's teacher B. Landsherger. See also the patinent remarks by Landsberger, MSL 2 (1951) 2 and the clarifying note by M Civil, MSL 14 ( 1 979) 3. 3. The following footnotes give a few examples, but do not go back to a systematic search of recent publications, and a re by no means meant to be exhaustive. 4. E. Leichry, The Omar Series lwnnra izbu (GIüekstadt/löew York 1970) pp. 231E; F. Rochberg-Halton, Aspects of Babylonian Celestial Divination: The Lunar Eclipse Tablets of Enwrw Anw Enlil (Ho rn 1988), p. 19 5. J.H. Tigay, The Evolution of do Gildamresk Epic (Philadelphia 1982), passim' note, however, the terrnitologiral differentiation between Old Babylonian "version" and Sumerian "forerunners"

Some other genres of more technical literature, like medical presc ri ptions, cubic rituals, or musical texts to name but a few, would hardly ever meet the same criteria of a straight developmental chain: with such texts, diachronic differences would be much mo re likely to reflect deeper changes in contents, such as refined technologies, or a new cultic setting. At a first glance, historical texts seem to be equally unlikely candidates for the application of such a concept of 'forerunners" versus `standard venions," because they tend to focus on onetime events the description of which is not likely to be freely rewritten in a diachronic process of textual development. As a matter of fact, however, it is a specific group of historical texts which, I think, does provide us with an especially interesting example of exactly such a process, although the development here takes place in an atypically short period of time. I am thinking of the situation when annals of a given king underwent reediting as new facts an d deeds for the following years accumulated an d had to be incorporated into what at the end of the king's reign would constitute the "final version." Common Assyriological jargon tends to use the terms "redaction" or " re cension" for such intermediate stages of historical accounts, an d I cannot remember having seen them referred to as "forerunners," although I do think that in this case the term would not be inappropriate if used to emphasize the diachronic development of the text in question.

loir rind Sal des jeagbabyk6. B. Grorxberg, Syntax, 167. Somewhat nischen "hyriwthehen" Literabit (scraltgart 1987,) p. more cautious is the term 'prototype," as used for instance by W. von Soden, ZA 61 ( 1 97 1 ), p. 44, or M J. Seta, Hymns et Finites sex Deux de Babylonie et d'Assyrie (Paris 1976) p. 1 73. 7. S. Maul, 7`lcrzbertgitungsklrgen' (Wiesbaden r988), p. 5. 8. W. Farber, Bodnar:Unwritrak an Iller rod Drimaszi (VT baden ten) pp. Io2E; W.R. Mayer, Ulaerndrwn rn tar FalooIpmdw do Babylorwsdsen Gebetsieschsrönunirn (Roua 1976), p. 32 (ci p 211: "Vorstrifil. 9. W. Farber, ZA 7i (1981) Sddofl (Winona Lake 1989), (1987), p. 62; M. Geller, Fomwwsns to passim

WALTER FARBER

96

This example of the annals can also be used to illussome of the most important aspects inherent in the rrn "forerunner." First of all, one has to keep in mind that its focus is under all circumstances directed backwards in time, an d that it quite obviously can never describe a text at the time of its composition It also implies that the person rewriting the text knows an d has full access to the previous version which he uses while cornposing the new texts. Thirdly, the new version is deemed to be superior to its predecessor, at least for the purpose of the given situation. And lastly, the final product effectively replaces all previous textual stages and thus becomes the "standard ve rs ion" we need for a dichotomy with the term "forerunner." Of all the genres mentioned above, to which the term " forerunner' has occasionally been applied in Assyriology, only one sterns to me to truly fulfill all these condidons, an d it is surely not a coincidence that it is the one for which Landsberger originally used the terminology, namely the lexical lists. Given the well-known continuity of the Babylonian school system and the lexical tradition within it, 1° it seems very likely that in this field most changes in selection, wording or arrangement were made intentionally by people fully convenant with, an d having physical access to tablets representing previous stages of the text in question Individual additions and topical rearrangements were surely understood mprovements, an d the final result after a long textual history became our "canonical ve rs ion," surprisingly uniform and basically identical throughout the country. This standard version then in fact replaced the previous ditiorts which thus can legitimately be called "forerunrs A similar process of step-by-step textual growth an d improvement might also have affected some groups of omen texts between the Old Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian periods, although a direct dependence of later texts on the earlier material has not been claimed too often, an d the term "forerunner" has thus been used rarely. One example that comes to mind is a group of Old Babylonian tablets with celestial omens which F. Rochberg-Haken has called "forerunners or prototypes" to the later series Enirma Anu Enhl. The texts in ques ti on still being unpublished, I am unable to put her argument the test, but it seems from her discussion that some related texts from the Middle period do not quite b ri dge the gap from the oldest to the latest venions. The continuity of the developmental process thus has yet to be proven. In any case, the concept of forerunners seems to me quite suitable for what we think might have been the "

H ,p

I I F. Roc

it, A x,

rid W.K. Simpson The AnA. Falkenstein, .Sa1il1ri. 4 anly on the Old Babylo(AS ao, Chicago 1976), pp. .p-t9.

textual history of at least some of the omen collections, but the evidence has to be thoroughly checked in every single case before such a claim is made, to see if the basic conditions for this type of diachronic model exist. If we now shift our a tt ention to literary texts in the narrower sense the question of terminology becomes even more vexing. As far as I can see, most scholars have been careful to avoid altogether the term 'forerunner" with regard to epics myths, hymns and the like As a matter of fact, there are several good reasons why such a concept of "forerunners" is indeed very questionable here, an d I have yet to find a single example where the terminology would seem fully appropriate First of all, when applied to works of art, the negative tinge of the term, contrasting it with an ever more perfected "final ve rs ion," cannot be ignored any longer. A diachronically later literary treatment of a given topic is not ipso facto meant to be an improvement over a previous one, even if the author is known to have had access to the earlier ve rs ion an d can be shown to have made deliberate use of it while developing his own work. This situation is crucially different from the one involving groups of non-artistic traditional texts, like the ones mentioned before. In written works of art, the only case of a "forerunner" deserving its name would be a work by a given author that was later rewritten, an d thus effectively replaced by an other ve rs ion, as exemplified by J.W. Goethe's "Urfaust" an d the later two-part drama "Faust. " The phenomenon can also occasionally be found in music, 1z but it is much more common in pictorial a rt , where the earlier versions, if they survived as independent works, are usually referred to as "studies." On the other hand, a developmental chain may well link topically related works of art over centu ri es, without any of the earlier venions being merely "forerunners" of the later ones. As just one example, let me men ti on here the set of tales about the Nibelungs, where the Middle High German "Nibelungenlied" certainly cannot be called a forerunner, neither to Hans Sachs' play Der hörnen Seufriedt (1557), nor to Richard Wagner s "Ring" cycle (1853), F. Hebbel's Die Nibelungen (1861), nor finally to some politically and artistically questionable elaborations by German nationalist poets like F. Schreyvogel's Herfahrt nach Osten (1938) ' 3 Still all of these authors obviously knew, an d used the medieval text Quite similarly, there is no reason why an Old Babylonian ve rs ion of the epic tales about Gilgarnea should be downgraded to a "forerunner," something that was — in this case after further intermediate stages — finally replaced by a standardized, and for reasons of history de facto final, new work on the topic in the first millennium. Such terminology would be inappropriate 12. See, for instance, the different "versions" (nos. z and 3) of Beethoven's Leonora overture, op. 72 and 72.1. 13. For a convenient summary of the most prominent works in this chain, as well as for basic bibliography, see Kindless LirrrateaEcYiImm (München 1 974). pp. 4582-3, 6718-23, and 8189-9z.

"Foreunners" and "Standard Versions" even if there were proof that a poet like Sîn-leqeunnldi'4 actually owned and made use of a set of older tablets with earlier versions of the story — which incidentally there is not. A word of caution seems in order here. It is a rather strange fact that in all the libraries from the first millennium which have been excavated to date there seem to be hardly any tablets containing "pre-canonical" versions of any literary or scholarly compositions, and at the same time I do not know of a single proven example of an Old Babylonian o ri ginal tablet found in the archaeological context of such a library I S This is even more surprising since we know from external sources as well as from textual criticism that the ancient scholars an d authon who standardized the texts an d compiled the libraries actually searched for, collected, an d used older sources.' 6 If they in fact discarded their source material after incorporating it into their ` updated ve rs ions," it may well be that they themselves would not at all have taken exception to the term "forerunner," since their true objective then would seem to have been to replace the old tablets with something superior of their own. But even this, being a phenomenon whose explanation has to be sought within the scholarly an d artistic tradidons of Mesopotamia, should not induce us to be similarly biased when looking at the respec ti ve works of art from outside, and from a historic perspec ti ve. If we now take a final brief look at texts from the magico-religious sphere, still another important aspect of our problem becomes apparent. As I have shown élsewhere,' 7 most of those Standard Babylonian incantation texts for which we know parallel texts from the Old

14. The alleged author of the hest-preserved version of the epic, who supposedly lived around 1 too B C. For a brief introduction to the textual history of the tales about Gilgarnes`, see now S. Dailey, Myths from Mesopotamia (Oxford 1 989). PP , 41-49; and M. Ga ll ery Kovacs, The Epic of Gilgamed (Stanford 1989), pp. xxiff. For more deta il , cf. the study hy Tigay quoted in n. 5. t 5. The fact that a few Old Babylonian tablets form part of the Kuyunjik co ll ection in the B ri tish Museum, and similar cases known from other museums and collections, are almost certainly due to mixups during the initial acquisition and numbering process, and thus have little or no heanng on this problem. 16. The isolated find of a tablet which, according to its stamped colophon must originally have been part of Assurbampal's library at Nineveh, in a private library in Uruk dating to the Seleucid period (E. von Weiher, SpTU xt no. 46; cf. W. Farber, WO i8 [1987] 35) is so singular that one can hardly draw any far-reaching conclusions from it 17. W. Farher, JNES 49 (199 0 ). PP , z99f

97

Babylonian period can be traced back to folldoristic p oetry an d show a strong in fl uence of an oral tradition which probably still continued to exist right into the first millennium B.C. As far as I can tell, there are no indicadons that an individual text stemming from this old oral tradition and written down in Old Babylonian times ever became pa rt of a corpus that was handed down in written form through schools or scholarly libraries. The situation is thus quite different from what we saw with the lexical texts, and possibly some other gen re s like the celestial omens. We should therefore view such an Old Babylonian incantation, not as an interdependent link of an unbroken chain of tradition, but rather as a momentary, and in each case individual result of poetic creativity, which drew its source material directly from the pool of themes, motifs, an d poetic forms of the oral tradi ti on It is quite improbable that such an "ephemeral' tablet then actually ended up in a library an d was handed down through generations, or that it even acciden ally resurfaced later, so that it could be used as a "forerunner" version by later sc ri bes when they compiled their standardized corpora of inc an ta ti ons and rituals As a matter of fact, a study of a particularly informa ti ve group of such texts, the baby inc an tations an d lullabies,' 8 showed that the texts from the first millennium B.C. are structurally very different from the two extant Old Babylonian examples. It would thus be very hard to believe that the later texts are a direct con ti nuation of the textual tradition of the earlier ones, in spite of the striking similarities in contents and motifs To sum up: when speaking of forerunners, as opposed to standard ve rs ions, we should always keep in mind the set of conditions necessary to justify such an evolutionary model. Extra cau ti on is needed when the texts in ques ti on belong to the realm of literature ( an d thus a rt), and/or when they are based on oral traditions as in the case of folkloristic poetry. Under most such circumstances, the concept of "forerunners" seems Mappropriate to me, although I have to admit that I myself have used the term quite profusely an d mo re often than not, wrongly.

18. Newly edited in W. Farber, Schlrf IC also id., Antkropos 85 (1990). pp. 139ff

Letters and literature: A Ghost's Entreaty

LETTERS AND LITERATURE. A GHOST'S ENTREATY Benjamin R. Foster Yale University

Creative process in a dead literature is visible only in fossilized form. Approaching a finished product from the point of view of how it was put together runs the risk of proclaiming the obvious, but can be a useful way of evaluating the creative effort that went into producing it. Research on the Mesopotamian writer's craft has f0cused on poetics and politics, the former mostly in belleslefties,' the la tt a mostly in commemorative prose.' Investigation of rhetorical strategy in ancient letter-writing has only begun, but offers a rich field of inquiry. 3 Correlation between letter-writing and prayer has been documented by the jubilarian in a pioneering study.' This dealt with form, content, an d manipulation of topoi. The purpose of this essay is to show that study of figurative language is another avenue of approach that can be used in conjunction with these. Two advantages of letter over prayers for this purpose are first that letters can be the efforts of people who need not be accomplished in the literary arts and second, that language, form, and content oftener; are not so burdened by tradition and expectation as devotional expression 5 The writer's intentions and techniques are therefore the more tforward and lacking in subtlety, a helpful state of o the modem reader. Some Akkadian private leth as Dailey, OBTR 150, discussed below, show laborately worked-out rhetorical effects more suggestive of careful composition than of scream-of-discourse. Here the reader can see everyday (or, at least, non-literHecker. Arch 45 ( 1 977), pp. i.45û , AOATS 8 (1974); E. einer, Yore Pawns in Pieces, Your Mooring Rope Cut, poetry from Babylonia and Assyria (Ann Arbor, MI, 1985); M. Mindhn, n al.. eds., e Language ne the Animus Near Ear (London, 1 98 7). 2, Especially the "Rome School," for example, Zaccagnini, CRR.AI 23 (1978), pp. 4o9ff; Faith, CRRAI 25 (1978), pp 4 2 5ff, OAC 17 0981). pp. 169ff.; Livenni. OAC 17 0981), pp. 225E.; Bada$ et al, Vifh 5 (1982/3). pp. 138.; Gehe, V1cOr 1 (1978). pp. 47ff; Ponchia, OA 26 ('987). pp. 223ff 3. Tales. Rem8âmiii dells Class/ di Scienzt month, sto gy a filotogiar, Acres raz. *1 Lf1a sor vin vol xeix, pp. 'Siff.; Sauen Dunsnd adi.-R. Kupp«, eds., Miscel sea rot ( P u _ a 1998 3), pp 2378: . ; Poncräa SAAB 3/2 (1989), p.iitar ff , 4 JAos 88 (1968). pp. 711, mw. recent survey in Hot. Seri nub Wald Catgnsr aflelrisle studies (Jerusalem, 1981). pp, î78f.

try) language being differentiated, rewritten, and artificed, perhaps by amateurs. This raises an important question of language an d literature: at what point do letten become literature? Use of originally independent letters to create non-epistolary works can be documented in both Sumerian and Akkadian 6 so the literary possibilities of letters were recognized. Although carefully written letters need not be considered literary on that account alone, they provide an exce ll ent testing ground for the creative process that goes into making literature, being cases of careful choice of words, form, an d figures of speech, though with the intent of persuading only a specific reader. A letter addressed by a certain Yasitna-abum to Iltani, queen of the small kingdom of Qattara in northern Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian period, allows a test of this hypothesis. A transliteration and tr ansla ti on of this document (Dailey, OBTR i 5o) are appended for the reader's convenience. The salutation identifies this document as a letter, the self-characterization of the sender as a letter from an inferior in social status to a superior. Already the salutation Introduces what is read here as the "metaphor of the dead petitioner." In prayers an d other religious literture, old age an d death can be tropes for penitents who have

5. For the question of whether or not Old Bahylonian letters are exemplary of everyday speech, see F.R. K ra us, Vont mesopotamisthen Menschen der a!tbobylornsehei Z eit und seiner Welt (Amsterdam, 1 97 3) , pp. 4off; Nominalsmze in altbabyloniseM Bdeft and der Stativ (Amsterdam, 1 98 4), p. 13 note 79. In any case, no one would claim that they regularly used the same language as Old Babyknian hymns or narrative poetry. The form and language of later hymns and prayers has heen studied by W Mayer, Unttnuchungen zur Formecuproche der ba4ylonischen ' Cebetsbeschuavnatgen, " Studies Pohl 5, Sens Major (Rome, 1976), hereafter cited as UFBG; B. Groneherg, Morphologic and Stil der jungbobyonisdun 'iymriarhtn' Liteturur, FAOS 14 (Stuttgart, 1987). For general considerations, see L. Milk, "Choice and Stylistic Option: The Conscious and Unconscious Poles," in S. Chaman, ed., literary Styk: A Symposium (Oxford, 1970, pp 77ff 6. For Sumerian, Hallo, AS 20 (1975), p. 196. For Akkadian, an example s the "Kedor-Laome" texts BM 35404 rev" = Pinches, JTVI 29 ( 18 97) pp. 841 reach (collated): [x (x)] IM 1 Ku-dur-[...1 "letter(?) of K." See further Van DO. OrNS 55 (1986), PP. t66ff.

lost divine favor, 7 and salvation from death is portrayed as the highest sign of divine favor. 8 The writer's choice of words, "son of a ghost," is peculiar, 9 and has led to a proposal that Yasitna-abum had been adopted by the queen as an orphan. 1O This proposal is unconvincing because in this case "son of a ghost" would in effect deny the adoptive parent, a major offense in Mesopotamian society, and scarcely an effec ti ve way for an alleged adop ti ve son to persuade his adop ti ve parent of his deserts In any c as e, the figure is developed creatively from the common theme "I cannot live without you" to become an interesting image of a needy spi ri t wandering back and forth among his rela ti ves. The intent may be to say that he is forced to live off the largesse of his rela ti ves, as do the dead," but had hoped for better from the queen s Turning to the body of the letter, we may outline its contents according to the following scheme, obligatory matter marked with an asterisk (*) (see TABLE I). The over-all structure of the document presents nothing unusual: statement, ques ti on and doubt, appeal balanced with presumption of confidence. This mirrors the young man's narra ti on of his own life: confidence, disappointment, now only hope. Its force comes partly from its stow-like structure (situa ti on : conflict : presumed resolution), intensified by first-person perspective, and partly from its affinity with the body of Mesopotamian religious belief and expression centered on the disappointment an d sense of injustice a servitor may feel if abandoned by his divine protector!' This early example of the motif offers a feature less frequently developed in later theodicies: a servitor's suffering is discreditable to his protector. Such transfer of 7. Nabu 1 (UFBG, pp. 469û.) lines 13-14: lobâku ana kal ileäni petit upnâya ... ittatlakit wmiya igIÜ*ä lamât ya, "Now that I am old, my hands make petition to all the gods ... My days have elapsed, my years have come to an end"; Marduk 4 (= Eheling, AGH, pp. 72ff.) line 6 trima libi ugtaddidanni, "He has hunched me over like an old man"; SIFT 65 (see Livingstone, Court Poetry, pp. 30-32) shore ira 4t siminia t[u]sselanni ira mayyide l [ires lâ]Hka mita liblartgwrrirte mplauu lu tatunu ' (Now) old age has me bedridden prematurely ... Let the dead man revive [by your] breeze, le t his squandered life become gun" 8. mita ;dim erica ufana, "He hrings the dead back from the netherworld," (W.G. Lambert, OINS 36 [1967], 128 line 179). Compare Ludlul IV (= BWL, 58.33) la b 1Madduk mitutalu ubdlif, "Who but Marduk revived his dead?" For further references, see CAD M/2, 141 293' and helow, note 17. 9. Compare the passage in an Old Assyrian letter (OrNS 36 [1967]. P. 410) mitan' yitli lei mer'i ira kilo m :Oman "you saved us me, a dead man, and my son — from prison." The metaphor of the dead correspondent h frequently found in Sargonid correspondence, e.g., CT S4 62.2: mite anaku "i am dead"; CT 54 57 rev. 22: pri mini amass "I am a dead body. " to. Anbar, RiOr35 (1978) p. 212. II. Bonito, CRRAI 26 0979), pp. 351; ?.A 73 (1983). '53f ; Cagni Filosofta e uD12ties 4/2 ( 1 994 PP. 12. In general,. von Soden, MDOG 9 6 ( 1 96 5), PP, 41ff.; Bottiro, R8dhtreh8s et Documents du Cran Thomas More 77/7 (1977), PpIEE

99

onus from servitor to served is a daring strategy rarely encountered in Mesopotamian devotional literature.' 3 Comparing structure to the degree and rhythm oflinguistic differentiation, one notes that linguistic differendation intensifies until the mid-point of the document, then declines rapidly and levels off in favor of undifferentiated language with well-developed parallelism (see below) an d straightforward similes. This is near the point focus turns from the petitioner to the addressee, and his future (past time to "general," i.e., gnomic) time is at issue. Despite the logical necessity of removing himself from the realm of those beyond help, the writer's deployment of his metaphor suggests a strong start but inability or reluctance to car ry through with the figurative premise as the author of a work of literature might have; at least, one expects and finds inst an ces of revival at the point of death, with the same or even greater density of figure. t4 Seen in this way, his reuse of the metaphor t owards the end of the text (34-36) contributes little be yond keeping memory of it fresh; similar selfcharacterizations abound in Mesopotamian prayers. t5 The chiasmic parallelism of lines 34-39 is of considerable psychological interest. The pair father:son is expanded to (gentle)men.fathers an d brothers. Singular to plural expansion in parallelism is not unusual, but "(gentle)men" for "son" is a striking replacement, motivated by the "gentleman's estate' of line t r, the o ri ginal promise. The hint is plain. A second subtle subs ti tution is made: the queen is subject of the main clause of the first unit, but the petitioner is subject of the main clause of the second unit. Thereby the parallel units become fa13.

For example, unreasonabk neglect VOS 2 tot = AbB 9,

89-91; feigned sleep: cases cited by Sen. Hymnes et Pu its mix dieux de Babykne et d'Assyrie (Paris, 1976), P. 147 note 9; unfair treatment: Assumairpal Psalm (= von Soden, MO 25 [ 1 974/7]. pp. 37E) iü 61: lei Th arfi anti u titian aladdad Iluta'J "How have I incurred no sin or misdeed (before) that I should draw upon myself [your punishment (now)]?", neglect of own self-interest Literary Hymn to Marduk (_ W.G. Lambert, Af0 19 [1959/6 o]. pp. 55E) tines 671E; (restoration with Seux, Hymnes. p. 175 note 28) la hYtlil] imu min rime ss / ball. umtma ardu bila!u ipatla4 / (Arse mfl turn ana di mina swap "What is the profit in one who has turned [into] clay? Its a living servant who reveres his master. What benefit is dead] dust] to a god?" 14. In some belletrisnc works the sufferer n rescued at the point of death or at the gave (iMmduk ina gabsi bul1rcfa ik"i, Ltx9ul IV = BWL, 58.35). Possible variations on this common thc u u: inchide a fragmentary passage that may refer to snatching him from his own funeral cortege (W.G. Lambert, ARD 19 11959/601. $3): (...] MES sussulli ngmulka / [...] pâté lupafki "[Stop the] pa9]bearerl at your cry, open wide [the sealed tomb]." A clearer case is G .I II.114f. (= BWL, 46) pill kimab u ersti lukmrwa / adi k militurra biki6 gamrat, "The tomb was open, my funerary goods ready. Before I had died, lamentation for me was done." A pamcularly vivid instance is iloom Ugariti a V 162 (p. 43 5) line 43: lam 9 Nougayrol, He (Marduk) wrested the shovel from the digger of my gra ve." The culmination of this motif is found in Ludful IV (= BWL, 5ß.28f.), where the redeemed suf&ter gives a banquet for the Hsbylorriesnu u the site of his intended entombrnxnt. That examples show the pmsib Biros, known from later literary trios, available to the petitioner, had he chosen to avail himself of then For example, in the Assuntanapal psalm (above. note 16):

Letters and literature: A Ghost's Entreaty

BENJAMIN R. FOSTER

100

TABLE I Lines Form

Content

Language

Focus

salutation*

name of sender,* tide of addressee*

death metaphor added, one unit'

addressee

6- 7

statement of physical health*

contrast between physical health and inner life 2

death metaphor revised (_ `not alive"), one unit

petitioner

8-12

main topic, with inclusion

story of false hopes

metaphor of "wild goose chase" plus its clarification, 3 past time

petitioner

exp an sion of main topic

self-description as haunting spi ri t not properly cared for

death metaphor expanded to three units, past time

petitioner

17-20

summary of main topic, with inclusion, introduction of new topic

capriciousness of addressee

parallelism, past time

addressee

21-22

rhetorical question

unnatural woman, inhumanity

death metaphor revised (living ghost more pitiable than corpse), present time

addressee

23-25

appeal (second person)

do a

death metaphor, present time

addressee

helpless condition, addressee's understanding of it.

undifferentiated, general time

addressee petitioner

shame-provoking analogy with appeal to masculine status and personal pride

parallelism general time

t6

26-292 s tatement

truncated by rhetorical questions

deed

2 92- 33

rhetorical questions

34 - 36

appeal (third person)

son to father

statement of confidence

37 - 39

40

death

appeal (third pers n

addressee

simile, death metaphor

addressee

men to fathers and brothers

simile, parallelism

petitioner

shame-provoking negative wish

undifferentiated

addressee

Unit" here means an ï bl have perished" = two uni Here the convention of na kward conjunction from a literary point o Added perhaps because his new metaphor mi in seine

.

ufficient to convey a figure: "son of a ghost" = one uni

the son

health takes precedence over the writer's metaphorical ill health and . but required by letter form. not, like the first one, have been immediately t ra nsparent to the queen,

ther:queen — (gentle)man.petitioner. Two common expressions involving parts of the body (eye, arm) tie the pair together we ll . Eye recalls the imperfect perception ("forgot, do not know") emphasized in the first half of the letter, made good by the common knowledge evoked in 29-32. Arm reflects the action called for at the end, cast as a negative wish. The reader need not consider substitution of simile and parallelism for metaphor a sign that the petitioner had run out of ways to use his metaphorical premise half way through his composition. Rather, he makes here recourse to familiar imagery suggestive of prayer, for 'like a father/mother (etc.)" were expressions every Meso16 potamian knew well. Furthermore, there was a tendency to make the beginnings of literary texts more elaborately artificed than their immediately subsequent narratives, so the writer may have felt the need to develop his opening lines more elaborately than his appeal. 7 Having attracted his reader's a tt ention with a rt an d feeling an d thereby established his credentials as an educated person deserving of support, the writer can then turn to other techniques of persuasion, drawn from the language of wisdom an d entreaty. Introduction of the charge of shame an d unnaturalness into the plea has shock value, as witnessed by its effective use in Enuma Eli!, for example.' $ The attack is skillfully depersonalized by making it sound like conventional wisdom rather than the petitioner's own judgment. 19 It gains impact by female male reversal: Iltani is first addressed as a woman (thus according to Mesopotamian literary tradition, forgiving and tender), and is second petitioned as head of a household. As soon as respect an d control are the subject, the writer makes the queen a man, no doubt meaning to compliment her. He is not looking for the "good manager of the house," known in Mesopotamian religious imagery, 2O but rather the householder in charge. Use of masculine imagery for goddesses is found in Mesopotamian religious expression

IoI

at an early date, but its purport and intentions are debated; here the intent is manifestly to flatter.' Other questions of poetics an d language invite consideration. For example, inclusion in various forms (lines 12, 17f.) is a staple of Old Babylonian epistolary s ty le; one may wonder if its comparative rarity in poetic narrative, for example, is owed to avoidance of it as a form of common speech. Its presence here, therefore, should not be read as a differentiation but as pa rt of normal letter s tyle an d perhaps everyday usage. It is to be considered more a secondary explanatory and highlighting strategy than an artistic device with independent value Change of person (enallange) can again be attested in petitioning letters from an early date." Typically it involves opening in a respectful third person, approaching to the second as intimacy is presumed, then relapsing to the third when authority needs to be given room to act. Use of this device in literature such as prayers an d nurralives is sometimes taken as a sign of fragmented discourse, ch an ge of speaker, or combination of different texts, 23 but it is too widely used to make such mechanical explanations necessary or convincing in the face of indisputable occurrences such as this one. Yasitna-abum's literary strategy sought pity, embarrassment, and action. To gain his ends he created a florid introit depending on metaphor to arouse pity a presumptive attack using simile and parallelism typical of conventional wisdom to create embarrassment, an d concluded with the language of prayer and petition to inspire action. Were his efforts rewarded with success?

AKKADIAN TEXT z ' a-na be-el-ti -ia ql-b(-ma um-ma la-si-it-na-bu-um aradki-ma i dSamaf u dMarduk al=lum mar e-[te 4 -e]m-mi-im ia ti ` da-ri-if u4 -mi be-el-ti Sli- ba -al - li -tfi 6Ia-al-ma-ku lu -lum be-el-ti-ia ma ti ma ' u-ul rl-li-kam-rna li-ib-b, u-ul ib-lu -ut B i-na An-da ri-igki a-na ir-pi--ô a -tim la ba -ra -tim 9 tu-ta-ak-kili-in-nr-ma u rn -ma at-ti-ma lulr-Jar-ru-tam-mw a- bu-uz-ma a-na-ku-ma "bi-it a-wi-le-e , 4e-ep pE-el:ka "i-na an-ni -tim tu-usr-te-htu-ta-ak ki- li -rn -n:-ma "i na me e d me e ni-ma a-na ma-rie-(e 4 -em-mi-sm ia-tii-na bi-n-it ki-imti-ia ' b i-ta-a^-gu-la-am ta-al-ti-mi "u 4 -ma-am if-te-en la tutu-ki -li ni ' r) tu- sa -am-mi-ri-im 19 u-ul ta-ab-su-si-ma n-maam =°la sinntsatim N-ul ta-ar-Ji- im " at-ti û-ui ti-de-e ki-ma man e-(e4 -mi-ma "e -li la-la-am-tirn a-na ri-ms-sm na"i-na-an-na dÊamalg1-im -li -ma ue-!i ma-r i e-le4 -migï -

-

-

16. Examples from devotional literature in CAD A/I, 69 lb; from letters CAD A/ i, 71 ia. 17. The opening lines of texts such as Atnhasis, Enuma Ells, Etana, Gilgamesh, and Ern, for example present, mostly for artistic reasons, major interpretive prohlems that have engendered a voluminous and often polemic literature. For a survey of some examples, see Wi lc ke, ZA 67 (1977). pp. 1 53f 08. Enuma Ells I line 119: [u! um]mu anti "You a re no mother 19. For a possible parallel in the Cuthaean Legend of NaramSin lines 169-172, see Landsberger, SAAB 3/1 (1989), P 41; cornpare Kussulu to the Moon God (Gadd, UET Vi/z 402) line 36 (edited by Gadd, Iraq 25 [ 1 96 4 PP 177« : D. Chapin, Le Clergé d'Ur au stick d'Hammurabi [Paris, 1986], 326ff.): taus 'Nana u dgamal epgam imalla ilappin u aplam soli traTi', 'He who swears (fdsely) by Nanna and Samas will be covered with leprosy, he will become a pauper, and have no heir." 2o. Gula Hymn of Bullutsa-obi (= W.G. Lambert, Or NS 36 [1967]. p. 12o) line 65 marâku katlaku )jiritku u abrakkalor "i am daughter, I am bride, i am spouse, and I manage the household "

-

-

-

-

-

The Earliest lc, J J. M. Roberts, P (Baltimo re , 1972), p 39; Harm, History of Religions 3 268ff. 22. For example, the Old Akkadian letter Fish, MCS 4 p. 13 = Westenholz MO 31 (1984), p. 79 = Foster, Umma in the Segyms Period (Hamden. CT, 1982), 134 (third to second). 23. For citation of instances in hymns and prayers, see Seux. Hymnes (above, note 16), p. 144 note it; other texts cited Foster . JAOS 103 (1983). p. 125 note 16.

IO2

BENJAMIN R. FOSTER

lam " da-ri-am lu -uk-n i 26 i-na-ma mt-im-ma la i -lu -u a-na ekallim 4-but az-zi-tz d mi-nam lu -ur-ri-kam-ma iB Ju-t pura-ak-ki-im a-na-ku a-wa-a-tim "e- li -ki-i mu-da-ku G-ul tide-e'° ki-ma a-wi-lum la bi-ta-nu -lu la ta-ak-lu " qâ-gti-su ina ekal -li -fu qa-al -lu " A lu-4 35-14 at-ti-i u-ui tu-de-e-ma "ana-ku al ta-na-ap-pa-ra-ak-ki-im " lei-ma a-bu-um a-na marc-(e1-ftt' s i-na -lu la el-mi-na ki-a-am be-el-ti ' 6 ta-tima- ri e(e4 -em-mi-sm li -da-ni-in "ki -ma a-tvi -lu -ti a-na ab-bi-fu-nu u all-jli-lu-nu ta-ak -lu 39 a-na-ku a-na be-el-ti-ta ta-ak-laku p 6e-el-ti a-all-La e -li -a 41 1a i-na-ad-di

Say to my lady, thus Yasitna-abum your serv an t. May Shamash an d Marduk let my lady live forever for the sake of a ghostling, myself. I am we ll . No greeting from my lady ever reached me so my heart has not quickened to life. You made me put my trust in a wild goose chase' in Andarig, saying, "Learn to be a scribe an d I'll make you a gentleman's estate," that s what you made me put my trust in. You made me forego both fish an d fowl,b you doomed me, the ghostling, to wander back and

forth among my relatives. You took no thought of that one time you made me tru st an d then tried to do something for me, you felt nothing of a woman's pity. As for you, don't you know that a ghostling deserves more pity than a corpse? So now, do a good deed for justice,` do a lasting good deed for a ghostling Since I have nothing, I cannot serve in the palace. But what more should I write you? I, do I know more about these things than you do? Don't you know that a m an whose householders can't trust in him loses face in his own palace, and he himself is contemptible, don't you know that? I write to you often enough. Just as no father gives his own son s the evil eye, so may my lady uphold me, the ghostling. Just as gentlemen trust in their fathers and brothers, I trust in my lady. May my lady not neglect me! Notes to Text: (a) Text: "in birds not caught(?)" (b) Text. "water and broth. ' (c) Text gantaL (d) Perhaps the writer wrote the plural, "sons," then changed it to "son "

ASTRAL DUMUZI Daniel A. Foxvog The University of California at Berkeley

BM 96739 (CT 3 6, 33 - 34), an Old Babylonian tigihymn to Inanna last edited by Falkenstein as a proof-ten in his examination of the Sumenan contrapunctive preforma tive (ZA 48 [1 944], pp. Io5-I13), is remarkable in a number of ways. Leaving aside its tightly structured compositional style, which is not unique,' it is unusual for its martial portrayal of Dumuzi, in his aspect of Amausumgalanna, the royal conso rt of the goddess in the Sacred Marriage Rite, and for the astral references found throughout, particularly in its last stanzas. Falkenstein offered a slightly improved translation an d brief description in SAHG pp. 73-76, 364, but since that time no full edition has yet appeared which incorporates Kramer s later collations. The following attempts to remedy this lack an d is offered as a tribute to a scholar in whose debt we shall always be for his many cont ributi ons to the establishment of the Old Babylonian Sumerian literary corpus.' (I) rain drain-gal-e ul-e bi-li-sè sa 7-ga usumgal-am bu -bùb sa-mu-ra-an-gal dinanna drain-gal-e ul-e bi-li-sè sa l-ga usumgal-àm `bùbb-bùb "sa -mu-ra-an-gâl (2) ulù-a u5 -a abzu - ta me su ti-a-me-en lugal dama -usumgal-an -na barâ-`kù'-za si -im -mi dinanna ulù-a u s -a abzu -ta me su ti-a-me-en lugal dama -[usu]mgal-an -na barâ-kù-za si' -im mi-tus' `

(3) digir ur-sag-ga `su'* bi-in -gar me-zu an -na mu-un-diridam sà ama-za-ta rutùg' mi-tum-ma zà sa -mu-ni-in-kés din an na ur' - sag-ga [s]u* bi-in -gar me-zu an -na mu-undiri-[dam] sà dnin--`a'-ta utùg mi-tum-ma zà kes

sa -mu-ni-in-

(4) lugal] kalam-ma gi b ni-a 'barâ' digir u 42te' sa-mu-ra*su8*-ge-es" ku[r-re b]a-e -Il kur sa-mu-`u8'-da 2 b61'-1a-àm `dams'-usumgal-an -na kalam-ma gib zal-a `bard u4 -te sa-mu-rat-sus*-ge- kur-re `ba' -il kur sa-mu u8' -da bùI-la-àm -

-`

(5) nin-gu to dam ni-za im-mi-sè bùl-`be-la-mu-un-da den-hl-le ma-ra-an-sum kur rù-gal-la su -zu -us dinanna dam ni-za im -mi-sè bù1-bùl-la-mu-un-da den-hl-le ma-ra-an-sum kur ni-gal-la su -zu -us (6)

in-nin nè-a-zu mu-un-na-sum lugal-àm d-ussumgal-an-na sse-`er'-zi ssa-n-ab-e-de dinanna nè-a-zu mu-un na-sum lugal-im dama-usumgal-an-na se -er-zi sa-ra-ab-è-dè

(7) `ki'-bala kur-bad-`ri èa'-né sùb-sab 4-

-

I. Compare, for example, the Si hymn to Suen, A. Sjöberg, ZA 6 3 ( 1 973) 36-4o. 2. Kramer's col la tions, Iraq 36 0974) pp• 9 8 -99. me indicated by asterisks. A strict lineation has not been provided in order to avoid a confining presentation of the abbreviated repeated stanzas in the second section. Instead, whole stanzas are numbered for later reference. The scribe has made a number of careless errors which are discounted in the translation. Otherwise, apart from the liberal use made of the contrapunctive preformative "thus, so, corresponcfingly," the text is fairly straightforward

zal-zal-e dama-usumgal-an-na-ke 4 sub-sab4 a u4 mi-ru dutu kur sim-Weren-na-ta è-asa-mu- `u 8' -si- pes-pes'-e dama-usumgal-an-na dutu kur sirr- eren-na-ta e-agin7 i-(text é-)du to-ga . s"a-mu - un-si-pel-pes-e

sa -gid-da-àm

Astral Dumuzi

DANIEL A. FOXVOG

104

(8)

nin me-na itu- gub-bu dumu -gal dsuen-na an-na è-a sùlumga-ga rug tés-bi-s"è gub-gub-bu mè ezen-gin 7 sa -mura-dè-du7 ki-bala é ni-bé sa -ra-gul-e dama-ushumgal-an-na ur-sag kala-ga utüg za-gin sâr sa ra- itu- u n-ug7 (9)

dinanna mè -né DIS nam -gurus DIS ki-bala DES da usumeai-an-na (to) tun an-an -se ki-ki-sc ni sisà-zu ni-gal a -ba -a mu-e-daan-zu inim-zu gis tab -ba nu-ku 5 -ru-da an tés" -ba si-im da1 kù-k6 \ a-a-zu den-hi-le mu-ra-an-sum dama-usumgal-an-na-ke 4 mi rsa(}art* - re-es" a 5 usumgalgut 7 nir-gal sa - ra-ni-in(II)

nna nin an-an-sè DES inim-zu DES a-a-zu Dl5 damaus'umgal-an-na (la) nin-gu to dama-usumgal-an-na-ke 4 nir u-u8tE-zu-gin 7 bar-ra si-bi-dul i tu -da u 4 -sakar-ra dsuen-gin 7 an-ne za••ra sa-mu- -anù-tu lugal d ama-us'umgal-an-na sà-za ki-âg - bi^-im dutu è-a-gin 7 sa -mu na - an-i-i-ne

( 1 3) dina nna nin-gu to dama-usumgal-an-na-ke 4 n'igtiAE-zu-gin 7 DiS im-da u 4 -sakar-ra lugal dama-us'umgal-an-na dutu -gin 7 c-a sa-mu-u8-da-i i-ne (stcl) sa-gar-ra-im tigi

dinanna -kam

53

(I) Lady, though (first) joyfully formed beautifully by Ningal for delight, she then provided you with the power to destroy, like a dragon. Inanna, though (first) joyfully formed beautifully by Ningal for delight she then provided you with the power to destroy, like a n And you, mounted upon the storm winds , with gotten from the Apsu, you then seated. king Amauiumgalanna on your sacred dais.

You, Inanna, mounted upon the storm winds, with powers gotten from the Apsu, you then seated king Amausumgalanna on your sacred dais.

the fine milkfat increases again and again because of him. (The above) is the sagida (section).

(3) (8)

Goddess, who has favored the hero that he might make your powers surpass (even) An's, from your mother's very womb you have girded on the utug and mitum maces. manna, who has favored the hero that he might make your powers surpass (even) An's, from Ningal's very womb you have girded on the utug an d mitum maces (4) The king — when the night had passed in the land an d the rulers and gods had come to st an d before you at daylight, an d you bore him over the mountains and so the mountains rejoiced over you Amausumgalanna — when the night had passed in the land and the rulers and gods had come to stand before you at daylight, an d you bore him over the mountains and so the mountains rejoiced over you (5) My lady, you made him into your very own husband. Rejoice, rejoice over him! Enlil, that Great Mountain, has given him to you, into your hand. Inanna, you made him into your very own husband. Rejoice, rejoice over him! Enlil, that Great Mountain, has given him to you, into your hand. (6)

Mistress, you have given hum your might, the king, you have made Amaus'umgalanna come forth before you in radiant splendor. Inanna, you have given him your might, the king, you have made Amausumgalanna come forth before you in radiant splendor. (7)

When he appears over the rebel l an ds, the far distant mountains, he causes day after day to pass (there) in trouble and confusion, when Amaus"umgalanna appears over , the far distant mountains, he causes day after day to pass (there) in tr ouble and confusion. But when (he appears) like the sun come forth from the Mountains of Aromatic Cedar, the fine milkfat increases again an d again because of him, when Amausumgalanna (appears) like the sun come forth from the Mountains of Aromatic Cedar,

Lady, in battle with whom none can stand, eldest child of Suen, when (you) appear in the heavens producing awe-inspiring radiance, then all the young men st an ding as one shall join battle for you as though it were a fes ti val, the houses of the rebel l an ds shall be razed of themselves for you, an d Amausumgalanna the mighty hero shall slay mul titudes for you with his lapis lazuli mace. (9)

Inanna, in battle with whom , then all the young men of the rebel lands , an d Amausumgalanna . (to) Lady, the matten of your heart are greater than all heaven and all earth, who can know (anything) about you and at your word, a doubled cord that cannot be cut, the whole heaven is consumed. Your father Enlil gave him to you, an d so Amausumgalanna, battling (the foe) to the earth like a dragon, shall be a match for you in p ri nceliness. (II)

Inanna, lady, than all heaven , an d at your word, . Your father , an d so Amausumgalanna .

I05

( 1 3) My lady manna, Amausumgalanna , < an d you have cloaked him> as with your (own) mantle of divine power. each month on the day of the new moon, , an d king Amausumgalanna, , they shall praise like the risen Sun! (The above) is the sagara (section). This is a tigi-hymn of Inanna. 53 (lines). Both Falkenstein and Kramer commented briefly on the text, but neither fully explained the significance of its astral references In SAHG p. 364 after noting the unusual warlike characterization of the god, Falkenstein remarked that "Die jüngere Überlieferung setzt Tammuz mit dem guten Hi rt en des Himmels', dem sumerischen Namen des O ri on, gleich. Die Anspielung von [Stanza 12:3] bleibt dann aber unverständlich.' Kramer, in Iraq 3 6 ( 1 974) 9 8 , suggested that the text "celebrates, in the main, the trusting, harmonious, mutually advantageous rapport between the goddess and her beloved husband Amaus"umgalanna, conceived as a bright heavenly star to whom An 'gives birth' every New Moon." He goes on to suggest (n. 32) that "Since, as is well-known, the king of Sumer, as the husband of Inanna, was identified with Amausumgalanna, it may be, to judge from this hymn, that there was current in Sumer a theological tenet that the king upon his death was turned into a heavenly star situated close to the Venus-star Inanna." This sugges ti on has certainly received confirmation at least for Shulgi of Ur, who, it is now known, was said to have ascended to heaven at his death an d there, for a time at least, to have become a star or constella ti on 3 A decade later Kramer cited the last stanzas of our text again in connection with another Dumuzi-Inanna hymn, which seems to depict Dumuzi's ascension to heaven in the form of an appeal to Inanna to "station him against the sky." 4 In suggesting that Dumuzi was finally set there, "presumably as one of eaven's] planets or stars, and (perhaps) not far from his spouse" (p. 5), Kramer surely had in mind something of what follows

(12) My lady, Amausumgalanna has relied upon you, an d you have cloaked him as with your (own) mande of divine power. And so, for you, Heaven shall beget him (anew) each month on the day of the new moon, like the Moon (himself), an d king Amausumgalanna, the beloved of your heart , like the risen Sun! they shall

3. See W. Horowitz and P. Watson, AS) t3 (1991) 410-414 for the most recent discussion of W atson. Ba 113z with earlier references. Note also W.W. Hallo in AV Tadmor (199 1) 158-159. 4. "BM 88318 The Ascension of Dumuzi to Heaven," Recueil dt Tra vaux et de Communications de l'Association des Etudes du Produ-Orient An cien 2 ( 1 98 4) 5-9. see n. 2. This edition is, unfortunately, filled with typological erron; sec the handcopy in CT 58. No. t3. Perhaps the enigmatic Sg-mul-an-na of BM 98396:16-18 (CT 58 No. 5) is connected in some fashion with astral Dumuzi. See Kramer's echtion, Errtz-Israel 16 (1982) 14I*- 146*.

Astral Dumuzi

107

DANIEL A. FOXVOG

I o6

Astral Tammuz and iliac To begin, while Dumuzi may occasionally be called a "shepherd of An," 5 he cannot be linked with the Orion constellation muismA.ZI.AN.NA , which is associated, rather, with Papsukkal, vizier of Anu and Istar. 6 There is no doubt that Dumuzi/Tammuz was instead regularly identified with the constellation known in later periods as LO.FJUN.CA = agru, the Hired Man, for which see the basic references under CAD agru 2. Note, further, that the constellations dDUMU.zI and dSi-pa-zi-a-na are separate entries among the gods invoked by the diviner in the "Prayer to the Gods of the Night ' treated by Oppenheim, AnBib i2 (t959) 282-301. 7 For her part, inanna/IsTar is regularly identified with the constellation called Anunitu, almost certainly her old Sargonic by-name, used, possibly, to keep distinct her astral and planetary manifestations. 8 See Gössmann, SL 4/2 No. 27 and cf. BM 82923 (Pinches Astrolabe) line 6: I MU[L A-nu-ni-tu]m = dINANNA be-let KUR nu-kir--trm. 9 Agru and Anunitu represent, approximately, Aries and the eastern fish of Pisces respectively, thus the constellations of the first an d last of the twelve classical zodiacal signs. They are contiguous in many Babylonian descriptions, Anunitu preceding (rising before) Agru, a relationship that can easily been seen from mulAPIN I i 42 -43; 10

kakkabu la arks Iki' izzazzu Anunitu kakkabu la arkilu izzazzu Agru Dumuzi The star which stands behind the Field [= Pegasus]: Anunitu . The star which stands behind it: the Hired Man, Dumuzi In classical astrology, Venus is "exalted" (has her most potent influence) in Pisces," and Syrian Venus figures appear in connection with the Greco-Roman Pisces, while Aries is the "house" (sphere of influence) of Man. t2 In modern popular astrology, Ma rs has become the "rather" of Aries, the sign of the firebrand, seducer, ,w. und 977) I 6, See P Giisamann SL No. 348. F in must have been thinking of texts which associate Orion with the month Tammuz. for which cf. A. Lrvingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory works olAssyl an and Babylonian Scholars (Oxford, 1986) t381 7. See E Reiner and D. Pingree, Babylonian Planetary Omens: Pan Two, BiMes ah (198 r) at 8, On the problem of the name, see J.J.M. Roberts, The Earhest Semitic Pa,therrs (Baltimore, 1972) 1 45-148 War of Uruk and Amsnnitu of Agade are often referred to as separate nuniksratiom of die goddess; cf. Snaps IV 168 and 17o. 9• C.B.F. Walker and H Hunger, "Zis i aldrri," MDOG 1 09 (1977) 2 7-34; cf Reiner and Pingree op. cif. 3f ro. H. Hunger and D. Pingree, MUL.APIN: An Asrvnnrical CaTendiissss in Cuneiform, MO Beiheft as (1989) 3o Abo already in Babylonia, see F Rochberg-Halton, JAGS $7. . A&sh, Star -Nanu rd Their Meanings (New Y ork,

and conqueror, and Venus and Man are opposed as male an d female sexual principles. Thus are love an d war constantly united in human imagination in Mesopotamia above all in the person of Inanna/Istar herself, but also in the contiguous conste llations Anunitu/Pisces and Agru/ Aries. In the light of later beliefs, it should come, then, as less of a surp ri se that royal Amausumgalanna in our present text is portrayed in heroic, militaristic terms.

Dumuzi Reborn Monthly Like

Th e Moon

The sun moves through the entire zodiacal belt of constellations over the course of a year, but the moon makes the same circuit monthly. For example, muJAPIN I iv 3 I-39 lists eighteen constellations, from the Pleiades (located within Taurus, the sign following Aries) through Anunitu and Agru, concluding in summary "All these are the gods who stand in the path of the Moon through whose regions the Moon in the cou rse of a month passes and whom he touches."^ 3 As F. Rochberg-Halton has remarked "the list begins with MUL. MUL [the Pleiades, i.e. Taurus] in the manner of older sky lists, an d concludes with MUL.LCJ.UUN.CA (Aries) which later became the first zodiacal sign."" The older convention must reflect ch anges in the movement of the sun through the zodiacal constella tions owing to the slow westward precession of the vernal equinox, which was located to the west of Aries in the third millennium, arrived at Aries around 2000 B.C., reached the middle of Aries around moo B.C., and now is beginning to leave Pisces, heralding the popularly celebrated coming of the Aquarian Age. Later texts thus begin the stellar year with the first appearance of Aries. Compare the first line of the ideal 3o-day month calendrical list mulAPIN Iii 36 iii 12 • ina Nisanni UD I Agru innammar "On the ist of Nisannu the Hired M an becomes visible." In reality, the beginning of a lunar year is not tied directly to the location of the vernal equinox, but to the first new moon nearest the equinox, a rather more arbitrary matter." But in the conception of an ideal, even fantastic, lunar calendar, I would suggest, lies the explanati on for the third line of the last two stanzas of our manna hymn In such an ideal early second millennium calendar, in which the movement of the earth about the sun is disregarded, the moon would return each month to its starting point in its apparent course through the zodiacal belt, an d the first visibility of the new crescent would invariably coincide with the first visibility of Ar-

s3. Hunger and Pingree, op. di. 67-69. 14. Aspects of Babylonian Celestial Divination: The Lunar Eclipse Tablets of Enuma Anu Enlil, MO Beiheft 22 (1988) to n. 9.

15. Equinoxes and solstices were impo rtant to the Babylonians niy for determining the length of day and night, and mulAPlN elsewhere arbitrarily places these points at 1 5° of the signs. See B.L. van der Waerden, "History of the Zodiac." MO 16 ( 1 95 2-53) 221- fl3; also Reiner and Pingres, op. cit. 16f. on the normally inexact match between months and heliacal Sings of their associated constellations.

ies, the constellation into which the spring equinox moved around 2000 B.C. In this way, for the purposes of a priestly hymnographer uninterested in the details, the sky could indeed be said to "give birth" every month to both Suen and Amausumgalanna/Aries on the day of the i6 new moon.

Aries The Ram nian zodiIn his comparison of the Greek acs, van der Waerden states that "the conclusion is unavoidable that the whole Greek zodiac with its 12 signs is of Babylonian origin, ' but in discussing the respective names of the signs he remarks that "the Babylonian `hireling' 'hireling' ... was replaced in the Greek zodiac by a Ram, of unknown origin. 17 Some years earlier, however, Ungnad had pointed to the common late abbreviation LU for LCI.UUN.OA, alongside UUN.CA and HUN, and suggested that the later replacement of the Hired Man by the Ram may go back to a reinterpretation of this LU as UDLl.' 8 Whether this explanation is correct cannot yet be determined, but direct evidence now exists for a link between the sign Aries and the figure or symbol ofa ram. SBTU II No. 43 (W 22646) is a small, unfortunately slightly damaged tablet which has the character of a miniature astrological vade mecum. It associates each of the twelve months with zodiacal symbols, 3ô divisions along the celestial sphere, idealized calendncal calculations including rough indications of the length of the days and night watches®, and presents as well brief astrological portents and a variety of ritual instructions all in an abbreviated and rather arc an e fashion. The significance of the sixth row of data on the obverse escaped von Weiher, but it seems clear that it lists symbols for each zodiacal sign , perhaps pictures to be drawn for ritual magic. I have rearranged the essential astrological data in tabular fashions Month Symbol

Zodiacal Sign

Modern Name

BARA2 UDU.NIT[A,J "ram"

LU2

Aries

GL 14

MUL,

Taurus

-

SIG 4

SU

al-pi i -i/n?)

"single(?) bull"

(Pleiades)

a-me-lu "men"

SiPA u MAS MAS Ori on &

A.MES "waten"

NAGAR

Gemini Cancer

16. The notion of the sky's "giving birth" to an astral body is certainly related to that of the day's or year s "returning to its mother" (e.g. UD.AMA.Bi SÈ.Gi 4 A = Minim "evening" OBGT I 814; mu arna-bi /ni -ir ba-gi 4 Lugalbanda ugalhanda Epic il 2S9), out of whom it is then reborn the next morning or at the New Year. 17. Op. ci t. 225f. Compare the German (Widder) or French (Bélier) names for Aries, as well as Mien, op. cis. 75-79. 18. A. Ungnad, "Besprechungskunst und Astro logie in Babylomen " MO 14 (i944) 256 n 37 Such homophon ous substituaors would be unthinkable m earlier orthography, but in Seleucid texts mpare, for example, the use of LU 25 a they are common practise determinative m LU um-mar-mr in a Seleucid Uruk list of sages treated by I. Finkel in AV Sachs (1988).144 line 18.

NE KIN DU6 APiN APIN GAN AB ZIZ2

SE

UR.MAl3 "lion" SE.BAR ' grain" RINI ' scab" G[IRZ ?( TAB)] "scorpion" DIRxx? sé-n-sa "goat" sal-mu "figure" SE IM ?

UR AB.SIN2 ZI GiR2

Leo Virgo

PA MAS2 GU KUN

Sagittarius

Libra Scorpio

Capricorn Aquarius Pisces

The connection between Anes an d a "ram" is here nude explicit. The "men" of the third month refer to Sipazianna/Papsukkal (O ri on the Hunter/Warrior) and the twin male gods of Gemini (Castor an d Pollux). Of special interest are the "waten" linked with Cancer. Compare Weidner, AID 19 (1959-6o) 107:8 and i if. (cited by CAD A/i 361): MUL AL.LUL = ID 2 Idiglat ..., kakkabâni panati la MUL AL.LUL = ID 2 Idtglat, arkiitu = iD2 Purattu "Cancer is the Tigris, the front stars of Cancer are the Tigris, the back ones a re the Euphrates." Perhaps the still enigmatic medieval an d modern symbol for Can cer is not in origin a crab's claws or shell, but the echo of an early depiction of two stylized opposed eddies. Or are they, instead, the eyes of Tiimat, from which Marduk "opened the Euphrates an d the Tigris" (Enuma Eli(V 55), "the Tigris her right eye, the Euphally, the older "goat-fish" of rates her left eye?"' 9 Capricorn has become simply the more familiar "goat," an d the "figure ' of Aquarius can only be that of the "Giant ' associated with the water god Enki/Ea Cf BM iDIM 82923 (Pinches Astrolabe) 28: MUL GU LA = dEN IDIM dEr a ` The Great One is the lord of springs, Ea.i 20

Recapitulation And Last Thoughts If my translation is anywhere near the mark, Stanza 1 of our text seems to acknowledge not just the wellknown contradictory nature of Inanna but also the chronological primacy of the mo re benevolent side of her character. Could this be a memory of a time before her syncretism with Istar? If so, the theme is completed in Stanza 3 by the description of her elevation, through the victories of the king, her champion, to a rank above An's.' Stanzas 4-6 have kings and gods alike watching 22 at daybreak for Dumuzi's heliacal rising, his first visibility in the morning sky after his time of invisibility. 19. So the explanatory ten VAT 8917 rev. 3, see Living stone, op. rit. 82f. and 88. 20. Walker and Hunger. op. cite 30. See E. Porada, "On the Origins of 'Aquarius' " AV Reiser (1987) 279-291 in p©rticukir for the iconography of the long-haired giant figure she araothtc with Aquarius. Is this a "hairy" GM.lJA.MA/iabrnu of the Apsu or ont of 'Giants of Eridu" which figure in the Sumerian ta le "manna and Enki" (G. Farber-Flügge, Sandia Pohl to (Rome, 1973) passim)? 21. See the pioneering work of W.W. Hallo and J.J.A. van Dijk, Tb Exaltation of Nana (New Haven, 1968) for the Sargonic penod syncretizing of [canna with the more warlike Mar and the goddess' politically inspired "coital° TCS 3 22. Assuming that u 4-te is for u 4-dc, t kL (1969) 116.

I o8

DANIEL A. FOXVOG

Inanna, whose constellation precedes his, lifts him after her over the mountains, and, after an explicit word-play on Enlil's standard epithet kur-gal "great mountain," Dumuzi finally shines forth over the eastern ho ri zon. Stanza 7 contrasts the roles of royal Amaus"umgalanna, the perpetual conqueror of the enemies to the east, and Dumuzi the shepherd of the land, whose good husbandry produces ever larger herds each sp ri ng. The second half of the hymn expands upon the military successes of the goddess an d her royal consort, climaxing in 5-line rather than 4-line stanzas which celebrate the ascension of the divine leader of the nation to the leading place among the zodiacal constellations. 23

23. At the risk of reading too much into the text, I wonder whether this concluding metaphorical linking of Dumuzi and Aries is not in fact announced at the beginning of the hymn, in the form of a word-play in Stanza 2 on bari "dais" and the name of the first month bari-z3-gar, the month of Aries. Dumuzi/Aries is thus "placed at the right side of the dais," next to the constellation of his spouse irunna/Pisces.

One wonders, in conclusion, whether it was really an Old Babylonian period king who was the tacit subject of such an unusual cultic tribute. The divine Shulgi is certainly a better candidate His accomplishments were extraordinary, some so rt of ritual celebrated his ascension to heaven shortly after his death, and a star named for him even found its way into an Old Babylonian Forerunner of IJAR-ra. 24 Since our hymn is known only from a single copy and fails to mention any specific king, perhaps it represents merely a later, creative restatement of that earlier, most memorable theological fiction.

VOCALIZED CONSONANTS: THE KEY TO um-ma / en-ma /t

1

;

,

Cyrus H. Gordon Brookline, Massachusetts

24. MSL Xl 133 viii 41 See Horowitz and Watson, op. cit. 413, for this and other secondary evidence for his ascension.

Because neither the conventional study of English nor of Egypto-Semitics reckons with vocalic consonants, we will start our discussion with a clear English il lustration of the phenomenon. "Little" is pronounced [litl] where the first 1 is purely consonantal, whereas the second 1 is vocalic. As examples of other commonly used vocalic consonants, note m in "bottom" [botm], n in "button," [burn], and r in "butter ' [butt]. Other consonants can be vocalic in English provided that they are not stops (p, b, t, d, k, g). The distinction between the consonantal and vocalic values of a sound can be phonemic. There is a difference in meaning between "week-end" which terminates in [-end] and "weakened" which terminates in [-rid]. Otherwise the two words are identical in pronunciation. Previous treatments of Dot; can be reduced to the following three: (I) Joüon, in a respected Hebrew Grammar,' takes the easy way out an d does not even mention the word. His example has been widely followed. To avoid controversy, it is safest to avoid and not deal with problems. (2) Gesenius-Kautzsch-Cowley's Hebrew Grammar states only that the word 'is always written defectively" (i.e., in the Bible it is consistently written DN an d never *Daft;). Z This brief statement should have spurred Hebraists to seek a rational solution to the enigma. Gesenius-Kautzsch-Cowley attempted no solution. (3) Constance Wallace Gordon during an early stage of her graduate studies at New York Unive rs i ty was a student in my Hebrew and Akkadian cou rs es, as well as simultaneously enrolled in my Ebb seminar in 1983. I pointed out in one session that Akkadian urn-ma appears as en-ma in Eblaite. With the open and unencumbered mind of an inquiring newcomer to the intricacies of comparative Semitics, she asked whether Dot; might be related to en-ma Ever since I have grappled with the problem an d I must confess that as a veteran Semitict, it I. Paul Joüon, Grammaire de l'Hébreu Biblique, Pontifical Biblical Institute, Rome, 1947. 2. Gesenius-Kautsch-Cowley, Hebrew Grammar, znd rev. English cd., Clarendon Pins, Oxford, 1910 (Isth impression, i98o), p. 136, n. I (§ 5oa).

has taken a decade for me to rise above the dogmas of the Establishment (in which I was trained an d indoctrinated) an d ar ri ve at a rational solution in keeping with all the available primary evidence. Needless to say, this required knowledge of new sources an d methods. Telling knowledgeable Hebraists that a common word for "utterance ' is [run] may sound not only contrary to fact a p riori, but even contrary to nature. It is for this reason that I shall call a tt ention (below) to the fact of Coptic SM- [nrnl Factual knowledge is not obtained a p rio ri but a posteriori. When we run into a stone wall we may speculate an d draw on intuition an d imagination as we grope for the solution. But fortunately with Data we have all the historical, comparative and descriptive linguistic data we need to understand what has hitherto been swept under the rug as an anomalous form. If Hindu grammarians like Pänim reckoned with vocalic consonants two an d a half millennia ago, we have no excuse for not doing so in professional Hebrew linguistics today, especially since our Indo-Europeanist colleagues have long had no difficulty whatever in doing so. We will begin our inquiry with um-ma an d en-ma. Since the Mesopotamian syllabary has no way of writing a vowelless conson an t, the initial labial nasal m- is written um- (with the labial vowel u), while the initial dental nasal n- is written enIn biblical. Hebrew Dot; "utterance" is never written *Dam (with 1) in any of its many occur re nces because the word was not to be pronounced *rr971rn. Originally the word was *pma as in Eblaite In Hebrew, final unaccented sho rt vowels are reduced to zero (e.g., the case endings -u, -i an d -a) so that the word comes into biblical Hebrew as [nip]. Pointed Hebrew orthography does not allow a word to be written with an initial vowelless consonant but requires a Jimaa to accompany it graphically. The only way to write n- is -; , an d the only way to write • cm - with the sho rt labial 0 that must be placed graphically under a consonantal letter, the shortest of which (phonetically) is aleph (t)

I IO

CYRUS H. GORDON

What has been said above of [nip] would stand without further ado. However, it is more satisfying when we can show that the combination [nip] is recognized orthographically in the Egypto-Semitic repertoire. Coptic is the one written language in that repertoire which graphically indicates vocalic consonants It does so by placing a dash over the letter. For example, "of the heavens" (as in the well-attested expression TMNTEPO RMIIHYE ' the kingdom of the heavens') begins AM[nrp), The A- is the preposition "of " The -M- stands for

another morpheme N- (which indicates the plural of the definite a rticle "the ') partially assimilated to the initial labial stop n of the broken plural fiHYE "heavens." This well-attested idiom has been selected to show that the combination [nip] actually exists in Egypto-Semitic an d is clearly recognized by the Coptic sc ribes. The foregoing study is only the tip of the iceberg. The pervasive role of vocalic consonants in EgyptoSemitic will be demonstrated in forthcoming a rticles.

GENDERED OLD AGE IN ENUMA ELISH Rivkah Harris School of the Art Institute, Chicago

was probably common, as it has been an d continues to be in so many societies, despite the ideal of respecting the old. 5 I presume that myths reflect an d refract the world the author(s) lived in, an d perhaps their own life experiences. Myths tend to "generalize, symbolize an d make the particular exemplary." 6 Stated somewhat differently, Enuma Elfish depicts emblematic representations and prevailing stereotypes of old men an d old women which incorporate the views and the biases of the an cient author(s). 7 In recent years, cross-cultural gerontological studies have proliferated, providing helpful approaches an d methodologies which can assist in eliciting data from Enuma Elish on aging an d the aged. Some may object to reading this ancient non-western text "through the prism of modem methodology." a But gerontological re search has produced significant information that appears less likely to be culture-specific an d culture-bound than

Enuma Elish was a "remarkable attempt to understand

the universe, to come to terms with the human condibon.'i It is also a myth that can be probed for informanon and insight on the issue of aging an d the old in ancient Mesopotamia. Elsewhere I have discussed intergenerational conflict in Enuma Elish (as well as in other myths) and focused on the tensions between young and old, between fathers and sons.' I emphasized there that an as pect of this conflict was the differences m age-specific or age-appropriate behavior. Enuma Elish can also be utilized as a source for recovering the little known Mesopotamian at ti tude toward and views of the elderly, 3 or more accurately, the views an d attitudes held by the author(s) of the myth and perhaps of the edubba-trained elite. There are certain assumptions made here that should be noted before turning to an examination of the myth. The old undoubtedly constituted only a small portion of society* and ageism, the devaluation of the elderly,

5. Th e ambiguous relationship between young and old is discussed in my "Conflict of Genennons in ancient Mesopotamian Myths." See note 2. 6. R. Alter, "Literary Refraction of the Jewish Family," in The Jewish Family Metaphor and Memory ed. D. Kraemer (New York, Oxford Unive rsi ty Press, 1989), pp 225-234, at 226 makes this comment regarding "mimetic fiction." I think it is also applicable to myths. 7. This view of myth is of course one of many "for no one method [is] applicabk to all myths. Each method offers insights into human ways of life and thought, and no single method of analysis can possibly exhaust all the meanings inherent in any myth," as noted by C. Vecsey, Imagine Ourselves Ridrly: Mythic Narutives of North American Indians (San Francisco, Harper, 199r). p. 33. Thae is merit in A.L. Oppenheim's view (Ancient Mesopotamia p.. i77) that "all these works which we are wont to call mythological should be studied by the literary critic rather than hy the historian of religion." His comment on p. 194 is noteworthy "Seen typognphialiy, they [the gods] can be classified easily, though superficially, as old and young gods..." Just what the relationship is between the "real" world and the "mythological" world can more precisely be delineated only by further study of other types of data such as letters and legal texs 8. I am indebted to Th. Van Nortwick s "'Do Not Go Gently...' Oedipus at Colonus and the Psychology of Aging," OU Age in Greek and Latin Literature ed Th.M. Falkner and J. de Luce (Albany State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 1 3 2- 1 56 , esp. t33• His and the other conmbucions in this book I found to be highly stimulating and instructive.

I. Th. Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness, p. 167. See ibid. pp. 167-191 for a sensitive analysis of Enuma Elfish. See the stimulating article by P. Michalowslu, Presence at Creation," in lingering Over Words ed. T. Abusch et al, pp. 381-396 for an analysis of the myth's play on words and intertextuality. 2. My article on "Conflict of Generations in Ancient Mesopotamian Myths" will he published in a forthcoming issue of Comparative Studies in So ciety and History 3. To my knowledge only L. Curchin has focused on this issue in his "Old Age in Sumer Life Expectancy and Social Status of the Elderly," Flonlegium Carleton University Papers on Classical Antiquity 2 (198o), pp. 61-7o 4. The age at deaths rarely noted in the texts. See M. Roth, "Age of Marriage and the Household: A study of Neo-Babylonian and Neo - Assyrian Forms," Comparative Studies in Society and History 2 9/4 (1987), pp. 7 1 5 - 747, at 718 note 8 and 7181 note 9 for a discussion and bibliography on life expectancy in ancient Mesopotamia. Criteria for determining old age were more likely to involve social factors rather than physiological changes such as grey hair, bent back and wrinkles. Thus fbùtu "elders," literally "grey hair," was not a negative term. More relevant would have been whether an elderly person could perform expected functions such as participating in the labor force fulfilling military obligations, et cetera. I would define old age in Mesopotamia as the period beginning some time after one's children have grown, married, and have begun having children of their own.

III

RIVKAH HARRIS

I12

ght be expected. There is therefore available a fresh angle from which to examine the myth which reveals its complexity and profundity and thereby enriches our knowledge of an area as yet little explored by Assyriolo!its Especially useful in studying the issue of gendered old age has been the pioneering work of David Gutmann, a life cycle developmental psychologist His book Re-

claimed Powers Toward a New Psychology of Men and Women in Later Life 9 was important for my analysis. He draws on a variety of ethnographic studies which pay "some attendon to the roles and behavior of older men and women." 1O He finds that ' the male endowment of aggression is not fixed over the entire life span ... it dedined with age."" He notes moreover that "in later life women can become for men the embodiment of that eternal threat they can present the aggressive visage that men come to deny in themselves. '12 As for younger men, Gutmann observes, not only do they enjoy aggressiveness, but they also take pleasure 'from being a source of security an d provision to others, from the contentment and love of their dependents." Older men, on the o ther hand, derive their pleasure "more and more directly on the produc ti ve efforts of others in their behalf, o n the affections of others toward them, and on the satisfaction of their own appetites for tasty foods, pleasant sights, an d soothing sounds [the older man] draws his psychological sustenance from his own receptors mouth eyes, skin, ears - as well as from outer sources o f strength the reliable providers of satisfaction an d security ...' 13 One can perceive even from these few observations the insight they offer especially into the myth's descriptions of the relationship between young Marduk and his elders. One should not overlook the ongoing complaint by the old gods about their interrupted sleep an d their need for rest.' 4 This should perhaps be viewed in light of the prevalence of insomnia which modem researchers have found increases with age. Recent studies of sleep disorden have shown that sleep fragmentation characterizes many elderly.' 5 it appears to be a perennial problem of a ging.

Gendered Old Age in Enuma Elish

Enuma Efsh is obviously biased in favor of the young Marduk. As noted by P. Michalowski, if Enuma Elish "is about anything at all [it] is about the exaltation of Marduk, the city god of Babylon, to the head of the pantheon X16 The bias in favor of the young over against the old is common in Sumerian and Akkadian myths. l7 It is therefore not surprising that ambivalence is expressed, if only subtly and indirectly, toward the old gods The wisdom of Marduk's father, Ea/Nudimmud, his advice an d assistan ce, are important and helpful. These functions generally remain a significant cont ribu ti on of the old to the young in traditional societies: 8 But what is emphasized in different ways over and over again are the incapacities of the old male gods, their dependency and loss of status, especially when faced with the cha ll enge by Tiamat. The recently published Tablet Ili 9 vividly underlines these fears an d inadequacies First Ea and then Anu attempt to confront Tiamat, but both return too terrified to act: adurma rigmasra atura ailed. It is the young Marduk who helps dispel fear an d provides the needed security: imarluma Ansrar tubbatt imld [i]ssiq sraptU'u adiralu uttessi (En. el. II 104-1o5) Just as earlier Ea had calmed him: [ana Ea b]uknsru Jagiimasru usrtahbah (II 52) So important is the reassuring function of the young for the old that the nineteenth of Marduk's fifty names is as the one "who dispels the benumbing fear from the elder gods"• mukkisrsruharratu ina zumur di abbesru (VII 42). The focus in the myth is on the psychological aspects of aging rather than on the physiological changes. 2O The coping responses of the old gods are restricted and ineffective. Ea had been able to easily dispose of Apsu when he had been younger, before the birth of his son (I 6o69) But he cannot face Tiamat when he ages, anymore than can his father Anu. The older gods, to use Gutmann's terms, 21 have shifted from a mode of "ac ti ve mastery" to one of "passive mastery," from "aggressive, competitive behavior" to "apathy an d immobility," thus allowing Marduk to move into a posi ti on of ascendancy.

They still have power, but it is inadequate to the task of aggressive action. What is noteworthy in the myth is the importance of "orality" for the older gods "a shi ft to the oral zone as a preferred site of pleasure.' 22 Gutmann notes that orality appears to be a crucial dimension of the diu rn al, waking experience of old men. 23 Depression, he adds, is an emotional disorder that "is a frequent side effect of the oral character.s 24 Depression many times in the Enuma Elish describes the mood of the old gods:

ufaharrirma Ansrar qaqqari inapt (II 86) "Angar became despondent and looked down."

marsif usrabarrirma sraqummisr us'ba (II 6) "Painfully he (Ea) became faint, like one who lapses into s il ence he sat down." [pénsru imhas]ma srapiiti ittasrka (II 50)^ 5 ' [He (Ansar) smote his loins], and he bit his lips." Thorkild Jacobsen has commented on the b anquets of the gods, observing that "important discussions originated when the gods were in their cups Wine and beer were evidently necessary to li ft the spi rit out of the humdrum existence of everyday cares to o ri ginal thought and perspective." 26 I find another dime nsion in the vivid lines describing one of the gods' feasts:

lisrana lisrkunu ina gtréti lusrbu asrnan tikulu liptiqu kurunna Erika matqu usranninu râfisru[n] Jikru ina late babasu zum[ra] ma'disr egii kabattalun itel[sa] (III 133-137) "They kissed one another in the assembly. They convened (and then) they sat down for the banquet. Let them eat grain, drink fine beer. They poured the sweet liquor down their throats. Drinking beer, feeling good they became quite carefree their mood was high " We have here described the satisfaction an d pleasure of the appetite for tasty food an d drink, the oral pleasures, which replaced the joy of battle and violence.

t6.

9.

(New York, Basic. 1987). I Gutmann's book. They could easily be Ibid. p. 21,

mot my quotations from tiplied many times over.

ibid, p. 49,

/bid. P• 59. Ibid. p. loaf. 14, In 1 3 8. 40. 501 and 116. e for example D S. Woodruff, "Arousal, Sleep, and AgInK, H of the Psychology of Aging, ed. J.E. Bitte n et al (New York, Van Nostrand Reinhold. 1985), pp, 26t-295 for the alterations in patterns of sleep and the reduction in a sense of well-being which accompanies them, Sec abo A.D Bertehen. "Insomnia,' in Sleep and Dreams: A Sc,urrebovk, ed J. Gackenbacte (New York/London, Garland, x986). pp. W6-r44, w ho discusses various studies which indicate that the elderly. compared with other adults. experience an increase in sleep disturbance. I am suggesting, therefore, that the complaints of the old gods are muted in the realities of the aging process. '

"Presence at the Creation," p. 384. 1 7. This is discussed at length in "Conflict of Generations in ancient Mesopotamian Myths." See above note 2. 18 For this see L.W. Simmons, The Role of the Aged in Primitive Society (Hamden, CT, Archon, 1970), pp. 131-4o. t9. F.N.H. AI-Rawl and A R. George "Tablets from the Sippar Library,' Iraq 52 099o), pp, 149-157, at 153 90 114. I am grateful to Bob Biggs for calling my att enti on to this article. 20 Perhaps a physical description is mentioned in 1 121: burnmura inatuni which A L. Oppenheim in "Mesopotamian Mythology I," Orentaria n. s. 16 ( 1 947), p. 217. 120 translated "[look how] our eyes are reddened(?) (by insomnia)." Interestingly E.N. Davies, "Youth and Old Age in the Thera Frescoes,' AJA 90 ( 1 986). pp. 399406, at 405 notes ' the conven ti on of lining the white of the eyes with red strokes to indicate old age." She thinks the red suggests "the bloodshot eyes of the aged" (p. 404) For vivid description of the decrepit-odes of aging. see B. Ahster, Studies in Sumerian Proverbs ( 1 975), 93 21. Gutmann, Reclaimed Powers, pp. 5 1- 54. and passim .

22. Ibid. Chpt. 5, pp. 98-132, esp. 103. 23. Ibid. p. 1o9. 24. Ibid. p. no. 25. Silence too seems to be an aspect of the gods' depression, an as pect of inactivity, Just as noise (rigmu, bubirru) is a metaphor for activity. On the la tt er see Michalowski's "Presence at the Creation." On the striking of the thigh as a form of agitation associated with depression see M.i. Gruher, Aspects of Nonverbal Communication to the Ancient Near East, (Studia Pohl 12/1) (Rome, Biblical Institute Press, 1980) vol. 13So. Note that the lips (laptu) are mentioned three times in ii cos-co8. Twice reference is made to Marduk asking his great Closed bps also in II 88-89 piti Faptuk grandfather to open his lips of Aspics suggest the withdrawal of the old god. Sec M.I. Gruber, as, who suggests the 11 Non-Verbal Communication vol. II pp. 4Io-4 sociation of closed lips with sadness ia." mitive Democracy In Ancient Mesopotam 26. In "P ri JNES 3 Quly • 1 943). PP. 159-172, at 167.

11 3

Fighting was no holiday for the old as it was for young men as the Poem of Erra put it. 27 The depiction of Tiamat is far more interesting, de28 tailed and complex. Jacobsen in Treasures of Darkness notes the ambiguous attitude expressed toward her. He obse rves that at first her motherliness is emphasized an d later she is treated as the archenemy. I would account for this ambiguity by suggesting that Tiamat is first encountered as a young woman in her childbearing years. At this ti me, tolerant and forgiving, she is totally opposed to decimation of the younger gods, her offspring. The younger Tiamat resigned herself to her spouse's death for the sake of the children. In the earlier period the positive image of the goddess is underlined by her epithet elletu "pure" (I 36). But later the older Tiamat does an about face. She is now ready to avenge Apsu's killing. In the portrayal of the old(er) Tiamat we find the ubiquitous stereotype of the old woman as crone an d witch. This emblematic representation mirrors, I suspect, not only the view of the ancient author(s), but as other sources suggest,^ 9 probably reflects the larger cultural misogynistic attitude of male Mesopotamian. Posi ti ve images of older wornen 30 are found in Mesopotamian literature, where maternal, both literally and figuratively, older women act as mediators an d intercessors on behalf of men, especially their son. The goddess Damkina the only other female ideal mother, focused Enuma Elish, is the mentioned in on her son, passively remaining in the background. She is as a mother ought to be, dependent an d restrained Tiamat is a p ri me example of the negative stereotype. The increased assertiveness an d independence of older women (especially of widows) make for their association in many societies with witchcraft and other nefarious practices. 3 ' Elderly women have frequently to contend with the double whammy of ageism and sexism. Gutmann found ample evidence in ethnographic studies that "women do not replicate but instead invent the order of male aging ... Across cultures, and with age, , authoritative re they (older women) seem to become mo more effective, and less willing to trade submission for the essence of the healthy, capable older security " 32 ". isinn la etliiti lei la sin disk Cagni Em i 49f.: 27. 28 P. 187. He explains the ambiguity by sayi ve, fear a lo thor is here in the grip of conflicting emotions: of guilt that requires palliation." c Old(er) i es in a paper rc 29. I will discuss these sou Woman in Ancient Mesopotamia. 3o. See my "Images of Women in the Gilgamesh Epic, Lingering Over Words, pp. 219-230. 31. See the comments by Th. Falkner in "The Wrath of Alcement: Gender, Authority and Old Ar in Euripedes' Children of , esp. 125, 14-131 Greek and Latin iiimoture. pp i Herades," Old 9ge in noted by P.N. as The study of old(er) women was long neglected Stearns. "Old Women: Some Historical Observations," Journal of But this has changed tad1980), pp. 44-57. Family History 5 (Spring. and more studies being published. re decade with mo • ally in the past cquently a grater repugnance toward old There appears to be more fi women dun toward old men, the situation in Mesopotamia.

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Gendered Old Age in Enuma Elish

RiVKAH HARRIS

woman: adventurous, expansive, self-asserting. By contest old men stress their self-control, their friendly adaptability, an d even their passivity ... older men seek to control their spontaneous urges, older women appear to seek out opportunities for vigorous action ... older men strive for quiescence and comfort. Their p sy chological defences do not facilitate overt action but replace it with inhibitions ..." 33 He later adds: "... it may be that the older woman ... realizes two fantasies in later life — the dream of union with the oedipal lover and the dream of being made whole, both feminine an d mascuhne." 34 Gutmann's description of the older woman is a remarkable fit for Tiamat. The old male gods of Enuma Elish are characterized by passivity an d timidity, whereas the old(er) Tiamat is a virtual virago. When she springs into action, as P. Michalowski notes, 3 S she is Mother I3ubur, mother noise: "The metaphor of noise establishes a privileged position for the concept of creation activity, independence." Tiamat becomes a monster mother who creates monster war machines to destroy her children an d descendants. And many lines (I 131-146), repeated several times, are devoted to her terrifying creations. It is noteworthy that in the descriptions of the monsters she creates is mentioned the phrase "instead of blood she filled their bodies with venom." 36 Tiamat is the prototypical "venomous woman" who is an image of fear of female power to deceive and destroy men." 37 Not only her creations but Tiamat herself is full of venom. 38 Tiamat, a far more formidable opponent than was Apsu, asserts her authority in masculine fashion:

uleifballu ina karri "She installed him (Kingu) on a katm-throne." (I 152, II 38, III loo)

tâba[za ik]tasar ana i l niprilu "She prepared for battle against the gods, her (text: his) 39 (own) offspring." (II 2)

pu/iru litkunatma "she called an assembly." (H 12) ana la stmatilu talkunii ana paras dAnfiti "He who was not fitting you established for office." (IV 82) Fighting battles is a sex-specific skill and activity in Mesopotamia, but is one in which Tiamat engages. It is she who instigates the revolt against the gods (IV 77-84). When Kingu's nerve fails him on seeing Marduk, Tiamat does not waver or turn back (IV 71: ul ut utdri kiladsa). The vituperation and vehemence directed toward Tiamat are remarkably strong. In her one-on-one confrontation with the young M arduk she is derided: "she has become like an ecstatic (majijlutil), she has lost her reason (ulanni toga) (IV 88). Reference is made to her ferocity and fury: 4°

e at C reation ," pp 3 8 5-389 kir an insightful 6, II 22, 11126, Il of the F Lit"Mother Eve co nnection be-

Anu and Ea both turn back from confronting Tiamat. Both try to belittle her strength, for a woman is not as strong as a m an (emugla sinnilti lu dunnuna ul males zikri 43). But only the young, energetic M arduk will be able to defgat the aggressive, old goddess. Her battle with Marduk can of course have only one outcome. Her powerful masculinity threatens male control which is intolerable. It is not surprising that there is special emphasis on her repulsiveness an d a strong need to dehumanize her, for thereby she is reduced in status E. Cassin has remarked that Marduk combats Tiamat with a net (saparru) (IV 41) and she is thus seen "as a wild 44 animal to be hunted, rather than as an equal." Far more lines (IV 95-103, 129-132) are devoted to her killing than to that of her husband Apsu And there is a particular vehemence in the words describing her slaying:

alikma la Tiamat naplatul puru'ma "Go out and cut the throat of Tiamat.

(IV 30

ltkme Tiamat napiltala lisiq u likri "Let him (Marduk) subdue Tiamat, constrict and choke her." (VII 132)

aggil labbat "She rages furiously " (II 12, III 16 74) ,

After killing Tiamat, Marduk inspects her body in order to cut the monstrous form" (uzu kûbu). The term

Tiamat la [ug]gat "(Tiamat) who was fuming with rage." (IV 6o) Her proclivity toward evil and deceit are noted:

43. Ibid. 153: 92, 154:116. 44. "The Death of the Gods" in Mortality and Immortality: The Anthropology and Archaeology of Death, ed. S.0 Humphreys and H. King (London/New York, Academic Press, 1981), pp. 3 1 7- 3 25. at

ina laptila lul!A ukal sarrati 4 ' (IV 72) Iemutta inadi ina karlila 'She conceived an evil plan." (I 44)

3 1 9.

ana ilani abbea lemuttakt tuktinni Anvers, p. 133. t 52f. p. 173. Note that in the Hanb myth too it is the 34• mother w first takes the itiative t commit incest and encourages 's theory of the gender differences in aging is studies of agmg in non-industrial societies. Cabe, "The 'Scheming Hag' and the 'Dear logy of Aging Women," in Growing Old Sokokvsky (Belmont, CA, Wadsworth, 'Old Women and Old Men in SevcnConnecticut," Worinn Studin 4 (1976), widowhood give older women "a sigto move beyond the gender roles • A. d B. Myerhoff in their conclusion to Cultural Vaieaeorai on Crowing Old, cd. B. MyerSimic (Beverly Hills CA. Sage. 1978). pp 2 3 1-249, n 236 inescapabk that mak and f life trajectories dif-

"Her might is enormous, she is imbued with terror; she is altogether mighty, none can go against her."

"You have fully established your evil pl an against the gods my fathers." (IV 84) Yet Tiamat's power is recognized as the recently published Tablet II found in the Neo-Babylonian Shamash temple clearly indicates:

gapla emugla malata adiru pujtru dunnunatma ul jarli mumman 42

39. The use of the masculine suffixes here and in II/(pitiklu) perhaps debbente. 4o. One is reminded here of that paradoxical goddess manna/ Ishtar . See my "lmnna/Iahiesr as Paradox and a Coincidence of OpPonta," History of Religions 3o/3 (Feb , x991) pp. 45-156. 1 41, R. Borger in "1414 in Enuma ail," RA 74 0980), pp. 9off. translata this "Auf ihren Lappen halt sie MU (d.h.) saniiti was wir behelfinassig mit 'Falsitat (d.h ) Lügen' wetdergeben könnten." E. Cassin in Mythologies, compiled hy by Y. Bonnefoy, translated by G. Honigablum (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1991) vol. I p. 1 59 translates the passage "like a pr mauve being, upon her lips she spoke falsehoods to him " CAD L Mi finds the passage obscure. Whatever the meaning, the passage is clearly critical of Tiamit. 42. Al-Ravi and A.R. George, "Tablets from the Sippar Li brag," P. 1 53; 87f, 111f See abo 1131,11I 1131,1ii 35, 93 for Tiamat's powerful magic supra t rida la towbar fuuana.

-

115

kûbu has here the thrust of an invective?" Marduk splits her corpse "as one would a fish to prepare it for drying in the sun." 46 The primal mother becomes the raw material for the formation of the u niverse. The male god decides the form; the goddess contributes the matter, thereby losing her form (and her individuality). Once Tiamat has been disposed of, the initiative earlier attributed to her (IV 77-84) is now transferred to Kingu: Kinguma fa ibnd takuntu Tiamat ulbalkituma iksutu tâbazu ` He caused Tiamat to rebel an d set up the battle array" (VI 23f.), an d so he is punished. Enuma Elish is a male myth, exalting male order, male d creativity. an male power 47 rule, male relationships, There was no place for a powerful, assertive, old god-

dess.

p. t6o (see note 41) has an interesting es Mythologi in Cassin 45. e Th and lu114 as applied to Tiamat. lul14 kirbu interpretation of the use of two terms "mutually valorize one another. Th e living Tiamat is like like a human being that has not yet been encultunted; 1u114,' lull4,' i.e., a emhryonic being who dies before emhryo dead, she is nothing more than an embryonic For infollow CAD K 487. law I taking form." In my translation of The old women in Latin htenture see A Richhn, vectives against Garden of Priapus: Sexuality and Aggression in Roman Humor (New Haven, Yale University Press, 183) Io9 116. Poking fun at old women is widespread in world literature. "Man and Nature in Mesopotamian A L. Oppenheim, So 46 (1978), pp. 634-666, Dictionary of Scientific Biography 15 Civilization," rib(kir duk twisting Tiamat's tail at 656 note 4z. Sec V 59 for M ar batsa), suggesting her form as a fish. The alliance of Tiamat and her son Kingu Ws, whereas the 47. The warm duk, is successful. ar alliance of father and son, of Ea and M relationship between grandfather and grandson of , ) as is that between father and son (I 8of) whereas the hatred 15, 73, u repeated frequently (II 11, III ring Tiamat toward her o i • IV 8o).

I17

Akkadian lumma immeru Texts and their Hurro-Hittite Counterparts

AKK.ADIAN summa immeru TEXTS AND THEIR HURRO-HITTITE COUNTERPARTS Harry A. Hoffner, Jr.

Oriental Institute om the beginnings of the discipline of Hittitology it has been recognized that the Hi ttites, like other peoples of the ancient Near Fact, sought information from the gods by means of oracular inquiry.' An oft-quoted passage from a prayer of King Murat II shows the various avenues open to a king for ascertaining the will of the gods :

"if, on the other hand, people are dying for some other reason, either let me see it in a dream or let it be found out by an oncle, or let a prophet declare it, or let all the priests find out by incubation whatever I suggest to them. " 2

in this statement the king enumerates four methods.

(I) dream, (2) oncle. (3) prophet, and (4) incubation. The second "oracles, ' itself comprises various types: extispicy (liver oracles), augury, snake oracles, the so-called "KIN-oracles." and something which Laroche in his Catalogue des textes hatites [henceforth CTH] called "Clinomancie." 3 In the following essay i would like to contribute to the understanding of this last-named type of oncle The starting point for my investigation was interest in the term pakmariti, a rare word which occurs exclusively in portions of three Hittite oracle texts KUB 16.40, KUB t 8. r, and KUB 6.27 which belong to Laroche's type "clinomancie! He chose this name because of the prominent role played in them by the word fastal "bed, bedding." Not only does each oracular observation invariably include a statement about the bed(ding)," specifically whether it is "right-hand" or ' left-hand,' but a kind of summary line in KUB 16.40 obv 12 at the end of a group of these passages, reads faltanec kan &alma arja ariwern(i?)] "we investigated the falta-throughout This surely shows the central importance of the "bedding." But it has been known for some time that the examples pkasure to dedicate this small article to my friend and colkague. William W Hallo, in grateful remembrance of the yean in which we were colleagues at Yak 0969-1974). i. Gurney 1981 and Hofiner 1987. 2. Translation of Goetze 1969, p. J945 , 3• Laroche 1971. page 99.

116

of this type of divination which Laroche in CTH called "clinomancie" are actually "extispicies preceded by observation of the behavior of the sacrificial animal before it is slaughtered. '4 While I was discussing these passages with my colleague Hans Güterbock, he recalled an Akkadian text describing the behavior of sacrificial sheep, which was published by Erich Ebeling in his book Tod and Lebe n nach den Vo rstellungen der Babylonier, 5 and was first recognized as omens by W. von Soden (OLZ 1 934 416). Ebeling's main text was a Berlin tablet, VAT 9518 which he supplemented with a Berlin museum photograph of a tablet fragment then in Constantinople. Each paragraph of the text begins with the words lumma immeru "if a sheep" (written BE UDU, and initially misread by Ebeling as Akkadian bélu, "lord," which he took to be a liturgical address to the god). In following up on this lead, I received helpful suggestions, bibliographical an d otherwise, from Bob Biggs and Erica Reiner. In the same year in which von Soden pointed out the true nature of Ebehng's text in a review of the book, Bruno Meissner also published a sho rt article in Archivfür Orientforschung ( 1 933 - 34) which discussed this type of divination text, using six further examples, four from the B ri tish Museum published in CT 28, 3o, 31 and 41, one from the Louvre, and one from the Ber li n Museum, a different tablet from Ebeling's. 6 Meissner pointed out that these lumina immeru texts formed a subdivision of the omen series lumma izbu, which deals with monstrous animal births. When I followed up on this clue, it became apparent to me that there is indeed a relationship between the Hi tt ite divina ti on procedure which Laroche had called

4• Berman 1982, page u5, citing Kammenhuber and Ünal 1 9 6 7 1 3. ('Eine ande re Va ri ante füh rt eben fa lls der LIJ.UAL aus, und zwar anscheinend zue rs t am lebenden Schaf (UDU-ii) und dann an dessen KUS.MES'). But although these scholars refer to the relevant Hittite panages known at that time they made no attempt to understand the details, nor did they indicate that the Hittite practice was based upon the Akkadian lumina immeru texts 5• Ebeling 1931 pp. 4 1- 44. 6, Meissner 1933-1934•

"clinomancie" and these srumma immeru texts. According to von Soden's citations from Ebeling's text in AHw, it is Old Babylonian. Other OB texts which represent the same genre were subsequently published by Goetze in YOS io 47- 54. Most recently, two more one only preserved as a fragment, have come to light in the excavations of Meskene-Emar. 7 Here too there is one almost fully preserved tablet and one small fragment of a second. The sc ribe of the almost fully preserved Meskene tablet is identified in the colophon as one Adad-malik, son of Adad-qarrâd, who was both a sc ribe and a bari (lû-bal). Of all the examples of lumma immeru texts now known the closest parallels to the Hittite material are to be found in the Ebeling text and the Meskene one. Since I lack the expertise to handle all of the intricacies of the Assyriological material, my interest here will be to use the Akkadian texts merely to elucidate where possible the Hittite texts. Summa immeru texts from Meskene, like most of the Yale tablets published in YOS It) an d the B ri tish Museum tablet which Gadd published in CT 41 12, deal with desc riptions of the sheep itself: its size, color, etc., rather than with its actual behavior as it is being readied for slaughter. The closest parallels to the Hittite examples come from the Ebeling text 8 It is interesting that in the Hittite examples the obse rv ation of the sheep's behavior is always followed by and linked to the observation of its entrails after slaughter. So far none of the Akkadian texts show this feature. In the Hittite divination procedure the an imal observed is of the sheep variety. The Sumerogram UDU is used, but with a Hittite phonetic complement different from the customary one. Usually the nominative case of the word for "sheep" is written UDUusr, showing that the underlying Hit ti te noun was a ustem. In all but one example in our texts the word is written UDU-is; as an i-stem If we had only one occurrence of the word, we could perhaps assume a scribal error of the sign it for till The difference is slight at Bogazköy. But with so many examples this explanation becomes impossible. In one text9 the word is written exclusively as UDU.SiR-if, "ram,' which seems to offer UDUexplanation for the other writings The writing an is' is merely an abbreviated writing of UDU.SIR-iL All of the animals being observed would then be males. In each oracular observation two sheep were obsewed in succession In a typical text, after the question to be answered from the observation is posed, the test is established: "If this statement is true, then let the first Arnaud 1987, pp. 318-23, numbers 698-99. 7. in AHw von Soden designates the Ebeling text as ' aB" 8. (Old Babylonian). The CAD references to this text ("behavior of the sacnficial lamb") mention no date. KUB 16.29 + 16.8i obv. 9, 14. 1 9. 9. to. Friedrich and Kammenhuber 1975-1984 pp. 191f. notes the occurrence of both UDU -il and UDU.S1R-if, but Sib to observe that the usual complementation for UDU is UDU-141 or to conclude. as i do, that UDU -il stands for UDU.SiR-iL

ram be favorable, but the second one unfavorable."" Most of the preserved examples request that the two sheep would have different outcomes There is however one text with at least three examples which ask for the same outcome, one of which reads: "If it will not become ... for me, when My Majesty goes quickly to the city of Alni[...] and ..., then let both sheep show favorable outcomes." 12 Although certain significant behavior of the sheep as it was led to slaughter was noted m each case, the pronouncement 'favorable" or "unfavorable" was only made after the exta were also examined. It was therefore the combination of behavior of the live animal and configuration of its exta which determined the outcome. This fits well with Meissner's desc ri ption of the Akkadian examples: "They actually believed they could draw conclusions as to the configuration of its entrails on the basis of all kinds of outward signs of the sacrificial animal, with the result that the expe rt was in a position even before the slaughtering to make approximate statements regarding what the exta would show."' 3 As for what behavior was considered "favorable" an d what "unfavorable," we may use KUB 50.90 obv. 4-9 which describes the desired outcome. -as*-ta IGi-zi-il la ba-a-li IGI-xi-if UDU-il iGi-z[:] (4) al ZAG-al EGIR-p[a] pJ-ip pa-al pa-ak-ma-ri-ti-ma-za ar-ba (5) kam-zu-ri-ti ZAG-an ZAG UDU-an pa-an[- .1] (6-7) iGI-xi SU.MES (there follows a description tispicy)... SIG 5 (7) EGiR UDU-il iGI-zi bra-a-li -xu-ri-ti pa-akkam la-air to-afGÙB-af iGi-xi-il (8) ma-n-ti UL lets -i[t-lei DÙ-at] (9) EGIR SU.MES SAG ME NU.SIGS "The first ram (showed the following)• in (its) first pen (fill) (its) first bed(ding) was right-hand; afterbut at kamzurid; (the ram) was at wards (EGIR-pa) it the pakmariti it turned itself over. [it ...ed] its right shoulder ... The first (animal's) entrails (showed the following): (there follows a description of what was ob-

the verdis) Fathe animal's entrails, followed by served in vorable." `The second (lit. subsequent) ram (showed the following): in (its) first pen (its) first bed(ding) was leftdid] noth[ing]; pakmariti [it (and) kamzuriti hand; at the second (animal's) entrails (showed the following;: SAG.ME. (Verdict.) Unfavorable."

II.

KUB 1640 obv.? 3-4; KUB 18.11

-4. 12

o

obv. 3. cf. KUB 6.14 rev. 18. 12. KUB 50.90 obv. t o- t 1, cf also ibid. rev. 1 9-2o, 25-26. Anzeäusserlichen le i aus aller nun, t 3. "Und wirklich glaubte seiner EingeBeschaffenheit die Schlüsse auf ichen des Opfertieres der Kundige schon vor der dass so weide ziehen zu können, mazu der exta Befund über den Angaben Schlachtung ungefahre chen in der Lage war" (Meissner 1933- 1 954. p 118).

118

Akkadtan fumma immeru Texts and their Hurro-Hittite Counterparts

HARRY A. HOFFNER, JR.

Since this was precisely the combination proposed, the oracle ' s answer was to confirm the test statement. In another case the questioner proposed that both sheep should be favorable.' 4 In this case the first pen and first bedding) of the first ram were right-hand, as before, but the animal did nothing at kamzuriti (and) pakmariti; 1t3 entrails contain no nipaluri - sign , with the result that the ram was deemed "unüvorable." Although in several other cases there is a correlation between the animal doing nothing at kamzuriti and pakmanti and the outcome " unfavorable ," even though the description of the extispicy in each case differs, we have at least one instance where the mimal "does nothing at kamzuriti and pakmariti" and yet the outcome is "favorable."^ 5 It is therefore not yet clear to me what combination of sheep behavior before sacrifice and entail configuration after sacrifice was required to produce "favorable" and "unfàvorble" outcomes.

But in spite of this negative result , there is much of interest to be learned from the description of the sheep's actions . So 6r in the examples quoted we have seen two kinds ofbehavior atpakmanti : ( 1) the animal " turns itself over ," or (2) it does nothing . In a fumma immeru text edited m Ebeling, Tod and Leben 42, rev. 3 we read situ imni ana lumèli ittabalakkat "( the sheep ) turns itself (over?) from the right to the left ." This is surely the source of the Hittite kamzuriti pa-ak-ma-defrœ, =za arja pippaf "(the sheep ) turned itself ( over ?) at kamzuriti ( and) pakmanti . In spite of the Akkadian example's "from the "

right to the left ," it is impossible to translate kamzuriti and pakmariti with "on the left (and) on the right," since the normal Hittite words for "right " and "left " occur in the same contexts , written ZAG-af and GÙß -sal, and in one example which we have already cited above, the sheep " does nothing" at kamzuriti and pakmariti, a situation in which " left" and " right " would apparently be meaningless. A third Akkadian expression employed in the fumma mere texts is uznu imittu Iumilta imhas "(the sheep's) right ear flips (to ) the left," cf lemma zibbatum iltu imittim ana Iumèlt ►n imabbas "If ( the sheep's) tail flips from the right to the left. " i6 This may be reflected in the Hittite version ' s uses of the verb b ee/:nu - ' to reverse the direction of something , cause something to go in a different direction," cf. ZAG-anrsza

KLYS E.SIR

GÙB-laz duinut

"(s)he revened / changed the right shoe to the left ( foot)" KBo 13.86 obv. 4-5, etc CI.. also nuaf T3Cbupiki appezzi [Çplran huinut)] / banrexzi=nmoza appezziaz [(huinut)]

'she changed the rear veil to the front and the front one to the rear" KUB 33.67 i 30-31 (CTH 333).'7 Although the verb h umu s seems to have been the more exact term

for the action, one passage substitutes a near synonym, the verb arnu-.' 8

A fourth Akkadian expression which describes sheep behavior in the lemma immeru texts is: liTnfu fumèla unaffak "(the sheep) bites its tongue (on the) left. " 9 Corresponding nicely to this is the following passage from a Hittite Latta-oracle: kamzuriti=kan EME ZAG -n parâ uda! / ran uwagd EGIR pa-ma=an=kan UL namma pédal "but at kamzuriti (the sheep) sticks its tongue out on the right side, bites it and doesn ' t bring it in again.s 20 The enigmatic opening words about the halt may be clarified by the following passage, which does not contain pakmariti: IGI-zi hàli EGIR -if UDU.BIR-if / [... n] -an=kan laknut laftaza IGI-zi bali 2-UI GÙB-aJ EGIR-zi häli 2-uI ZAG-a! "In the first ball the second (lit. latter) ram [...ed the ...,] and knocked it over. With respect to the bed(ding) Z1 in the first 'pen' (or 'watch') the two (sheep?) are left-hand; in the latter `pen' or 'watch' the two are right-hand" (KW 16.29 + 16.81 obv. 24-26 Loncle, NH]). This new passage seems to suggest that ball is a locative: either temporal "in the first watch" or spatial "1n the first pen." No corresponding terms for ' watch,' "pen" or "bed(dS)" occur in the lemma immeru texts known to me. If the phrases in question should be translated as "in the first Mali the first bed(ding) was nght/ left," it is possible that the sheep was observed in a pen to see on which side it lay down. The Ebeling texts attest to other modes of behavior: ina lebika i_ Iïlrat zumrilu izziz "it breaks wind, when you approach, and its hair stands up, "22 ihu naksu 2-lu 3lu [grit] "[it breaks wind] two or three times after it has been slaughtered,"^ 3 uznafu tarsa "its two ears extend ," ^4 sibbassu unarral "it shakes its tail ," ^5 sibbassu imna u lu méla u ma1j as " it flips its tail to the nght and the left," uzunfu unanal " it shakes its ear ," uzunfu la imitti lumélta umahhas "it flips its nght ear over to the left, ' ma indu lumèli tbakki ' it weeps in its left eye," inalu parla " its two eyes are filled with terror,' z 6 Id nfu Lumela unaflak "it bites its tongue on the left side," inMu uzzaggapa "its eyes bulge out," issi "it cries out ," kabbussu iddi "it defecates," rèfifu iili " it lifts its head," kalissu i-ni-te-er "its kidney is The new texts from Emar add the following enûma takarrabu tppalar " it is ` loosed ', when you ' pray '," 28

nèlu ikassas "it grinds/gnashes its teeth,"^ 9 pd-lu iptcn18. KUB 18.11 rev. 8, cited above. 1 9• Ebclmg 1931, obv. 9. 20. KUB 18 . t 1 rev . 8-9; cf. also KUB 16.40 rev .! 4-10, KUB 6.t4 rev. 19-24, KUB 5o 90 obv. 12 -t6, rev. 21 -22, 26-28. 21. Lit. "from the bed(ding) ' (ablative). 22. Tod and Lebr, p. 41 #9, line 1.

KUB 50.90 obv. 11 1L KUß 18. r 1 re v. 4-6 u. YOS to;74o ctted in CAD MR 79b sub mng. 3t. .- Abo cf mI f onaenu, NIND&G11R 4 RA lath x j . . , l / appex;fi ksf !tw[ arfi ...1 / f Y bwirIIazi (KBo 17.7 5

iv 3-5 (fest.)).

24. Ibid. obv. 2.

25. mid. obv. 3.

a6. mid. 27. Ibit p. 44, Iitie la. 28.

Milt 74203a, bne t. 29. Tid. line 4.

Bibliography Arnaud, D. 1987

Emar VI/4. Textes de la bibliothèque: transcriptions et traduaions. Mission archéologique de

Meskéné-Emar. Recherches au pays d'Altata.

Synthèse no. 28, Paris, Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations. Berman, H. Keilschrift Hethitische Orakeltexte, Review of 1982 urkunden aus Boghazköy, 49 and Hethitische Orakeltexte, Keilschnfturkunden aus Boghazköy, 50 1979 in JCS 34, PP• 118-126. Ebeling, E 1931

Tod und Leben nach der Vorstellungen der Babylonier. t . Teil: Texte. Berlin und Leipzig,

Walter de Gruyter. Friedrich, J., and A. Kammenhuber 1975-84 Hethitisches Wörterbuch - Indogermanische Bibliothek Zweite Reihe: Wörterbücher. Heidelberg, Carl Winter VS

Goetze, A. "Hittite Prayers," in Ancient Near Eastern Texts 1969 Relating to the Old Testament, ed. Pritchard, James B., pp. 393 401. Princeton, N.J., Princeton University Press.

Gurney, O. R. in Divination ," The Babylonians and Hittites " 1981 and Oracles ed. Loewe, M. and C. Blacker, PP• 142-173. London.

Hoffner, H. A., Jr. "Ancient Views of Prophecy and Fulfillment: 1987 Mesopotamia and Asia Minor ," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 30 pp. 257-265 Kammenhuber, A., and A. Ünal. 1967

Orakelpraxis, Träume und Vorzciclensehau bei den Hrthitiem. Texte der Hethiter 7. Heidel-

berg, Carl Winter Univenitätsve Laroche, E. 1971

... ed," 27 etc.

23. Ibid. rev. 1. 4.

(_

ette, 3° pû-fu iptenette lifânfu ittanandi "it keeps opening its mouth and sticking out its tongue, " 3' kabbussu iddi â.gar.gar-fu sub-di) it drops its dung, " 32 finatefu iitien it urinates," 33 inafu ana panilu tarsa ' its eyes are directed straight ahead," uznalu ana warkifu tarsa "its ears are turned back," kiTd imitti-fu unaffak "it bites its neck on the right," liJänfu fa imitti ultenessi "it keeps sticking out its tongue on the right," burhûssu ihanur "it makes a croaking sound in its throat " gaggassu ana warki imittifu 34 ufa^ijjlr, bamat imittifu laptat. From the Hittite contexts we gather that the two terms kamzuriti and pakmariti are locatives. In the Ebeling texts the only elements which could correspond to Hittite locatives are the infinitival expressions following ma, ana, tftu and lama: ina lehika `when you approach," ma karabika "when you utter the prayer," iltu karbu "after it has been consecrated ," ina/ana ni« "at the moment of sacrifice, " 35 Ma labahifu "when it is slaughtered " 36 lama teptafu "before its being opened up." 37 And from the Meskene texts we add : enûma takarrabu "when you utter the prayer," ma nakasi "at the cutting (of the animal's throat). "38 Since these expressions, which could conespond to Hittite locatives, express various points of time in the long procedure of bringing the victim to sacrifice, uttering the proper prayers, cutting its throat, and opening it up, it is likely that we must seek the meanings of kamzunti and pakmariti in this area as well. 39 The types of sheep behavior at pakmariti mentioned in the texts, namely (r) sticking the tongue out and biting it and not drawing it back m, (2) tunung over, and (3) doing nothing, are all possible at the moment of killing the sheep. It is not impossible that these terms, which entered Hit- üte via Hurrian, themselves go back to some Mesopotamian expression. But although in the Akkadian texts a fairly wide variety of terms are attested, even in one and the same text, in the Hittite examples we have only these two terms used repeatedly.

"9

30. Ibid. line 6.

Catalogue des texts Mattes. Études et Commentaires . Par•s• Klincksieck.

31. Ibid. Lne 7.

Meissner, B.

32. Ibid. hne 9. 33. Ibid. hne to. 34. Ibid. bnes 12, 14, 27, 3 1 , 37, 39, and 4$•

1933-34

35. AD examples from Ebeling 1931 41f. 36. 37.

'(OS 1047:22. YOS 10 47:34

38. Msk 7420 3 3 . lines 1 and 47. 39. Friedrich and Kanunenhuber 1 ers also a reading 1f1 Vf zwriii, which 1 think

1 98 4 PP• 1911 c0nssd-

e can safely exclude.

"Omina zur Erkenntnis der Eingeweide des Opfertieres," MRS 9, PP• 118-122.

12I

The Descent of Enki The section of the text here dealt with is repeated later by Inanna as pa rt of her plea to Um for help to recover her tree. She uses Eme-sal. Va rian ts are:

THE DESCENT OF ENKI Thorkild Jacobsen

Bradford, N. H. The story-line of the composition known as "Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld" presents the events it relates as successive an d connected in one way or another with a tree — a buluppu tree — which the goddess manna found floating on the Euphrates, picked up, and planted in her orchard. To explain how the tree carne to float on the ri ver the author borrowed pa rt of a myth about Enki which described the turbulence accompanying Enki's ride in a boat on that ri ver. This turbulence he made dislodged the buluppu tree from the bank an d dropped it into the waten for Inanna to find. As we have it, the author begins his composition with ten stereotypic lines locating the story in mythical time at the beginnings, then follows in lines ii-26 the extract from the Enki myth. The text reads: ud- ri - a ud- sud-râ-ri-a ge6 - n - a ge6-bad-râ -ri -a mu-d-a mu -sud-râ-ri-a ud -ul' ninda -dur e pa-è-a -ba 5• ud -ul ninda-du r e ès- kalam -ma'-ka 2 ninda-su-a -ba im-iu -rin-na kalam- ma-ka' nig-tab-ak-a -ba an ki-ta ba -da'-bad-râ-a -ba ki an-u ba -da'- 3- sur-n- 2 -a -ba ro. mu-nam-I6-ulu3lu ba - an - 'gar -ra-a -ba ud An-né ' - an ba -an-de 6 a ba- ' dEn-lil-le ' - ki ba an-de6-a -ba ' d Ercs-ki-gal -la-ra' kur -ra sag - rig7 -bé-és imnu-ab-rig 7 -a -ba ba -u 5 -a-ba ba -u5 -a -ba 15. a-a kur -sè ba -u s -a -ba dEn-ki kur -sè ba -u s -a -ba lugal -ra didli dEn-ki-ra gal-gal ba -' - an-dadidli-bi na 4 -su'-kam 20. gal-g l-bi na4-gi4-'gu4-ud-da2-kam gisal(ßi +IZ)-tustnà-tu r-ri-dEn-ki-ga-ke4 nig-brn(?)-na du 7 -àm i'-sG-su lugal -ra ' a- mi-sag-ga-ke 4ur-bar-ra-gim tei mu-'na-gu 7 -e '

25. dEn-ki-ra a-g'smâ-egir-ra-ke 4 ur-mab-gim sag gis 1m-ra-ra ud-bi-a. .

Textual Notes Line 4 Line 5 Line 6

r. UET VI 55: nig. r. SLTNi 5: om -a-. I. In SEM 21 the traces to not suggest -ma-. 2. UET VI 55: -ke4 for -ka.

Line 7

I. SEM 21 seemingly has [-ka]m for -h, UET VI 55: -ke4.

Line 8

I.

Line 9

I. 2.

Line to Line 1 Line 12 Line 13 Line r7 Line 18 Line 19 Line 20

Line 21 Line 22 Line 23 Line 24 Line 25

i.

I. I.

Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM 21. -12-, UET VI 55: -ta -. Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM n:: -ra- , UET VI 55: -ta-. Thus SEM 21 and ISET II Ni 4507, SLTNi 5: - sur-'re', UET VI 55: -sud -ra (dittography?). SEM 21 on -an-. ISET II Ni 4507: an bad-ri-a-ba. ISET II Ni 4507: Id bad-ré-a-ba.

Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM 21 om. -ra, UET VI 55: -sè for -ra. I. Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM 21 and UET VI 55• - da - an -. Thus SLTNi 5 and ISET II Ni 4507; SEM 21 and UET VI 55: - da - an -. I. UET VI 55: -a-. I. Thus UET VI 55; SEM 21, SLTNi 5, and ISET II Ni 4507• - gi, 2. SEM 21 + -a r. UET VI 55. -ra- for -ri -.

r. Thus SEM 21; UET VI 55• mi- for i -. 1. I. I.

SEM 21: kiN; UET VI 55 ont Bü. UET VI 55: + -un -. SEM 2I: I 1 to judge from spacing; UET VI 55 om. sd.

Line I I UET VI 55 rev: ba-an- i-ir-re-a-ba for ba-ande6-a-ba. Line 12 UET VI 55 rev: dMu-u1-111-le for dEn-lil-le, SEM 21: [dM]u-i11-h-li UET VI 55 rev: ba-an- i -ir-re-a-ba for ba-an-de6-a-ba. Line 13 UET VI 55 rev: dGa- sa -an-ki-gal-la-sè for dEres-ki-gal-la-ra, SEM 21: [dGa] -sa -an`ki'-[gal-la-k]a(?); UET VI 55 rev: sagng7 ga-sè for sag-rig 7-bé-és and im-maab-rig7-ga-a-ba for im-ma -ab- rig7-a-ba. Line 16 UET VI S5 rev: [d]Am-an-ki for dEn-ki. Line 17 UET VI 55 rev: ù-mu -un -ra for lugal-ra and ba- da-an - ri for ba-an -da- ri Line 18 UET VI S5: dAm-an-ki-ra for dEn-ki-ra and ba- da-an - ri for ba-an -da- ri . Line 19 UET VI 55: na4-su -a-kam for na 4-su -kam. Line 2i SRT 21. ma-tur-ra for ggmâ-tur - ri . Line 22 SRT 21: se-en-bun(?) -na for nig-bßn(?) -na. Line 23 SRT 21: u-mu-un -ra for lugal-ra. Line 24

SRT 21: dAm-an-ki-ra for dEn-ki-ra

Translation In bygone days, in Er off bygone days, in bygone nights, in remote, bygone nights, in bygone years, in far off, bygone years, the primeval days when proper bread made (its) appearance, 5. the primeval days when proper bread was carefully prepared when bread was eaten in the country's temple manors, when fires were lit in the country's bread ovens, when heaven was removed from earth, when earth was separated from heaven, io. when the denomination "mankind" was established, the days when An carried off heaven, when Enlil carried off earth an d when he (i.e. Enki) was given (as slave) to Ereshkigal as Netherworld dowry. When he was shipped o ff, when he was shipped o ff, Is. when the father was shipped off to the Netherworld, when Enki was shipped off to the Netherworld, little ones were led away captive with the king, big ones were led away captive with Enki, those little ones were hand (wielded pounding) stones, 20, those big ones were ... stones for battering

the oars of the small boat on which Enki was carried captive came down upon the turtles like goring (bulls), for the king they tore into the waten at the bow of the boat like a pack of wolves, 25. for Enki they smote the waten at the stern of the boat like lions. In those days

Commentary Line 4 -The suffix combination -a-ba is a contraction of -a-bi-a "is its ." and constitutes the non-personal counterpart of -a-na, contracted from -a-ani-a "in his/ her that ..." treated by Poebel GSG § 705. The initial a- is the one that forms infinitives and clauses and so it does not occur when the combination is used with a noun. The function of the construction is to focus attennon on a special aspect of the meaning of the word or clause to which it is attached, in the case of infinitives and clauses it is usually on the time the action occurred, or took, rather than on the action as such. A few examples may illustrate its use: (I) with nouns: dAnzumu en_de dùg am-ma-ni-in-bad [}u-ri-in-ba 1û-erim dili mu-undab5 "(On Ekur's gates) the Anzud bird spread its knees, in its (capacity of) eagle it held an enemy ' (SRT r i. 2425); [id a-ba-mu-u]n-na-ba-e-ne su ream-[ba]-bu-i-enzé-en a-sà k-ba mu-un-na-ba-e-ne s'u nam-ba-bu-i-enzé-en "they will present you(! -na < -enea-) with the ri ver in its (state of high) water, may you not accept it, they will present you() with the field in its (state of being full of grain), may you not accept it" (PAPS 107 p. 51 if. Kramer's text); [nigin] kur-kur-ra a-ab-ba-a-ba / nap-bar ma-ter-a-hi tam-turn-ma "(with) all lands in their (2) with infini35: to). ginal state of) sea" (CT XIII (o ri tive: sabar màs-anse dua-dug-a-ba gud(Q?) udu tur-amas'4 mu-nu-tuk-gim dig-as' im-me-mu io a-ba nin-gu e gis "As the beasts are stirring up the dust, as oxen an d sheep are returning to byre an d fold, you, my lady, have dressed like one of no repute in a single garment," ( li terally ' in their stirring up," "returning " that is "as they v. 14-16]). Parallel examples re [BE 31 12 etc. ' stir up : (3) with clause loc. cit. given by Poebel with -a-na a re Ample examples may be found in the text under discussion lines 8-16. Line 7 - For nig-tab nalraptu "burning" see CAD N/2 -

p. 78. Lines 8-9 - The use of -ta indicates that AN and KI are here to be seen as non-personal things and not personified as deities. Line io - The usual meaning of mu ,..gar "to make a . name for oneself' does not seem to fit here We therea recogas assume that "name" stands for existence fo re

THORKILD JACOBSEN

122

ni'able entity similar to the use of fuma nab! at the beginning of En u ma eliu: Lines 11-12 - The curious variant bad-ra-a-ba in SLTNi 21 may derive from a broken text which the copyist restored from ba-da-bad-ri-ba of line 8. Line 13 The -be of sag-rigrbé-éi is understandable only as resuming an anticipatory genitive after kur. The variant of UET VI 55 rev 57: sag-rig ? -ga-iè "to Ereshkigal in the Netherworld" may be the better text. -

Line 19 - The na 4-s'u h mentioned in Gudea Cyl. A XVI 31-32: na 4-iu-min-e u 4 -da-àm sig4 mu-na-ab-gi 4 na4-es1X na 4-iu-ke 4 I.. .] "the two-hand stone roared for him like a storm; the dolente, the hand stone (did) ... It was a stone used to dress other stones by pounding them into shape. „

Line 20 - The term na 4-gi4-gu4 -ud-da-kam is difficult, clear is only that it denotes a stone or stones. The element "battering ram" and the parallel to the "hand stone" suggests an implement to break stone walls. Possibly it denotes stones loaded onto a battering ram to give it heavier impact If the reading gi 4 is cor re ct, the value nakàmu (SL 326.15) "to heap up" might be involved; however, the other sources have simple gi. Line 21 - Ornà-tur "small boat" was borrowed into Akkadian as maturru (CAD M p 427) and so most likely it denoted a specific type of boat. The sign ri that follows does not belong to the word for the boat We assume it stands for lalâlu "to dri ve away captive" (SL 86.48) and is an active participle. Line n - The reading rig-bin(?)-na we owe to Aaron Shaffer, The Eme-sal rendering of nig as ie-en in SRT 39 rev 2, rather than èm is unexpected even though the correspondence Eme-sal 'i' to Eme-Or 'n' is well known (Poebel GSG § 83) and interchange of final 'm' and 'n' is common. Possibly this Eme-sal form of nig is particular to the word nig-b»n-na "turtle " Line 24 - The element tes as one in tes...gu 7 shows that attack by a pack is meant.

Interpretation Since we do not know how the myth. of Enki's descent ended, attempts to grasp what it was meant to convey must necessarily be conjectural only an d limited to what the parts we have seem to imply. Here two points stand out, the god's journey to the Netherworld an d the lowly manner — as a mere slave — in which he undertakes it. Before taking up these two points however, a few words should be said about the possibility of recovering the original opening lines of the myth, for we have two settings, the one quoted above as lines 1-lo where it forms pan of the introduction to the larger composition "Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld" and one lat-

er in which manna retells it as pa rt of her plea to Utu for help. The former of these settings can quite clearly not be o riginal. It consists of a hodgepodge of snippets of introductions to other tales which the rhapsode threw together haphazardly as they came to mind. The introduction of bread is told before the separation of heaven from earth, which must surely have preceded it, and before nun became recognizable, of which the same may be said. Far more convincing is the second setting. As manna tells the story it begins (UET VI 55•53-54):

ud-ri-a na-âm ba-tar-ra-a-ba ud )}é-ma-al-la ka-na-âm- ba-e-zal-la-ri "In bygone days when the ways of being were decided on after you (i e. Utu) had made days of plenty dawn in the land" manna uses Eme-sal and addresses Utu in the second person. As introduction to the myth the passage would have been in Eme-gir an d used 3 n p Passive also in the second li ne. The emendation -mà is supported by a variant (ISET II pl. 52 Ni 4507 rev. 8). The word nain (naSin) h usually translated as "fate.' It has, however, a far broader meaning, it denotes "mode of being" with all that implies. What the gods were doing was deciding on the proper form, function an d condition of everything, thus creating a cosmos out of chaos. Turning next to the first of the points st an ding out in what we have of the myth, the Descent of Enki to the Netherworld, one notices that the myth has Enki sail there on the Euphrates. Presumably he was sailing upstream toward the mountains of present day Turkey which may well have been considered an outcropping of Ereshkigal's stony "greater earth" (Ici-gal) which was thought to underlie the earth an d to be the land of the dead As for the meaning of the descent itself, it may simply be a mythopoeic explanation of how Enki and his realm, the Apsu, came to be underground where the Ancients knew them to be located. It would thus merely reflect what to them was a cosmic fact. While this is probably the most likely interpretation, other possibilities may at least be considered. The theme of a deity's descent to the Netherworld is a very popular one in Sumerian mythology. Enlil makes the descent in "Enlil and Ninlil," manna in "Inanna's Descent," Dumuzi an d a whole list of similar divine figures descend against their will in the Dumuzi laments. One, Ningishzida, is even taken there by boat as a captive much as Enki seems to be in the myth under discussion. (An edition of the Ningishzrda myth by Bendt Alster and myself is in the hands of the publisher). In all of these cases the descent denotes a temporary decline or ceasing of an element of nature as is most dearly seen in the Dumuzi materials where the god stands for the abundance of spring. It is therefore conceivable that in similar fashion

The Descent of Enki Enki's descent could reflect the low waters of the rivers during the summer, before the floods of spring replenish them If we had the end of the myth, things might have been clearer. Considering next the second point raised by the Enki myth, the lowly manner, as a mere slave, in which he makes the journey one must concede from the beginning that no attempt at interpretation can be other than conjectural and highly tentative only With this caveat, then, we would suggest that the descent and its manner is to be seen in the context of the determination of "modes of being" mentioned in the beginning line of the myth. What those decisions were is clear from the following lines; they had to do with the dividing of the universe among three major deities, An, Enlil an d Ereshkigal. The underlying image would seem to be that of heirs dividing an estate and the terms used are those of such divisions, "take (deb) one's share" an d "gift," two re ). The dividers in this case a s 'dowry" (sag-rig brothers, An and Enlil, and an unmarried sister, Ereshki-

123

gal. The brothers get their shares. An gets heaven, Enlil gets earth. The sister, as is customary, does not get a regular share, but receives a dowry to take with her when she marri es. Here Ereshkigal gets as dowry a slave, Enki. By making Enki Ereshkigal's slave the myth resolves a problem posed by the location of Enki an d his element, the Apsu, underground, for the underground was Ereshkigal's domain. Since Enki was not a very powerful god he always has to use cunning rather than force or authority to obtain his goals — he could only be there as subject to her authority that is, as her slave. What the myth did further with Enki's arrival in the Netherworld in his humble status we cannot know. He might have been given high office there as happened to Ningishzida when his boat arrived. But many other things are equally possible an d we see no clear clues in the parts of the story we have The stones that accompany Enki could be one such, but if so we do not know what to make of it and so we must leave our attempt at interpretation as it stands.

I25

A Self-Laudatory .`ulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur

A SELF-LAUDATORY SULGI HYMN FRAGMENT FROM NIPPUR Jacob Klein Bar-Ilan University

The Sulgi hymn fragment from Nippur, N 3 i 3o+N 3131 was brought to my attention some time ago.' During my latest visit to the Universi ty Museum, I had the opportunity to copy the fragment and photograph it.' Since I could not identify the fragment as pa rt of any of the known Sulgi hymns, I decided to publish it an d make it available to Sumerologists for further study. I dedicate this publication to the distinguished jubilarian, whose important cont ri butions to the history of Sumerian literature, as well as to the study of Sumenan royal hymnology, provided me with indispensable guidance in my work on the Sulgi hymns. 3 The fragment, measuring ti5x75o mm, seems to be the lower portion of the obverse of a two-column tablet, with only the two columns of the obverse inscribed. 4 The layout and the ductus are very similar to the Sulgi C duplicates CBS 7079 and CBS 14o8o: 5 most lines of the hymn are split into two (occasionally three) halflines with no dividing lines between them. The actual lines of the hymn are demarcated with deep dividing lines.

Due to the poor condition of our fragment and the uneven, unclear, an d sometimes condensed writing it is impossible to determine its full contents and structure. From what was left reasonably legible we can conclude that our fragment was part of a self-laudatory hymn, or a segment thereof, which dealt with the theme of the authorship, purpose, and authenticity of Sulgi's hymns. The extant text falls into seven stanzas of different lengths; the end of each stanza is marked by the recurri ng compound verb ml-du,,(-g) "to sing the praise (of)" or the like 6 This verb which no doubt constitutes the Leitmotiv of our hymnal passage, appears here in four variant forms, and in six out of seven c as es it is preceded by the precative prefix hé-/bas-. Since the verbal root can be interpreted throughout only in an intransi tivepassive sense it is difficult to determine whether the prefix is to be taken as a precative ("let the praise thereof be sung"), or as an affirmative ("the praise thereof has been verily sung"). 7 The seven occurrences of this verb are as follows: (a) i I' mi bé-ma-ni-i[n-du„] "let the praise (thereof) be sung for me! '8

i.

The above fragment was brought to my attention by both Ake Sjoberg and Miguel Civil (sae the list of Sulgi fragments in his forthcoming HKL 4, sub 2.42oo). For the special abbreviations in this a nick. see The 5umm`an Dictionary, vol. B, pp. viiff 2, See below Figs. t and 2. 3. I am grateful to Ake Sjoberg. Curator of the Unive rs ity Mr rum tablet collection, for his permission to publish this fragment and for his encou ra gement in my work on it. 4• The reverse of our fragment seems to be missing. This I conclude from the fact that the two inscribed columns go from left to right Furthermore, from the right column, where the text ends, only about two-thirds is inscnbed. with the rest of this column uninscnbed. Since the right edge is also missing, the possibility cannot be excluded that our fragment ongirally had a third column to the right, of which at present only a small portion is preserved. Note, however, the alternative possibility that the two extant columns belong to the rsc of the onginal tablet En that case, we have to assume that the scribe erroneously reversed the sequence of the columns, inscribing them from left to right. similarly to the columns of the obverse. 5. Both texts are six-column tablets. For CBS 7079, see presently G.R. Castellino, Two Sulgi Hymns (BC), Figs. r9-20 CBS 14080 will be published by the author in his forthcoming revised edition of Saki C.

6. The generally accepted etymology of the verb mi(-es) du i i (-g) is "to treat womanly, ' "to address womanly" (see AnOr 28, p. lab Sjoberg, Mondgatt 24; 33, R. 23; Klein, Sub 15o; Edzard-Wilcke, AOAT 25, 169; M.E. Cohen, Erfernma, p. to8, I. 24; idem, The Canonical Lamentations 5482: 354:167 et passim). The Akkadian rendering of this verb, kunna, seems to cover only one of its aspects, namely "to treat womanly/kindly, "to take care of," "to cherish." The other major aspect, "to speak womanly/kindly of," i e to praise, was apparently not noticed by the Akkadians. In the present context, however, none of the above transla ti ons seems to be accurate, because in the expression rev-bi-1m du s ,(-g), mi is qualified by a possessive suffix, and it can be translated only as an abstract noun i.e. "praise," "hymn' etc. i prefer, therefore to see in mi-du„(-g) in our hymnal fragment an expression analogous to zi-mi du„(-g) to be translated "to sing the praise (of).” For zi-rev du„( g), see Falkenstein, ZA 56 61, n. 3o ("za-mi-du, 1 ist anscheinend synonym mit mi-do s s '); Römer, SKIZ 134:215; Enlil and NinliI 153; Sulgi P b 21. Note that (fir-)zàrni-du„-p, "(song of) praise," appears in a lexical list of types of songs (MSL 16, 253:29: cf. W.W. Hallo, BiOr 46 (19891 348). Consequently, nti-és du el (-g), we may translate "to sing/recite as a praise"; cf the analogous sir-re(-es) e (Sulgs A 80.

.

.

I24

i ,-ga "as mi-gal-gal ni-mu en-na bi-du 2' i I (b) many great praises as I s an g about myself;" (c) ii 3' IiIfi-bi-1m bu-m[u-du, t ] "let the praise thereof [be sung]!” (d) ii 6' [m]i-bi-im bu-mu-du 11 "let the praise thereof be sung!" (e) ii 7' g2.-r2. mi-zi-bi-im has-mu-du,, "let the truthful praise thereof be sung for me! ' (f) ii 8' mi-bi-im bu-mu-du,, "let the praise thereof be sung!" (g) ii II' gia-ra ini-zi-bi-im tits-mu-d[u],, "let the truthful praise thereof be sung for met" In each stanza Sulgi boasts of his excellence in a certain specific area of his hfe, and then utters the wish that the praise thereof be sung for him. The seemingly longest stanza, ending with (b) (11. i 2'-I2 1 ), is an excep tion, for in this stanza Sulgi swears by the name of Enlil that any number of his praises that he sang (or ordered to be sung) about himself is true, none of it is false! 9 The themes of praise, as far as the highly fragmentary text allows to determine, appear in the following sequence: Distinction in warfare(?) (i 2'-41); abundant and firm kingship (i 5'-8'); the righteous king who restores justice an d eradicates evil (i 9'-Io'); authority in the as sembly(?) (ii 2'); excellence an d superiority in wrestling and athletics (ii 8') and excellence in running, demonstrated by the double t ri p between Nippur and Ur (ii Io'-III). The extant text seems to end somewhat abruptly, an d thus it probably does not constitute the very end of the hymn to which it belongs. The contents and structure of our hymnal fragment are reminiscent of the contents an d structure of the beginning portion of Sulgi E, which I elsewhere labelled 'The Testament of Sulgi, ' for it deals with the authorship, purpose, and authenticity of the Sulgi hymns, toand especially to ll. 16-52 of the above hymn. In these lines Sulgi tells us that he commissioned his master poets to compose for him all types of hymns in order to coinmemorate his extraordinary achievements in his personal and public life, an d subsequently swears by the great d unparalleled, and all an gods that his hymns are unique true and authentic to the last line.' sive verb, see as ti ve-p of the intransi Nomtallotm 7. For the inNote that in the Gudea 173ff.; 222.

Falkenstein, AnOr 28, pp. scriptions nearly all mtransitive-passive verbs with the be- prefix seem to be genuine precatives and Falkenstein was not able to find a single certain occurrence with a clear affirmative connotation (cf (1968), OrNS 37 pp. AnOr 29, p. 212). See further M. Yoshikawa, 401-416; D.O. Edzard, ZA 61 (1971) 213ff.; M -L Thomsen, The

Sumerian Language (1984), pp. zo4i .

8. Or (less likely) ` (these) are verily seemly recited for me" and so on. See comment to II i i t'-I2' below. 9. see presently Sulgi E to. For a summary of the contents of Sutgi E in, TAPS 71/7, pp. 03f For the literary dependence of Kle Studies , "From Gudea to Sulgi," on Gudea Stat B, see now Klein Sjöberg, pp. 289-3os. .

Since the theme of authorship, purpose an d authenticity of Sulgi's hymns is discussed in three of his major self-praises, in various degrees of elaboration, namely in 4 2 gulp E,' Sulgi B,' 3 and Sulgi A,' we would expect this theme to turn up also at the still missing end of his fourth major self-praise, Sulgi C." 5 Accordingly, the possibility that our hymnal fragment is part of the end of Êulgi C cannot be excluded. In fact, the above assumption can be supported by four further arguments: (a) both Sulgi C and our fragment use the prestigious epithet Sul-gi sipazi-ki-en-gi-ra-me-en' 6 ; (b) both sources refer to the episode of the double-t ri p between Ur and Nippur, in very similar terms and orthography^ 7; (c) both sources exhibit archaic orthography characteristic of those Sulgi hymns whose orthography was not 'modernized' ts and (d) both sources are (at least partially) inscribed on tablets which exhibit similanties in layout and ductus.' 9 TRANSLITERATION

Col. i

i' 2'

6' 7

8' of

10'

x rkù-sig, 7? UD?' x x [x x] mi hé-ma-ni-i[n-du„] Büt 'tukul-la u 4 sud-x-[x]-gâ? u, 8 -ru-gim ki bé-ma-ni-tis-rsa' • N[l?-x] x RU-x- mes- gu, o ^è” [xx]xxxxx [x x] x rgaba-zi-ga-gu to -dè'' ["se -er-z]i? u 4 ti-s'è mû-a-gim [men]?-kù-ga mul-Ia- U10- dè? [gidri]?-ntab nam-bé-a ur 4 ur4 ra su-mu-sè gâl-la-bi Ègu-za subur -gi-na rx x'sag-sse rig 7 -ga-gâ' rx x' sag? an-sè' bi'-bi?-il sul-gi sipa-zi-ki-en-gi-ra-me-èn nig-zi ki-bi -se bu -mu- gar -gd-ar nig-ne-ru a-g1 6 a-è - a-gim. uzugx (KA.u 2)-ge bé-mi-bù -gal-gal ni-gu, 0 en-na bi-du„-ga

nslation of the above secra I. For a partial transliteration and t 1 Klein, Barsee d 51-54), an (namely of II 16-21. 31-38, tion of Sulgi E flan Studies in Assyriology dedicated to P. Artzi (1990), pp. 73ff. A RIB edition of Suki E is in advanced preparation. 12. See notes 9-to above 13. Lines 3,4f.; see Klein TAPS 71/7, zo. 14. Line 84; see Klein Sulgt p a15f d duplicates. A revised edition is in preparaan 15. CBS 7079 tion For the time being. see G.R. CasteUino. Two Sulgi Hymns (BC), PP. 247ff t6. See comment to 1 1 9' below. 17. See comment to II. is m'-1 t' below Note, however, this hypothesis can he true only if we assume that Sulgs C referred to trip episode twice once in detail in the main part of the le the doub hymn and once in passing in its epilogue Such an assumption is quite plausible. . Apart from da-na for damn (i 18. for hé-bI-i7 ( 8'); hu-tutu-gar-*-2.r (i9') for later he-mi-bu (i KO; and limn ; 19 See discussion above with. n. 4.

'), see further: tit'-bi-a bu-mu-gat-gar hé-mi) for lintm (ii 8').

126

JACOB KLEIN

12' 13' 14'

mu-den-lH-la lul ba-ra-`na é-ge' am-babbar2 -ra-gim sag hé- s"i1 -[x-x-x] x x [...]

Col, ii I' ` X X' 2' UNKEN? ak?

3' mi-bi-im bu-m[u-du„] 4' xxxx[...] [x] `URUDU? x x' [x-m]u?-du„? 5' 6' [x] x- kalam ?-ma? gin'?-na-ga'

[m]i -bi-im hu-`mu'-du„

7'

s'u'-dtm 4 ? m-sa6-ge x-gim KA-ga nu ni- ga1-la? ga-ra 1ni-zi-bi-im bu-mu-du„ geipu2 -lirum 3 ?-ta a ha-rrla?-gù e ml -bi 1m hu-mu-du„ a-la den-111?-da? ma?-ab?-bi kalam -ma gi4 -a' x x x x-na yi NIM dar'-ra -

8'

-

A Self-Laudatory Sulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur

(d) 4' S'

6' My having marched in the ... of The Land— let the praise thereof be sung! (e) 7' Prudence, the good thing, like ... I put in (every) mouth— let the praise thereof be sung for me! (f) 8' In wrestling and athletics I made (my) strength truly radiate let the praise thereof be sung! (g) 9' Vigor, which Enlil ... in The L and, of my t o' My having traversed to the shrine (of) Nippur, (and) to the road (leading) to Ur, II' My having marched a distance of thirty 'miles' let the praise thereof be sung for me!

'

to'

èi-nibruw-sè

gar-uri s -ma -se gu-nigin 2 -nigin 2 -na-ga kaskal-da-na 3o gin-na-g3 ga-ra mi-zi-bi-im bu-mu-d[u„]

TRANSLATION Col. i (a) I' (b) 2'

... gold? ... Let the praise (thereof) be sung for met That in the weapon, an enduring ..., is established for me like a tower For my ... When [like] a . .. I . . raise my breast, At my shining in the holy [crown] like a [(divine) splendor, which flares up for

wonder, 6' Of the lofty [scepter], which amasses abundance, 'ts being placed in my hand, On my throne of firm foundation, granted to me as a gift by...

.. I raise (my) head heavenward. 9' 1, Sulgi, the faithful shepherd of Sumer, always firmly established truth, to' F ra ud, like a flood, an erupting water, I verily uprooted (as uprooting) a taboo! As many great praises as I sang about myself, (I swear by) the Name of Enlil: None (of them) is fake, they a re verily true! (c) t3 Like a white aurochs I verily [raised] the head, 1

Col.

ü

4 1 ••.

COMMENTARY i I' - For the recurring verb mi-du,,(-g), see the discussion above (with notes 6-'7). i 2' - For the still obscure u, 8 -m, which is usually translated "valiant," ' mighty," see Falkenstein, ZA 52, 69ff.; Sjöberg, TCS III 62ff. For the tentative rendering of uf8-ru in this context see Urnammu B 29-3o: bur-saggalam-ma g14-gun4 -na ... u18-ru-mab-gim gà-bi-a ki am-ma-ni-in-ûs "The Storied-Mountain the high ternple ... he established in its midst like a lofty tower" (cf. Klein, ASJ 11, p. 5o; 55). For ki-ûs-sa 'firmly established," see Sulgf O 2 et passim (Klein, AOAT 25, 274; 285); Nanna'sJourney to Nippur 324 ti-lam-da u 1 8-m kilis-sa "the twin-vessel, st an ding on the ground (like) a tower"; Lugalbanda II 3o u,8-ru-gam ki bé-ûs-sa-ba "stood (firmly) upon the ground like a tower." i 3' - The last sign in this li ne, as well as the last sign in 11. 4' and 5' resembles an UR2 -sign. The context, however, calls for -de. In Sumerian literary texts gaba-zi refers to the rising ofa man or beast to attack (cf Falkenstein Götterheder 13 t). For the present context see especially Sjöberg, Mondgott 44:8: a-a dnanna s`e- er_ma_a1_la_xo dè gaba-zi-

ga-zu-dè.

f 5' - For the tentative restoration of Cse-er-z]i, see In-

cantation to Utu 8: dutu ge-er-zi-da an-Id-a mul-mul "Utu, splendid light, shining in heaven and earth"; VET I 1 39:4: ie-er-zi-bi mû-mû "its light constantly renews ` melt" (li t flares up again an d again). It is assumed here hat the obscure u 4 -d-iè is a unique phonetic writing for It could be alternatively interpreted as phonetic u4-di-es ("at daytime," "daily"), u 4 -id-s'è ("at the New M oon") or iii-sè ("as the moonlight"). An alternaration of the first half of our line could be: z]1 u 4 ti -iè mG-a-gim "Like a fertile [ma-tree], -

growing by the life giving sun." For mul-mul in similar context, cf. Samsuiluna C So (Falkenstein, ArOr 17/I, 216). me-lam nam-lugal-la mu4 mu4 da-zu-dè u 4 gim mul-mul-la! x x bé'-zalag? men-kù "holy crown" is frequently attested, beginning with Gudea (see references by Sjöberg, Mondgott 99) . aga-kù, on the other hand, seems to be a late and hapax compound (cf. Steible, Rimsîn [FAOS I] 6:18). i 6' - [gidri]-mah is restored here on the basis of the context, but the alternative restoration [g]ibir (i e. [U].ENxKARA 2) cannot be excluded. For thematic parallels, cf. the expressions bala-namhé-a (UET 8, 81:31') an d bara2-nam-bé-a (Enlil in the Ekur 37); cf. also Enlildiri!'e 74: Pgu-za-nam-lugal-Ia me ur4-ur4 "a royal throne which amasses divine-offices." For gu-s"è gâ1 (=ana gäti pagâdum) "to entrust m one's hand" see Enlil and Sud 4o: ù n-ra zi-sag-gi6-ga gas-zu-

gè ga-mu-un-gal (OB var. ga-mu-u8-gar) = kâti nap:at salmât qaqqadi ana qat[iki lupgi]d. i 7'-8' - For a close thematic parallel, cf. Sulgi A 89: bara2 -babbar-ra gdgu-za suhug-gi-na sag an-gè ba -ba-il See also Sulgi R 87: gdgu-za den-ki-k[e] 4 sag ba-bari[g] 7-ga-`a' subug-bi ba-ra-ab-gi-gi-in "The throne, which Enki truly gave you as a gift — its foundation I will make firm for you." Traces in the beginning of 7'b do not point to `den-ki-ke 4' 1 The reading of the verbal form in 1. 8' is highly uncertain. For the writing of the precative prefix hé- with 131-, which is chanctenstic of the Sulgi hymns, see Klein, TAPS 71/7, p. 32, n. 169; Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology

dedicated to P. Artzi, 99, n

204.

r 9' - The epithet sipa-zi-ki-en-gi-ra, as I pointed

out elsewhere (cf. Klein, Sulgi 54, n 128), seems to be used only in the Sulgi hymns. It is attested both in selflaudatory hymns (Sulgi C an d I), and hymnal epics (Sulgi D+X, K and O). A survey of the contexts where this epithet appears indicates that it is an important poetic term, used in particularly dramatic or key episodes In the present context, as well as in .Sulgi C 105, this epithet introduces the theme of 'the king as the supreme judge of the land'. Note that in our fragment this is further a prelude to the formulaic assertion of the truthfulness of the Sulgi hymns (see comment to i I I'-I2' below). In the other three occasions this epithet is used in the context of a claim for unparalleled physical strength an d superhuman athletic achievements (cf Sulgi C to', where it introduces the theme of hunting and killing a li on singlehandedly; Sulgi C 142, where Sulgi boasts of being an unrivalled athletic champion; an d Sulgi C, Text E rev. 71o, where Sum refers to his double-trip from Nippur to Ur in one day — see further comment to ii to'-11' be low). In Sulgi Y 9, this epithet introduces the main theme of the self-praise: the specific pious votive acts which Sulgi did for NinW, the divine protagonist of this hymn. On two other occasions our epithet introduces

127

dramatic nam-tar episodes (Sulgi X 133 an d Sulgi F 64). Finally, our epithet recurs several times in re frains of entire hymns or parts of them In Sulgi D 294, 298, 303, 306, 311, 318, where various deities join Sulgi on his way to the campaign against the Gutfans, we find the formula: DN ... gul-gi sipa-zi-ki-en-gf-ra-da giri 3 -a bada-an-du "DN ... with Sulgi, the faithful shepherd of Sumer, walks on the road"; an d in the refrain of Sulgi O, which repeatedly introduces Sulgi's praise of Gilgames in a lengthy hymnal dialogue (cf. ll. 44-52; 85-88; 133-141; text E b 5-8), we read: s"ul-gi sipa-zi-ki-en-gi-ra-ke 4 sea ku-h-ni en dgilgames" nam-kala-ga-na mu-ni-in-i-i nam-ur-sag-gi-na mu-ni-in- pàd - pàd - dè

"Sulgi, the faithful shepherd of Sumer, Praises his brother (and) friend the lord Gilgames, In his might, addresses him in his heroism. ." Note finally Sulgi K, where the refrain, concluding the various stanzas (ll. 41'-4.2'; 5o'-51'; 67'-68'; 87'88'), reads as follows: x ki-gu-la-àm é-gal-e

s'ul-gI sipa-zi-ki-en-gi-n-ke 4 â-bi-sè ba-an-dab "... in the Netherworld, in the palace, Sulgi, the faithful shepherd of Sumer, rendered than/ it suppo rt ." For ki-bi-iè gar in similar context, cf. Ifinedagan A 17: [kalam-a nag-zi ki-bi-s'è gar (SKIZ 4o); see further Sulgi X 143-144• di-kalam-ma ki-bi-s"è i-ku s -re ga-rai'kalam-ma 1-ba-re; Inanna-Iddindagan 32-32a (see Klein, JCS 23, I 19) . rain-mu di-kalam-ma ki-bi-iè i-ku s -dè nanna-ke 4 1 ka-ai-bar-kalam-[nu ki]-bi-s'è i-bar-[re] For the writing of bamlu verbal root gar as ga-err, which is characteristic of the Sulgi hymns, see Klein, Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology dedicated to P. Artzi, 98; Su qi X 152; Klein, Sulgi 218:N145I1 obv. 9; TAPS 71/7,

28, n. 15o. i to' - For a-è-a "gushing/onrushing water," see Sjöberg, Mondgott 109; 115; idem, OrSuecana 22, 1(13, n. 3 a-gi6 "flood," "current," and its parallel a-è-a usually appear in literature as similes and metaphors for fearful an d destructive elements (such as demons, fierce kings in battle and armies). Accordingly, they serve in the present context as a simile for the king, who destroys and eradicates evil, rather than for the evil, which is the object of destruction. The second half of this line is difficult. Its interpretadon depends on the reading of the slightly damaged verbal root at the end. According to Ake Sjöberg (by private communication), the verbal root is to be read gu 7 (KAxGAR), and the obscu re KA.U 2 -ge, to be read su s ge, is a unique phonetic writing for sug-ge. Accordingly, "I verily i egu e j é-mi x • the rendering sug he •proposes made (evil) vanish." For sug-ge( 4) gu7. "to make disap-

128

pear," li t. "to cause (something) to be consumed by the swamp " see Falkenstein, Götterlieder 41, n 37; van Dijk, Görtrr1ieder 28, n. 54. This expression frequently appears in lamentations (cf Ur Lament 133; 211; 232; 279 Uruk

Lament

A Self-Laudatory Sulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur

JACOB KLEIN

2:17';

Nippur Lament

211; 2711,

Man and His God

128) and in royal hymns, describing the annih il a ti on of enemies by the king (TCL 1 5, 1 9:45 [Urninurta]; STVC 73, re v. 6 [Ismedagan]• Römer, SKIZ 7.22 [Lipitestar]). Note, however, that the verbal root at the end of the line seems to be bù (i e. KAxSU or KAxKAR 2), rather than gu 7 (KAxtAR). Accordingly, the obscure KA.U 2 has been taken as a unique phonetic writing for uzug s (KAxU 2), which in turn is an Ur III orthography for OB uzug2 (U1 .KA) and 6-zug4 (U2 .KAxLI), Akk. (m)usukku "(sexually) unclean," "taboo" (for an extensively documented discussion of this noun, see Behrens, Enlrl and Ninlil 156-157). If the present reading is correct then Sulgi would seem to liken himself in this line to a flood, which eradicates anything that stands in its way. For the motif of removing unclean persons from a holy city (uru-ta ba-to-è), see e.g. Gudea Cyl A 13:12-15; Stat B 3;15-4:4; Enlil and Ninlil 59-60. For the expression lui ba-ra-na bé-ge(-en), which is especially cherished by the authors of the royal hymns of Sulgi and Iimedagan, see now G. Haayer Megor Iiajim: Festschrift fur Georg Mohn, p. 121f; J Klein, TAPS 71/7, p. 19, n. 76. Note especially the close and greatly expanded parallel in Su/gi E 39ff. (LIMBS X/z, 7:39ff. and dupls.), where Sulgi swears by the great gods An, Enlil, Suen and Uni as follows: nig-nar èn-du-gâ la ba ra-ma-ni-in-gar s'ùd-gu, o nig nu-um-si-si- ga mi - cs b a- ra- ni-du „ Sul-gi-me - cn silim nig-â-diri- ga fir-ra ba - ra- ba -gâl kù-sa {,- ga-gim zalag-zalag-ga-gu,o-um gestu l -ga fir-zu inim-zu-gu m -u m sipa-me nig-na-me zà-tit-tit-la-gu, o -um nom-lugal-gâ mi-és' bé-ni-du „ mu rug-in-du-gI en-na ga-ba-gul-l a lul ba-n-na bé-ge-en Anything comparable to my melodies and songs no one has ever ordered to be composed. Nor has ever caused to be seemly recited my prayers, which cannot be imitated! I , Sulgi, have never put in a song a praise of 'excessive wee My shining like fine silv er, My (having a perfect) 'ear' and being an expert in song and speech. I, 'the shepherd' my attaining a perfect control of anything all these be seemly recited in my kingship! As many lines as there may be in my songs None of them is false, they are verily true! 3' - Am-babbar seems to be attested elsewhere only Ur III duplicate to Largatbcnd4 1247, in an obscure

context (cf S. Cohen, Enmerkar to, n. 22; W.W. Hallo, JAOS 103, 172, I. 293). Most probably, Sulgi refers here to his strength in battle or athletics and the verb to be restored accordingly is: sag hé-`ii'-[ib-il-il]. Cf. TCL 16 58:9 = OECT 5 no. 25:67 (Niniatapada to Rimsin) amdu7 -du7 igi-ai-babbar mèsen-fen gis-gis-la sag il (referring to Rimsin). Note that the expression sag-il is more frequently associated with oxen (gu 4) in animal metaphors (cf W. Heimpel, Tierbilder 144f). ii 7' - The reading and interpretation of this line are highly uncertain. It is assumed here that the tentatively read Su BIJLUG 3 in the beginning of the line is not to be read geipu2 (for the la tt er, cf. ii 8 below), but iu-dim 4, (=Akk. sanqu) "prudent," "prudence" ( li t. "reliable hands"). Cf. Civil, JNES 23, 7.18 iu-dim 4 -ma-àm "en-ergetic" (see his comment on p 7); see also CAD sub sanqu; Seux, Epithètes royales 386, sub agrig. KA-ga, which may be read ka-ga (' in every mouth") or du,,-ga ("speech," "command"), is obscure in this context. The last sign seems to be a damaged LA, rather than a GA 2 (cf ii 6' above). ii 8' - geipu 2 = umâs''u (cf. AHw 1412b) For lirum( 3) see CAD sub abiiru B; gamiru; AHw sub abâru(m) II. For the writing lirum 3 (KIB), which is characteristic of the Ur III literary texts and the Sulgi hymns, see Klein, JCS 31 (1979) 151, n. to; J. Cooper, The Curse ofAgade, p. 2 45, comment to I. 102-5. In later periods this orthography is attested only in lexical texts (cf. MSL 14 363:216). Note that in the Marriage of Martu, the wrestling match (geipu 2 -Lirum; I. 68) at Nina took place in the ` wrestling ha ll " (é-geipu 2 I. 63), which was most probably located within the gate complex ([k]â-ni-na-abki-lea; 1. 68); see the author s forthcoming ' Additional Notes to the 'Marriage of Martu ' in Raphael Kutscher's Memorial Volume. According to Sulgi C, however, the wrestling matches in the Ur III period took place in the `Great (royal) Courtyard' (kisaI-mab). Cf Sulgi C 131-142 (for the present, see Castellino, Two Sulgi Hymns (BC), 256f., ll 129ff.; a revised edition is in preparation): "

geipu2-lirum3-ma [lù'-kola-ga- btu -me-èn sipa-me-èn s'u-si-gid-gid-da-g[u, o ?-x] 'a'? [m]i-nigùn kisal-rnab lei-mè-gim `a'-[ba? b]a'-ni-gi 4 ur- sag-gal-gal-kal[am-m] a-ke 4 -ne kala-ga I[ui a?-tuku kur-kur-ta [i]gi sag-gà-ne 16- kar-[ra] ? -lei-en-gi-ra-ke 4 ne su gaba rî-x du, o -bad [tu]ku-ne dub (or kiiib)-lâ-gu, o -u KAxA' mu-da-`ab'-du„ gu4 -dù-gim si'-bi-ta mu-[g]i 4 -es' hrum 3 -ta ù-su-tuku i-me-nam gesPu2P 6? -ta a-gâl i - me-tram Sul-gi sipa-zi-lei-en_i _ ra_me- è 1 6 `nu'-mu-da-s3me-èn "I, [the strong man of] wrestling and athletics,

I, 'the shepherd' — [with m]y very long fingers, I made (my) strength radiate! In the great cou rt -yard, like on a battlefield, who could

challenge me? The great heroes of The Land, The strong ones, the mighty men, who were selected from all the lands, The runners of Sumer, Those who repel with hand and breast, who possess 'wide open knees' In my Dubla (or with my hands) I let them contend with

me, Like breed-bulls I turned them back by their horns! In athletics — I was indeed the mighty one, In wrestling — I was indeed the strong one; I, Sulgi, the 'faithful shepherd of Sumer', am a person with whom none can compete!" For the uncertain a lla-ma-gùn cf. `a'? mi-ni-gùn in Sulgi C 132 quoted above. ii 9' - This prolonged line, which seems to be thematically related to the following two lines, defies a connected reading and translation For the first colon cf. Sulgi B 23-24 s'à-an-na-ke 4 hut-la ma-ab-tam a-la-gS den-lit-le gù-zi ma-ni-in-dé "An s heart brought me joy, to my delight Enlil called me faithfully"; cf. further Sulgi ba-ba-gur-re-en "I decided to A 61: return to Nippur in my vigor."

ii 10'-11' - These lines are another variation on the central theme of Sulgi A, namely the i na ugura ti on of the new road between Ur an d Nippur, which had been "straightened out", i.e. levelled, in Sulgi's sixth year. Sulgi claims that he marked this event by running back an d forth from Nippur to Ur on an eS'esc festival day an d by celebrating the fes ti val in Ur and Nippur on the same day This event is mentioned in the following sources: (1) in the date formula of Sulgi's seventh year (mu lugale uri 2ki-ta nibruki-iè in-mgin 2 "Year: the king made a round t rip between Ur an d Nippur") (2) in a literary copy of a royal insc ription, which was perhaps intended to illustrate Sulgi in the posture of running (gulp V 2229; cf. Klein, Beer-Sheva 2 [1985], zo*•21*); (3) in the self-laudatory hymn Sulgi A (see especially ll 37-4 1 , 49 5o and 6o-61, cf. Klein, Sulgi 18of.); (4) and in an unpublished fragment of Sulgi C It is interesting to note that whereas the literary sources are in general agreement as to the course of the event, they differ as to the wording an d the details. The levelling of the Ur-Nippur road, which preceded the inauguration, is mentioned only in the formula of the sixth year (mu gir-nibrub si bi-sa ' Year: the road to Nippur was levelled"; courtesy Marcel Sigrist) and in Sulgi A 2735 where we further learn that the new road was pr ovided with 'mile stones' and caravanserai, surrounded by parks, where the travellers could rest at night (ibid. ll ' 30W). As to the round-trip irsrlf, Sulgi A describes in de-

129

tail how Sulgi ran from Nippur to Ur in the morning, arriving at the Ekis"nugal before noon, and worshipping there (42-59) In the afternoon Sulgi arose and returned to Nippur in fu ll vigor boldly defying a raging storm, arriving there before sunset, and celebrating there the delfeast in the company of Utu and Inanna (Il 6o-83). The story recounted in Sulgi V (SRT 13) 22-29, is again a fu ll account of the events, but prosaic and condensed. It tells us that on a rainy day Sulgi ran from the Kiur (in) Nippur to the shrine of Ur, the Etemenniguru. There he offered a morning meal to Nanna. "On that day," destined for clouds, storm and whirlwind, Sulgi returned to the Ekur before sunset. The actual distance which Sulgi allegedly traversed during this fabulous double t ri p is specified only in Sulgi A, Sulgi C an d our fragment. According to Sulgi A 75f, the dist an ce one way i.e. from Ur to Nippur, was 15 double hours: dutu é-a-ni-iè igi i - gâ-gâ-dè kaskal 15 danna-àm su bar mu-nigin -

`(Before) Utu set (his) face toward his 'house', I traversed a distance of 15 'miles'. ' Accordingly, the distance both ways must have been 3o double hours, the exact figure mentioned in our ment (cf. ii I1') an d in the fragmentary passage from Sulgi C (N 3233+N 2568 rev. 7-12), which reads as follows: ari-gi sipa-zi-[lei-en-gi-n-me-en] ur-sag â'-gu, o-s'è'•' bIul ?-1a dutu é-a-ni-ta UD [DU-a'-ta' ] kaskal-da-na 3o i-gin-è[n' ...] x-da?-x é? DI[...] [IGI?] E2 ?-du, o im - mi-du 11 x[...] "[l], Sulgi, the `faithful shepherd [of Sumer]' [Being] a hero, who rejoices at] my strength, [Since] the rise of Utu from his 'house' [until his setting], I traversed a road of 3o `miles'. ,

[MY] ...

,

Looked on in sweet wonder ..." Note the peculiar phonetic writing da- na (for darn which the Sulgi C passage shares with our fragment. The meaning of the verb su-nigin 2 -nigin 2 is somewhat obscure. While nigin is equated with Akk. sataàna, lawû an d other verbs denoting "to surround," Su-nigin is interA 76 I and therefore in .Sulgi sâdu equated with preted this verb in the meaning "to traverse." Recently, P. Michalowski pointed out that in certain contexts (iu) nigin must denote "to rush toward a goal" (cf. The Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur 94f). However, if this is true, then the statement in the seventh year would refer only to 2 k'-ta nibru -iiè in-nigin l name uri a one way trip between Ur and Nippur (see discussion in K le in, Sulgi 181). Hence, D. Frayne translated the verb in the latter context "made a round trip" (cf. JAOS ),

.

130

JACOB KLEIN

739). The sense "traverse, ' "make a round-trip," would fit well the etymology of this verb, which seems to be 'to surround with the hand," "to embrace," "to 10 3,

A Self-Laudatory Bulgi Hymn Fragment from Nippur

grasp the total," "gather." Hence, I retain here my former translation "traversed." f

//l r rr, J /• i/ // /r.r/f/,,f /' /I /, l/ t fr# ./I/ I /' 117III / /%/./I /7/t/ f i ^rlf !1/ J ///i7// / ,.. /f ,I .. 7 /

i

t I JIi r, ///

I//

''III 'v'r

/t/'! '' WI/

/////f/Jf/ r/rt Ill// /t //n ! d l l f I I / , /il tJ It , JI / I ft t//I '/l l/'/ (u/ Jr I', r rr / J/ t /Î lJ% _ /f, Irtilt / ,///1///1/ 1 "; /,/,./i

'/rJIJ

f

1 11'/ i I % I/I r f ^^tfl / 'f .il/,Fll/^,^

5J

Io ,

N 3130 +N3131 Figure r N313o+N3131—Obverse (enlarged by 1.5) Figu re 2

131

Sheep Lungs

SHEEP LUNGS Erle Leichty University of Pennsylvania

The honoree has been known to publish curiosities from the Yale Babylonian collections, so he might well be interested in an unusual amfact from the University Museum collections. CBS 47o is an inscribed clay object which was purchased from a dealer in London in 1888

by Mr. E.W. Clark, an early benefactor of the Universi ty Museum an d of the field of Assyriology. The object in ques ti on was incorrectly identified by Hilprecht at the turn of the century as a sheep's hoof, and when held upside down it does closely resemble one and could easily

Drawings by Tammy DeMeio

Front View

Top

Front

be mistaken. In fact, it is an anatomically correct clay model of a sheep s lungs.' This model of the lungs is divided into fields by lines scratched into the clay and each field is inscribed with the cuneiform sign for right (zAG) or left (GOB). In three of the fields, right/left (zAG GOB) or left/right (GOB.ZAG) is inscribed Presumable these latter three fields were ambiguous. The signs are NeoBabylonian in form. Divination functions on the binary principle. Two good (posi ti ve) signs make a good omen two bad (negative) signs make a good omen, an d one good and one bad sign make a bad omen. Both the sign and the context, or field, that it occurs in are ominous. In general, the right side, or field, is good and the left side is bad. The Romans called this pars familiaris and pars hostile If a good sign occurred on the right, it was a good omen, but if a good sign occurred on the left, it was a bad omen, etc. The Universi ty Museum lung model defines the good and bad fields of the lungs. If we can rely on the direc ti on of the writing on this model, then we can deduce that the diviner stood at the head of the victim which was on its back. This would put the right lung of the victim on the right hand of the diviner. The diviner then defined the fields on the right lung, followed by the left lung, and finally the top of the lungs The model must have been made for teaching divinatory techniques or for reference. The lung model is only of passing interest, but it does offer incontestable evidence that the Babylonian diviners were acutely aware of the importance of locus as a principle of divination. The fact that locus was important to them can be inferred from other divinatory texts for instance the birth omens, but it is not as graphically illustrated anywhere else as it is here. It is not often that we have clear evidence that the Mesopotamians abstracted universal principles. A second lung model was found at Nimrud. 2 It is very like the University Museum model in appearance, but is heavily inscribed in Neo-Babylonian sc ri pt. The photograph of this model in Mallowan's book is too grainy to read, but the same photograph was reproduced In the London Illustrated News 3 an d there I can see enough to identify the nature of the inscnptions. On the top of the lungs in four of the cases I read: KUR

KUR LIAR J 15 Ki KAR / AN KAR EN NUN KUR HAR la 150 KI KAR / AN KAR EN.NUN KUR HAR Li 1 5 KI ISAR / AN KAR Bottom

Top View T:

132

the area of the lung on the left is atrophied below I is atrophied above the area of the lung on the right is atrophied below / is atrophied above the watch of the area of the lung on the left is atmphied below / is atrophied above the watch of the area of the lung on the right is atrophied below / is atrophied above. The remainder of the inscriptions are not clear on the photograph, but they appear to be of the same type and simply refer to various parts of the lung being atrophied. 4 The Nimrud lung model also has a colophon on the top which is partially broken away It says that the model was written on the 24th day, broken month, 9th year, broken royal name, in the city of Sapiya. The purpose of the model must also be teaching or reference. The ominous features recorded on the model are to be found among the various tablets containing omens taken from lungs. The late Jean Nougayrol collected the occurrences of liver models an d lung models. 5 He listed a third lung model from Kuyunjik (Rm 620) 6 which Bezold mistook for a hoof according to the entry in his catalog, two Old Babylonian lung models, 7 a lung model from Assur, 8 one from Uga ri t with an Ugaritic insc ri ption on it, 9 an d what might possibly be one from Alalakh. 1O The la tt er is not anatomically correct, so it may represent another organ. It does have a deep furrow across it which is characteristic of the lung models. The front of sheep lungs has a deep cleavage separating the right an d left lungs. In the back there is another deep furrow which surrounded the heart. In addition to these models, Nougayrol mentions a curious vase from Gideon which the excavator I It lacks many of the characsuggested might be lungs.) teristics shared by the models an d is probably a representation of something else. The occurrence of lung models, like that of liver models, is relatively common an d we should find more in the future

srh 5oKIKAR/AN!CAR '

Right View

1 33

^T Back ,

1. I showed this model to Dr. Peter Dodson, Professor of Anatomy in the Veterinary School of the Umveuity of Pennsylvania, who was kind enough to identify it and to show me other animal lungs. 2. See Mallowan, M.E.L., Ninny' and its Remains I (London, 1966), p. 275f., pl 255. 3. ILN 228 (195 6). p. 129.

4. For the identification and parts of the lungs see L Starr, Queries 5. RA 62 (1968), p. 32. 6. For a photograph of this lung the Sungod, p. XLVI 7. YOS Io 4 and 5. 8 KAR 444 A. Thu ns not a true hang by Nougayrol (RA 62 [19681, p. 31 n. 3), tablet. The other side of the tablet has a drawing 9• AK'J 20, P 215. fig. 34• to. Woolley L., AtdalrR, pl. 59. t t. ILN 2.41 (1962), p. 441 fig. 7.

on of the various pp. XLVIIft

Stur, Queries noted OD

On the Semantics of Land Tenure in Biblical literature

ON THE SEMANTICS OF LAND TENURE IN BIBLICAL LITERATURE THE TERM 'ahuzzâh Baruch A Levine New York University

Comparative lexicography is a vital pursuit for biblical scholars. Many components of the Biblical Hebrew lexicon remain elusive, and in most cases the avenue of inquiry offering the most enlightenment is exploration of the cognate languages. Unfortunately, biblical scholarship is currently riveted on other objectives largely to the neglect of philology and lexicography. Perhaps it would help to stimulate interest in the smaller units of biblical literature if it were understood that the results of compa ra tive research in lexicography often have broad cance. Lexicography adds to our understanding of culture an d re ligion, and helps us to define the character of social and legal institutions. Failure to explore the smaller units of knowledge usually leads to unwarranted generalizations and unsubstantiated conclusions about the character of biblical literature an d the realities of ancient. Israelite society. The discussion to follow will provide several cases in point.

In addition to arguing for the lateness of this term relative to others used in the Hebrew Bible to signify possession of land, I pointed out that Hebrew 'ahuzzâh consistently referred to land that was held legally, pursuant to a grant or cha rt er, or that had been purchased, but never to l and possessed, in the first instance, by conquest or seizure. This distinction is all-important for an appreciation of the priestly versions of the Genesis narra ti ves, which portray the individual Patriarchs as peaceful newcorners to Canaan, purchasing 'abuzzâh-land from its legitimate, prior owners. In the same, priestly sections of Genesis the land of Cana an is designated a national 'abuzzâh in the words of the covenantal promise.' The term 'ahuzzâh thus contrasts with other, earlier formulations of l an d possession in the Hebrew Bible. Forms of the verb yaraf, usually translated ' to inherit," but quite often connoting actual conquest, would appear to be part of an earlier vocabulary than the term 'ahuzzâh. Compare the following two formula ti ons: Deut. 3:2o: welabtem 'îf ltrufsâtô "Each person may return to his estate."

I. In an earlier study, I investigated the Hebrew term 'ahuzzâh, which was then translated "l an d holding." At the time, my primary interest was probing the historical provenance of the priestly writings of the Pentateuch, known as "P." Through a comprehensive review of all occurrences of the term 'ahuzzâh in biblical literature, it was ascertained that this term of reference expressed the distinctive view of the priestly school an d of its later disciples, that the right of the Israelite people to the L an d of Israel was established in a certain type of divine grant. It is the God of Israel who ultimately owns the Land of Israel and the Israelites are His tenants, granted the land as an 'ahuzzâh. They do not own the land outright, a fact which explains the legal provisions of Leviticus 25 prohibiting its permanent alienation It is not the Israelites ' to sell. )

Lev 25:1o: wefabtem 't7 'el 'abuzzâtô "Each person may return to his estate." In effect, 'abuzzah replaces yerulIah as a term for "estate, territory," and curiously, both represent the same morphology. The Grundbedeuting of the Hebrew root yr-land of its cognates (in Ugaritic, for inst an ce) is admittedly somewhat uncertain It may have primarily connoted inheritance, appropriating the sense of conquest as a predication; or vice versa, it may have progressed from the no ti on of conquest to that of inheritance. In either case, it is obvious that forms of this verb often connote conquest an d its consequences. 3 The term nabalâh "estate, homestead," occurring in fairly early biblical sourcSec Gen. 17:8, 23:8-9. In Gen 34:to the denominative of ohsszzah , Niphal 11i'à(nèz , means "to settle, enjoy the right of settlemgint." Cf Gen 47:1 1, where we read that. Pharaoh granted the land of Goshen to the clan of Jacob as an 'aluazzàh, with Gen 47:27 where it is subsequently stated that the Israchtes "settled in" (wayyè'ahaz 4) there. 2.

s.

B,A Lrnne, late Language in the Pri Literary and Historical Observations, ,, Aaaedings c'est Viands Studies. Pamrl Dimas fie, knaralem 19$3. pp. 69442

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es, has as its matrix the legal transfer or conveyance of property; this we know from the Ma ri texts. However, in context biblical nabalâh often designates land that was conquered in the first instance. 4 The point is that the same contextual connotation is not shared by the term

'abuzzâh. In discussions with scholarly colleagues, the notion that land designated 'abuzzâh was perceived to have been possessed peacefully and consentually, rather than by imposition of conquest, encountered the objection that the verb 'âbaz most often means the opposite. Although the verb 'abaz in Biblical Hebrew in no instance specifically describes military conquest, or the forceful possession of land, it virtually always refers to the use of physical or other force. It speaks of an individual or a group seizing or being seized by others and of being seized by fear and trembling, or by some other powerful emotion. 5 A dramatic example of the meaning "conquer, occupy territory" for the verb -h-z is found in a proximate epigraphic source In the Mesha insc rip ti on a ninthcentury B.C.E. royal annal, the Moabite king, writing in a Canaanite language akin to Biblical Hebrew, reports as follows: wy'mr ly kmwsr lk 'bz 't nbh 7 yir'l

"Then Kemosh said to me. `Proceed to occupy Nebo, which belongs to Is ra el' — and I marched through the night and did battle against it from the break of dawn until noon." w'hzh w'hrg kl[h]

"I then occupied it and killed it off entirely ... For I proscribed it to Ishtar-Kemosh" (Mesita, lines 14-17, with deletions) 6 3. The interplay of the two connotations is highlighted in Jer. 49:1-2. Th e functional sense of conquest is blatant in Num. 13:30 in the context of a planned invasion. Also note Num. 24:18, where the stative form yeti!ah means a land "depopulated, dispossessed (by enemies)." C£ the sense of the Hiphil hMf "to drive out, di Dem. 9:3, 11:23. The infinitive/imperative rein the first chapters o Deuteronomy (Deut. 1:21, 2:24, 31) clearly connota possession by conquest. For usage of pi "heir" and verbal forms in Ugaritic see J.C.L. Gibson, Canaanite Myths and Legends Edinburgh: T. do T. Clark, Ltd., and Ed., 1977, Ugaritic Glossary, p. 148, s.v. yet, verb, and yet, substantive. 4. On Mari na{jalu "to transfer, convey" see CAD N/1, tab, s.v. naljnlu B, and CAD N/2, 219,5.V. NiigatN. For Ugantic nh/t "possession, estate," see Gibson, op. cit., Ugaritic Glossary, 153, s.v. nblt, and 49, in the text entitled "The Palace of Baal," lines 26-28, and notes to-1 1. Hebrew rralml rcgululy connot es the receipt ofland and property (but see Zech. 2:16) whereas the connotation of Man nallàli moves in the counter-direction and signifies transfer to another It is probable, therefore, that the Hebrew verb maim/ normally Shinn+, Man naba(ah (ultimately functions as a dcnoouHaflve of Ugaritic nbil), and means "to receive a tubass " 5. For 'âbaz in the sense of seizure hy violent Exod. 15:14, Ps 48:7, and cf. connotations of Akkadian a/Jàzu CAD Aft, 175 s.v. *Tau, meaning I. C. 6. J.C.L. Gihson, Textbook of Syrian Sarinc Insaaiptions I, Hebrew and Moabste I,ns siphons, Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. Ltd., p. i97. lines 14-16, with deletions.

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There can be little doubt that the verb '- h -z here connotes conquest an d its consequences. The same connotation is most likely attested in the so-called Adon insc ri ption, sent to Pharaoh Necho II (6og-594) by a West-Semitic vassal at the end of the seventh century B.C.E. It is a typical appeal for the Pharaoh's military assistance, in this case against Babylonian forces that have attacked a place named Aphek for which there are several c an didates along the Lev an tine coast. Notwithstanding serious lacunae, the perfect, plural Aramaic form 'haw "they occupied, seized" can be clearly read in line 5 of the insc ri ption, just after a statement recording the arrival of the Babylonian forces: [...] zy mlk bbl 'tw m!'w 'pq

'[Forces?] of the King of Babylonia came, an d they reached Aphek — "7 Given these facts of usage, some have questioned whether a nominal derivative of-h-z, namely 'ahuzzâh, would exclusively designate l an d possessed through legal acquisition, and not by conquest. This question only seems logical; m fact, a semantic p ro gression in the meanings of verbs an d terms from (a) possession expressed as physical seizure or conquest to (b) some form of contractual possession is typical of many dive rs e legal vocabularies. The act of legal possession is normally conveyed in terms expressive of physical holding, or controlling. Often, a symbolic act of physical holding, grasping, or contact of some sort is required to finalize possession. Biblical Hebrew provides any number of examples of this syndrome, most notably, perhaps in the verb lâgah "to take, seize, conquer," which often means to acquire" — a wife. 8 The same semantic range characterizes Akkadian kqa (Assyrian saga), an d perhaps even mo re emphatically, Akkadian abâzu, the cognate of HebrewMoabite-Aramaic '-h-z, which so frequently bears the technical sense "to take a wife." The transactions attested in the cognate, Semitic languages for lâgah /kqa an d 'âbaz/abâzu are truly fascinating in their own nght and testify to the fact that legal acquisition is associated conceptually with physical possession. I further adduced the analogy of the Old Babylonian term 1ibtu " land holding" to illustrate the suggested se7. See B. Porten, A. Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documents (Eisen.. ty Jerusalem. Hebrew Universi feon Ancient Egypt, I, litters, brawn), 1986. 6 The Letter of King Mon." Porten-Yardem see traces of two additional words in line 5: IPA "they have brought, " all, with all," which bid "in legible re which is barely legible, and mo do not, however, add much clarity to the text. 8. The Hebrew verb Agab technically connotes taking in Deut. 24:13.. The 20:17, Lev. . 10, Exod a 1 Gen 11:29, nuniage in sense of forceful seizure for the verb Wolf is clearly to be understood in Num. 21:26, 1 Kings 14.26. For a discussion of the connotation attendant upon the verb. Tga(r see Seock-Tac. Sohn, The Divine Election of Israel, Grand Rapids, Ml: William B. Eerdanm, 1991, pp. 16. CAD.(, s.v. WA t. and CAD A /t. 175-477. s.v

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mantic progression. Deriving from the verb sabatu "to seize, hold, ' an equivalent of Hebrew 'ahaz it means in Old Babylonian usage pretty much what 'ahuzzah means in Biblical Hebrew usage, namely, land held under the terms of a contract. More specifically, sibtu designates agricultural land held under terms we might call feudal, often among brothers an d family rela ti ves. Certain royal officials were granted s ibtu property as reward for their services, an d recipients of sibtu land normally bore the right of usufruct. We read of claims against those who failed to honor the rights of others to sibtu land, and of rulings that effectively restored such l an d to those who had lost control over it. All in a ll , the realistic comparisons in law between Hebrew 'abuzzah and Old Babylonian sibtu are sugges ti ve 10 As we shall obse rv e usage of the Akkadian verb sabatu will prove relev an t to the present discussion in additional re spects, as well. H. There is, moreover, evidence of a legal character bearing on the verb '-h-z itself, and this evidence makes it possible to identify the source of the unusual connotation of this verb that is reflected in the biblical Hebrew term 'ahuzzàh. I failed to obse rv e that in one known Aramaic legal source, the verbal root '-h-z actually meant "to acqui re , purchase." Reference is to the Aramaic epigraphs, or dockets inscribed in paleo-scnpt on Neo-Assyrian clay tablets recording legal transac ti ons. These inscriptions date from the seventh century B C E ; according to S. Lieberman, from the early seventh century B.C.E. They testify to the considerable utilization of Aramaic by the Neo-Assyrian officialdom. The epigraphs have now received a new treatment by Frederick Mario Fales.'' Text no. 17 in Fales' collection is a conveyance from Nineveh. Its Assyrian version is almost completely preserved, and it bears an alphabetic-Aramaic docket which admittedly requires some restoration. The obverse of the Assyrian tablet reads as follows: ,

I) na 4 .käiib [

2) na4 kisib [ 3) dumu tja-z i-[ 4) en geme {seal} 5) sal tJa-an bu-su geme Ii 6) dumu.sal z (?) ina ugu É [ to, Site CAD B, 164-165. s.v. s ibtw B. meaning z, and cf. ibid., 14-15, s v. sebàtu, meaning 3d. It may be relevant to note that in the Bmtun Inscription of Darius the Great Aramaic 'hdh "1 seized him" is rendered in Akk'd+ian as issabauu. See A.E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of die Rich Century 8, C. (henceforth abbreviated AP), Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1 92 3, 2 53, line 47 [Aramaic] and a57, line 47 [Akkadian]

Ctay Tabkts of "La Sapienza ," " The AramaS OP. 192, pp, 25-31 t

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On the Semantics of Land Tenure in Biblical Literature

7) û pis- ma 'Lu-qu 8) ln.gal ki-sir fd A [ 9) Ma hb-bi i ma.na 8 gin kù.kabbar 1o) il-qi kas puga-mur II) to-din sal meg !'u-a-tû 12) zar4 pat (at) laq-qi-'u 13) tu-a-m di-nu dug4.dug4 14)

Translation: I) Seal of [ 2) Seal of [ 3) son of Hazi[ 4) owner of the slave-woman {seal} 5) Ms Hambusu, the sla[ve-woman and 6) her(?) daughter, from É[p. n. 7) He drew up a contract, [namely], Luqu, 8) the commander ofA [p.n./pl.n.]; 9) for the price of I mina, 8 shekels of silver to) he made the acquisition The silver was co rnpletely t i) paid for these women, 12) They are purchased and acquired 13) The right of redress, contest, or litigation 14) does not exist.' Fales suggests reading the Aramaic docket as follows: 1) dnt 'mt' lib! zy Iqb b 2) ] wbr t h [ 3) ] ht mn h 5 [+ 3 !'qln ksp'] 4) [mn(?)] 'hwh bnwh 'hz 'mt ['] Transla ti on: "Deed of the slave-woman Habbus, belonging to LQH, an d her daughter (?). For one mina(?), eight shekels of silver(?) from her brothers an d sons he purchased the slave-woman(?)s 13 Notwithstanding lacunae an d uncertain readings, the verb '-h-z is clearly legible, an d Fales is undoubtedly correct in reading it as a 3rd mascu li ne perfect "he purchased." Aramaic '-b-z thus translates the verb lags (=laga'u), the Assyrian realization of Akkadian lega "to take, purchase, acquire"; specifically, the preterite, 3rd mascu li ne singular, ilqi "he made the acquisition," in line to of the Assyrian ve rs ion. 12. J.H. Stevenson, Assynan and Babylonian Contracts, with Aramaic Reference Nous, New York, American Book Company, 1903, pp. 10 4-105, for hand-copy of the Assyrian text of no. 7 (K. 281), which corresponds to Fales, no. 17. 13. The present translation is adapted from Fales, op rit p 176, where the transc ri ption of the Aramaic is to be found. One is prompted to investigate the concept underlying the biblical, royal names 'iihiiz ahaztaltlyeh8'i>(1ôz/yo iihnz, and a few variants of the MM. As an aiteioative to the not io n of holding by the hand or as acting in the role of protector perhaps the operative concept is that God acquired or possessed the one so named. ,

No less impo rtant for understanding the Hebrew term 'ahuzzah are the Assyrian verbal adjectives, zarpat(at) laqqi'u "They are purchased an d acquired," in line 12 of the Assyrian ve rs ion, forms that are not present in the b ri efer Aramaic summary of the transaction In addition to usage of the verb laqa in the ac tive-transitive voice to connote the act of purchase, it emerges that functionally sta tive forms of the same verb, to be precise, verbal adjec ti ves, were used extensively to signify the completion of the transac ti on, as if to say: "It is done." 1¢ It may be relev an t that morphologically Hebrew 'abuzzah is based on the present, passive participial form of the root -b-z, yielding the sense: "she/it is acquired," hence: "something acquired."^ 5 There are two ancillary observa ti ons to be made before concluding our discussion of Hebrew 'abuzzah: a) The Aramaic verb 1-0 actually occurs in an unusual sale document from Assur of the Neo-Assyrian period, written entirely in Aramaic. In that document, the verb l-q-h does not however, mean "to purchase," but rather ' to take up, keep (a tablet)," or perhaps to engage t6 in the process of writing one. We thus obse rv e that in the Aramaic epigraphs Assyrian lagît is not translated by the cognate, Aramaic verb 1-q-h, but by '-b-z, whose legal connotations were utilized by Aramaic-writing sc ri bes as we suggest they were by the priestly legislators of the Hebrew Bible. b) In an Elephantine legal papyrus (AP 2, and its duplicate AP 3), Aramaic '-b-d "to seize, hold' refers to wages "seized" pursuant to the terms of a deed of delivery. This document, incisively analyzed by Y. Muffs, stipulates that failure of suppliers to deliver goods listed in a contract penalizes them with a payment in silver an d gives the officials involved the right to "attach" their wages. w'nt fl bprsn zy byt mlk' ... w'nt !?t tm'bd 'd ttml' b'bwr "And you have the right to our wages from the Government House ..., and you have the right to attach [them] until you are fully [indemnified] for the grain." 7

14. For a discussion of Assyrian Iaga "to purchase" in legal formularies see J.D. Postgate, Fifty Neo-Assyrian Legal Documents, Warminster, England, Aris and Phillips, Ltd., 1976, pp. 13-17, and see examples, pp. 85-86 [text no. 4], and pp. 86-88 [text no. 5]. Also note numerous examples of the same type of Neo-Assyrian legal documents with the same conventional formulation in Th. Kwasman, S. Parpola, Legal Transactions of the Royal Court of Nineveh, State Archives of Assyria VI, Helsinki University Press, 1991. See Glossary, 301, SS. hula for references. 15. The Nominlbildung getullah is relatively rare in biblical Hebrew, but cf. yerufläh 'estate, temtory" (Deut 2:5, 9, 19) kebuddilii , load" (Jud 18•21), 'arublxih "pkdge"(l Sam. 17:18), pequdignment, watch, order, account ' (Hos. 9:7, Isa. 6o: t7, Num. 3:32), and more. pp. 230-232, text no. 49. and esPecialY t6. See Fales, op. 232, note 168.

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"Seizure" of the wages was rightful, for that is consistently the force of the verb l--1-t "to have jurisdiction" in these legal papyri. Notwithstanding the difference in the precise, legal connotation between '-b-z of the NeoAssyrian, Aramaic epigraphs an d '-b-d of the Elephantine legal papyri, it is their common denotm nator that the verb -b-z/d may signify legal ownership of, or rights to goods an d property, and this is significant It is our sense, therefore, that the Biblical Hebrew term 'abuzzah would best be translated ' acquired land," thus freeing us from the notion of 'holding' so often associated with the verb 'abaz. It is reasonable to suppose that the priestly writers of the Torah appropriated a legal connota ti on of the verb 'ahaz, otherwise unattested in Biblical Hebrew from what has come to be known as the "Aramaic common law tradition." This was the very tradition which had informed the Aramaic-writing sc ri bes of the Neo-Assyrian administrative centers during the seventh century B.C.E The legal arrangements app li cable to l an d designated as 'abuzzah were known in the ancient Near East from early times.

III. If it is true that Hebrew 'abuzzah replaces forms of the verb yard and usage of the term nahalah in the biblical legal vocabulary, then the specialized connotation of the verb heheztq expressed in Nehemiah 3 represents a still later phase in the semantics of legal possession. By exploring this source we can place the term 'abuzzah in perspective Interestingly, it is Akkadian sabatu, as a semantic equivalent, that further informs us as to the distinctive usage of the Hebrew verb heheztq "to take hold of, grasp" in Nehemiah 3 We will also obse rv e how the Aramaic usage of the Achaememd period cla ri fies the functional connotation of Hebrew heheztq. Sometime, late in the fifth century B.0 E., Nehemiah undertakes to rebuild the walls an d gatehouses of Jerusalem. Jacob Myers has systematically outlined the accomplishment of the project, showing that the text of Nehemiah 3 projects a delineation of activity which pr oceeds counter-clockwise. We have a long list of families an d officials, and craftsmen's guilds an d clerics working on contiguous sections of the wall. i e The formulas registering the tasks involved in the project are several. In verses i-3 we have fairly clear terms of reference, most notably, the verb banàh "to continuing and 4, d, fortify." But, beginning in verse bu il throughout most of the chapter, through ve rs e 32 the verb hebezfq is used as a way of introducing the respec-

17. See Cowley, AP 4, (text no 2, lines duplicate, text no. 3. lines IS-19, Muffs. Studies in the Aramaic Legal Papyri f vin FJrphanhne Beal, 19 6 9, PP , 56- 5 8 . Anchor Bible, New Nehemiah, and See J.M. Myers, Ezra 18. York, Doubleday, 1965, pp. tole -lao.

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BARUCH A LEVINE

rive efforts of each of the many participating groups. A typical entry reads as follows: we 'al yàdàm hehezfq PN ben PN, u'eneged bêtô "Alongside them, PN son of PN hehezfq, in the area facing his house." (Neh. 3. Ioa) Alternative formulations express the direct object. An example is the following.

'et Saar Haggdi hehezfq PN u'eyôlebe Zinôab ... "PN hehezfq, with the inhabitants of Zanoah, the Va ll ey Gate, ..." (Neh. 3:13) Uniformly, commentators have explained the verb hthezîq in these formulations as "to restore, repair, reconstruct," although nowhere in Biblical Hebrew are such connotations precisely attested. The closest we come m Biblical Hebrew is in the Piel stem bizzèq, which bears the meaning "to strengthen, reinforce," in contexts descriptive of fortification and reconstruction.I 9 Once, in Neh. 3:19, we actually find the Piel form: wayyehazzêq 'al yàdô PN "So-and-So bizzèq alongside him." This is either a lapse in the otherwise consistent utilization of the Hiphil stem hebezfq, with no difference in meaning intended, or an intentional usage of Piel bizzèq to connote reconstruction. There is, of course the well attested technical idiom bizzèq bedeq "to repair the breach; renovate," in chronistic records of temple renovation (2 Kings 12:6-9, 13, 2 Kings 22:3). In Ezek 27:9, 27 similar activity is expressed by the Hiphil: mabazfq# bidgêk "those who repair your breach, maintain your equipment." Reference is to the merchants an d sea captains of the Phoenician city states of the early sixth century, B.C.E. It is of interest to note that for itself, Hebrew bizzèq bedeq comp ar es with Akkadian bitga "abaft:, which has the same meaning. It is used in similar contexts of reconstruction an d temple renovation, and it incorporates the Akkadian cognate of Hebrew bedeq "split, breach," namely, Akkadian bitqu. Once again, we observe the equivalent transactions of Hebrew and Akkadian verbs meaning "to seize, hold, grasp." Whereas in Alcicadian, G-stem ,sabatu has active-transitive force, in Hebrew, the simple stem, hàzaq, has stative force, thus requiring usage of the Piel an d Hiphil to convey the active-transitive.' distinctly possible, therefore, that in Nehemiah 3 zfq means what hizzêq means, namely "to reconstruct, strengthen," an d that it further resonates the technical idiom bizzèq / hehezfq bedeq "to repair the breach, renovate." There is, however, an alternative way of understanding the formulations in Nehemiah. 3, one which again brings us back to the Akkadian verb Fabian:, an d which has implications for the biblical, legal vocabulary. I alludPs. 14 7: 1 3, li iiinp 11: 1 51 23: Set B.A. Levine, "Comments on Belifica) Cub," (Hebrew), l es/w ner/a 30

I

ed to this alte rnative in my earlier study, but failed to explore it in depth. I ventured that verbal hehezfq constituted a late, biblical formula for expressing legal possession, an d that in the context of Nehemiah 3, the verb hehezfq had the functional meaning: "to take over, take charge of possess." Read in this way, Nehemiah 3 records not only the actual work of building and repair, but an administrative process whereby vanous families an d other sorts of groups as well as ranking officials were assigned contiguous sections of the walls an d gatehouses of Jerusalem which they were to repair. These associations accordingly took ch arge of their assigned quarters, and settled in them, an d it is this assumption of responsibility that is conveyed by the verb hehezfq, not the actual work they performed. This interpretation seems to be supported by the fact that in several entries the initial statement that a person or group hehezfq an area is followed by a reference to the work they actually performed (Neh. 3:6-8, 13-15). We further note that in one case, recorded in verse 5, there was a refusal to participate in the reconstruction project. And yet, verse 5 states as follows: "Alongside them, the Tekoites hebezfqu, though their nobles would not bear the burden of their leader's work assignment (ba 'abôdat 'adônêhem)." This would seem to indicate that hehezfq refers to something other than the actual work performed. We are to understand that along with responsibility assumed, there was a potential profit to be reafzed from participation in the rebuilding ofJerusalem. The participating investon would gain title to housing and workspace in the areas they had reconstructed by their own effort and probably at their own expense. All of this is suggested by the proposed legal-administrative connotation of the verb hehezfq. Nehemiah's master plan was, after a ll , to resettle Jerusalem and make it the administrative, cultic, an d commercial center of a Judea restored. More persuasive, in my opinion, than the internal, but imprecise evidence suggesting that hebeztq means "to repair, re construct" is comparative evidence of a specialized connotation attend an t upon the Akkadian verb ^abàtu In the annals of some Neo-Assyrian conquerors, we find statements to the effect that these rulers took over cities an d provinc es in regions they had occupied for the purpose of rebuilding an d reconstituting them under new administration. It is common to find statements containing the clause: GN ana elsuti asbat "I took over X-place for purposes of renewal," followed by specifications as to the rebuilding of city walk an d palaces , the resettlement of the specified town an d its renaming or the designation of cubic offerings within it. Or, we may read: URU GN hats/ ana al bkbhI1 afbat "I took over that X-town to se rve as my fortress city." 21 What makes the Neo-Assyrian evidence bearing on usage of the verb sabatu so relevant is the striking simi-

139

On the Semantics of Land Tenure in Biblical Literature larity of its context with that of Nehemiah 3. The Persians had earlier conquered Jerusalem and Judea in the third qua rt er of the sixth century B.C.E. an d had granted the exiled Judeans a cha rt er allowing them to return Yet, about a century later, the city was still in ruins Nehemiah 3 describes in considerable detail how the enterpri se known in Assyrian as esritu "[urban] renewal" was accomplished In recording that process, the verb hehezfq is employed to signify not the actual work performed but the prior "take over of areas and quarters of Jerusalem adjacent to the walls and gates where various families, associations, and officials would accomplish the construction work and eventually reside. Effectively, specialized usage of the verb hehezfq in Nehemiah 3 and an "land tenure; possession," hazàgiih ticipates the term denominative, Hiphil forms (pa rt icipial mabazfq and perfective hehezfq) in Rabbinic Hebrew? In contemporary Aramaic documents we find further evidence bearing on the diction of the late, Biblical Hebrew of Nehemiah 3. We note that in the Aramaic legal papyri from fifth century B.C.E. Egypt, the Haphel participle mehabsfn means "he possesses; he is an owner (of a house or property)." Aramaic hhsn is a semantic equivalent of Hebrew hehezfq "to take hold of." Now, twice we find in the Aramaic papyri that an ethnically identi"a mehabsfn beyêb birtà' ledigil X fied individual is entitled: landowner in Yeb, the fortress, belonging to the degel (detachment) of X." 23 We once read that a degel "owns' (mehabsfn) a field collectively ^4 It would seem, there21. See CAD S 16-17, s.v. sabätu meaning 3f We further note that the sense of 'taking charge" suggested for Hebrew hehezfq in Nehemiah 3 may be anticipated in Lev. 25:35 "If your kinsman, being in straits, comes under your authority, and you take charge of him (wwhebczagin bo) in the manner of a resident alien." 4•9, Srbf'% 6:1. Baba' Barra' 3:2-3, See Mishnah, 22.

fore, that contemporary Aramaic legal usage might explain the unusual connotation being suggested for the jectro in Nehemiah 3, whereas the system p verb hehezfq ed there was known from earlier times an d corresponds with specialized usage of the Akkadian verb labium. IV It has been the purpose of the present study to explore the development of biblical terminology relevant center stage. In 'abuzzàh d tenure, giving the term an to l contrast to the premises of the biblical conquest traditions, the concept of the l an d of Israel as a national 'abuzzàh projects no wars of conquest, but rather the legal acquisition of the l an d. To us it seems that this recasting of the patriarchal narratives and of the conquest traditions would have been an appropriate response to the edict of Cyrus the G re at, an d the subsequent Return to Zion and Judea which commenced in the third quarter of the sixth century S.C.E. Understood in this way, the repossession of the Land of Israel by the people of Israel as a national 'abuzzàh subsequent to the Babylonian exile, gives legal force to "restoration ' announced in the vi the process ofge'uIlàh » Z sions of the exilic Isaiah.

[no 8, line z]. z-31; u, y, AP 19, [no. 7, lines 23. See Cow le Yale UniBrooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri, Also see E G Kraeling, 2, bne 5. versity Press, 1953, p. 275, comments on text no. 1 y, AP 51 [no. 16, line z). Similar usage of le See Cow 24 "to possess (kingship)" occurs in the Aramaic of Dan halufn Haphel 818 22 25. The God of Israel as gil il "redeemer" and the Israelites as 8r'uipfm "the redeemed" represent major themes in the piuyhecies of 49:4. 7, 51:10, 52:3, 44:6, 1 7, 48 : M. Deutero-Isaiah. Sec Isa. 43:1, 14, 59:20, 63 4, 16.

141

Le Vocabulaire Technique du Droit en Sumérien

judiciaire" ou ipfrum "rançon" (plus tard, la personne échangée contre une autre). On reconnaît les formes RI-u-R2-u-RR3-u-m et RI-R2-u-RR3-û-m; ce genre de dénvation, la structure du sumérien ne le permet pas.

LE VOCABULAIRE TECHNIQUE DU DROIT EN SUMÉRIEN Henri Limet Université de Liège

Dans toutes les langues, la plupart des usagers se servent d'un vocabulaire fondamental de quelques centaines de mots.' Ce bagage lexical couvre environ 8o% du vocabulaire d'un texte normal. Les locuteurs recourent cependant habituellement à des centaines de mots supplementaires qu'ils introduisent dans la conversation ou dans leurs écrits• ils en ont un usage actif Ils en connaissent encore des centaines d'autres qu'ils comprennent sans les utiliser eux-mêmes, c'est la connaissance passive. Le lexique d'une langue comporte donc, à côté d'un noyau dur, des extensions possibles En outre, dans toutes les professions à un certain niveau de spécialisation, se développe un vocabulaire particulier, propre à telle ou telle activité, et qui permet d'éviter les imprécisions, le manque de nuances, les équivoques. Pour ce qui est de notre propos ici, tous les juristes jugent indispensable de se fonder sur des notions clairement définies et exprimées de façon exacte, qui ne seront pas sujettes à des interprétations divergentes. Le "code" de Hammourapi fourmille d'exemples où le vocabulaire est déficient, c'est pourquoi le texte qui paraît écrit dans un babylonien classique limpide, est en réalité truffé de pièges dont ne se sont pas encore dépêtrés les plus subtils philologues. Beaucoup de ces imperfections ont déjà été signalées par A. Finet 2 comme des difficultés de traduction; elles proviennent, en fait, d'une imprécision juridique: des notions sont évoquées sans avoir été définies correctement. La distinction entre awilum et mulkènum, qui entraîne de nombreuses consequences, est fameuse, mais très vague} Le mot màum désigne l'enfant, ou les enfants, garçons et filles, mais parfois le garçon seul, le fils. A l'article 166, il est prévu que les frères ayant hénté du

père mort veilleront à procurer une épouse au fils sehrum 'petit": nous comprenons "mineur" et "non encore marié," mais qu'est-ce qu'un enfant mineur au temps de Hammourapi? Cela signifie-t-il qu'il n'est pas nubile? On sait aussi que le verbe abizzum "prendre, ' qui est le mot propre pour 'épouser" (une femme) a suscite bien des discussions modemes: 4 ce verbe, comme tuku en sumérien, implique-t-il la consommation du mariage? (Voir en français la nuance entre "prendre une femme" et "prendre femme"). Cet aspect négatif de la pensée juridique babylonienne nous amène à poser la question les Babyloniens et, avant eux, les Sumeriens, avaient-ils conçu un vocabulaire juridique, techniquement utile? Des éléments de réponse nous sont fournis par quelques termes, toutefois en nombre réduit, qui ne figurent que dans les textes juridiques accadiens, en particulier le "code" de Hammourapi: ils ont une acception propre et sont, le plus souvent, monosémiques. Ainsi: nudunnum: douaire, c'est-à-dire la donation faite par

le mari à son épouse, pour qu'elle soit a l'abri du besoin en cas de décès prématuré;

bubullum: prêt qui porte intérêt, en sumérien ur s-ra (bubullum évoluera en MA et MB, vers le sens de "in-

térêt");

rugummam: plainte, contestation, en sumérien inimgar (rugummam a pu prendre un sens plus concret: "somme qui est l'objet de la plainte"). Il en existe d'autres, bien connus dans le "code": terhatum, feriktum; il s'agit, d'une part, du cadeau (animaux, bijoux, argent, ...) fait par la famille du futur mari à celle de la fiancée, et, d'autre part, de la dot accordée à celle-ci par son père. On notera aussi purussam "décision

Ceux qui désignent les p arties du corps, les relanons de parenté, ,'habitat, l'environnement le temps, l'alimentation, les animaux domestiques ou chassés; en outre, les mots. qui sont généralement des verbes, qui indiquent les actions courantes: dire. parler, entendre, voir, aller et Venir, entrer et sortir, rtc. A ces deux ensembics s'ajoutent quelques adjectifs, les nombres et des. mots-outils Cela fait environ milk mots. A. Fi net, Le code de Hammura pi, Paris. 1973, p. 25 et w.

3

La distinction est sociologique plus que juridique; les auib sont les notables qui dominent une communauté et les mudkenw sont ceux qui subissent l'autorité des premiers Il suffit de regarder autour de soi, en Syrie ou en Iraq, de nos jours, pour comprendre cette distinction.

4. Cf. R. Westbrook, Old Bobytonian Mariage Law, BeiAID hrf/ 23.p. t o à16.

:.

140

-

I -

Nous commencerons notre enquête en consultant les deux premières tablettes de la série IuAR-ra = bubullu, dont nous essayerons d'établir la typologie. 5 La tablette I, lignes I à 68, fournit la liste des noms qui désignent les transferts de propriété. De 87 à 120 sont cités les noms des personnes constituant la famille, avec, de 127 à 1 33, les esclaves. Les personnages officiels ont été rejetés en II, 10-36 de même que le statut des personnes en II, 43-54 (mots composés avec nam). Les indications de temps sont répertoriées de I 149 à 156 (la moisson), de i76 à 210 (les jours) et de 211 à 234 (les mois). Les indications relatives à l'espace sont disséminées; les terrains en I 16317S, la situation en II 228-266, les chemins et les routes en 269-281. Des séries plus petites sont consacrées à telles ou telles réalités, par ex. l'irrigation. Quant aux verbes, ils n'ont pas été regroupés mais insérés ici et là; tuku en I 70-75, fait suite à la série "famille," sans doute par association d'idées, parce qu'il signifie, entre autres sens, épouser. "6 La majeure partie des termes rassemblés par les clercs sumériens et babyloniens appartiennent au vocabulaire courant: père mère, frère, etc. Moins usuels sont ceux qui caractérisent les travaux agricoles ou l'irrigation. Relèvent du droit: les mots par lesquels débute la tablette I et la plupart des verbes. Ceux-ci ont acquis, dans la pratique juridique, un sens précis qui découle de leur sens général mais qui se réfère à un acte spécial distinct d'autres plus ou moins proches. De nombreux verbes, même dans un contrat, conservent leur sens habituel sar, latitru ' écrire" (II 85-87) ou ku 4 ku4, tribu (II 88-89); beaucoup sont employés de manière restrictive: "

I. la, sragalu "peser" (I 241 et sv.), s'applique à l'argent, d'où "payer' tandis que âg, madiidu 'mesurer" (I 247 et sv.) vaut pour les cereales; les clercs ont donné des exemples: k i—âg gâ, kù—là. 2. En 1258-261 sum, nadilnu "donner," se disin—na"rendre," de même qu'en 16• tàru tingue de gur, an-ba "faire un don" ne doit pas être confondu avec a mu-un-na-ru "offrir" (à un dieu). On retrouve sum en H 70-73, car il signifie, comme nous le venons, remettre" la propriété de quelque chose à quelqu'un (,'acheteur).

On a aussi le cas de bal, nabalkutu, "ne pas s'ac3. quitter de ses obligations," qui s'oppose à gi 4, apâfu ` remplir ses engagements," d'où "rendre ce qui est dû." Quant aux mots relatifs aux transferts, définitifs ou provisoires, de propriété ils sont représentés par ur s-ra, bubullu, "prêt produisant intérêt"; ni-ba, qi tum "don"; ha-la zittum ' part' (d'héritage); ni-mi-Cu-si, terjatum; rù—su sum—mu, nidintum "douaire"; ni-dé-a, biblum "cadeau de noces"; ensuite par les diverses allocations: ge-ba, tag-ba, i-ba. L'intérêt, mai, stbtu, ses emplois et variantes sont recensés, lignes 48 et sv. Le verbe su ba-ti "recevoir" for ge ou l'at g nt d'un prêt, c'est-à-dire ' emprunter" a été rejeté plu loin lignes 138-147, de même sarn/sa, o "acheter," aux lignes 197-307. On voit donc se dessiner, dans le lexique des clercs, les trois catégories de termes dont il était question au début de cet exposé: —

le vocabulaire usuel; des termes plus particuliers, niais sans doute connus de beaucoup de gens (agriculture, irrigation, par ex.); la langue du droit.? -

2

-

Il faut cependant répondre ici à une objection: ne serait-ce pas les philologues et les commentateurs modernes qui, peut-être sous l'influence de leurs connaissances juridiques et de leur pratique du droit romain, introduisent indûment dans leurs traductions des précisions dont les Sumériens ne se souciaient guère? Cette objection n est pas recevable. Nous devons, en effet, observer que, dans les cas qui sortaient de la pratique courante (prêts, ventes, adoptions), l'affaire se traitait oralement et le "notaire" enregistrait simplement les paroles prononcées devant témoins et/ou avec serment. Le fait, déjà, que les propos tenus étaient mis par écrit, aurait suffi à leur donner une valeur juridique, néanmoins, les intéressés n'utilisaient pas des mots ordinaires. Ceux-ci, comme on le constate dans les exemples suivants, ont bien qu'ils aient été "dits" par verba solemnia; bien l'air de des personnes qui n'étaient pas juristes, ils sont très pré-

—

cis.

Texte 1 (D. Owen, NATN n° 571) Ur-[4Nusku-ke 4] Lu[gal-engar-a-ra] « kù-mu [b ma-sum] ' i-na- an -du ]1 -engar-e 'kù nu-mu-da-a-tuk Lugal ciNusku-ka Ur na-an-du 1 s da-a-tuk ga-li m? trau a mu-lugal tukum-bi kù-gi? k na-du, , .

►

-

-

les tablettes I et Il, figavec hubuliu, IlAR-n = Le début de 5. ure dans MSL 5, éd. de B Landsberger. Il existe un précurseur très ancien de cette liste, publiée, de 6. façon peu satisfaisante par Ch.-F Jean, RA 33 (193 6), p• 85 et sv.: en revanche, k vocabulaue publié par Abdul-Hadi AI-Fouadi, dans le KramerAnniversary Volume, AOAT 25 (t976), p t à tz ne parait pas appartenir à la même catégorie.

Voir un premier essai sur k v

7. Mans. H. Limet, "La formation du von , Cnseltsdwft and Kultur im Vordemrien sumérien," à 171.

des arcnique en 9S2 p. 163

142

Le Vocabulaire Technique du Droit en Sumérien

HENRI LIMET

Ur-Nusku a dit à Lugal-engar: Qu il me rende mon argent!' A Ur-Nusku, Lugal-engar a dit: "II n'a pas de crédit envers moi Par le roi, s'il avait un crédit envers moi, je payerais," a-t-il dit. Le verbe tuku, employé avec le comitatif, a le sens Juridique de "avoir un crédit sur quelqu'un" (voir plus bas). Cf. Texte 3. Texte 2 (D. Owen, Materiali per il vocabolario Neosumerico, II n° 185):

E- à- ga - nim Su-kab-da-ra di in-da-du 11 E-ti-ga-nim as ba-tag4 .3e-[ba] sum-mu-da• ib-du 11 Su-kab-da tag-ga-ni inur 5

E-ti-ga-nim di ensi-ka 1-gur • nu-gur • loi-du 11 mulugal in-pi Su-kab-da na-ab-bé-a • s"à URUxAki-ta mu-lugal in-pi in-da-du-de-en . loi-du , 1 Etiganim a intenté un procès à Sukabda. Etiganim a été répudiée pour la seconde fois. "Remets-moi mon allocation d'orge," a-t-elle dit. Sukabda a lacére son vêtement (= s'est tenu pour quitte de toute obligation). Etiganun a conteste le jugement de Verni, (puis) elle a dit: "je ne conteste plus," elle a prêté serment par le nom du roi. Elle a dit: "à Sukabda, dis ceci: de la ville de URUxA, je m'éloignerai"; elle apuré par le nom du roi. Etiganim est l'épouse et Sukabda, son mari La ville de URUxA se trouve en Elam. Quant aux termes gur, tag s, di. du„ et l'expression "lacérer son vêtement," ils relèvent du vocabulaire juridique. Texte 3 (D Owen, NATN n° 368) : • tukum-bi Ur-dNusku-da nu-me-a uni-ta ba-ta-è kù mu-da-tuk-a nu [x] a Ku na ga-là • loi-dar i 1

ï NP ne reste pas auprès de Ur-Nusku et sort de la ville, rgent qui lui est dû, ... je le payerai," dit-il .

Texte 4 (T. Gomm, Selected ... Texts from the British Museum, no 535): Ur-dl jal - m[u-tasn -ke 4] Lugal -nanga simu[g-ra] ba zi-in dim -me-dè 1% ma-na [i]n - na-an-sum sà-bi - ta 1 ma-na 15 gin Lugal -nanga-e Ur-dthl-mu-

tam-n in-na-an-sum A ma-na 5 gin in-da-antuk •dab 5 - bi-siè gin-na-ni é-gi â bi-ïn-dar kiiib ba an-tam ni-na-me nu-mu-da-a-tuk. i n-na-andu it ni é-a ku,r-ra-ii NPi, NP2 NP3 lù inim-ma-ii in n è-el nu - un-gi-ne-ei la. n(i-zu bla-an-kux - re -es -

'

U. a remis au fondeur L. i mine 34 de bronze pour fabriquer des haches. De cette (quantité), L. a remis à U. i mine 15 sides; il lui doit 4 de mine et 5 sicles. "Quand il est venu pour les prendre, il (les) a confisqués dans ma maison; il a placé la tablette(?) dans ma main; je ne lui dois plus rien" a dit (le fondeur). Au sujet du fait qu'il est entre dans la maison, NPI, NP2, (et) NP3 se sont présentes comme témoins ils n ont pas confirmé; ils ont considéré le fondeur comme un voleur. On constate un mélange de quelques termes courants et de termes juridiques propres* a dar "confisquer," tuk+comitatif "avoir un crédit sur," e "se présenter" (comme témoin), ku 4 a le sens de "entrer," mais, plus bas, celui de "considerer' (comme un voleur), à côté de dim "fabriquer." A la ligne 12 du document, Gomi a transcrit: kiiib; il faut sans doute lire dub "tablette." En remettant la tablette, le créditeur tient son debiteur pour quitte. Texte 5 (D. Owen, NATN n° 258): 9 mku kur6 Lugal-ka-gi-na-ka NPI dam-ni ù NP2 dumu-mi-ni Lugal-bé-gâl-ra igi-ne-ne gar-re-ei .kur6-ga dusu-bi il ba-ab• in-na-an-du 11 Lugal-l}é -gài-e mu-kur6-ra-sè 5 gin kù-babbar NPI dam Lugal-ka-gi-na-ra ù NP2 dumu-mi-m-ir in na-an-sum lu la la-ba-an-gi s-gi4 -da mu lugal-bi in-pà -dè-es 9 dm du champ alimentaire de Lugal-kagina. NPI, son -

épouse, et NP2, sa fille, se sont présentées à Lugal-hegal. Elles ont dit e La corvée de mon (=notre) champ, accomplisa. Pour ce champ alimentaire, Lugal-begal a remis 5 sides d'argent à NPI, l'épouse de Lugal-kagina et à NP2, sa fille. Ils ont prêté serment par le nom du roi de ne pas revenir, l'un et l'autre, (sur cette affaire) On notera, dans ce document, l'expression igi. ..gar "se présenter" devant quelqu'un pour discuter, dusu (écrit IL2), "corvée," métaphore puisque il désigne une corbeille; sum qui a le sens précis de "remettre, transmettre", gi 4-gi 4 qui a celui de "revenir sur ce qui a été décidé."

3 En dehors de ces cas, les Juristes sumériens se retrouvaient dans des situations classiques et ils rédigeaient leurs actes avec un vocabulaire relativement restreint, nuis l'employaient avec rigueur dans un formulaire conventionnel: chaque mot, nom ou verbe, ayant un sens bien -

-

défini dans un contexte donné. C'est cette pratique que nous allons étudier maintenant. Nous ne multiplierons pas les exemples nous nous bornerons à des documents intéressants à plusieurs titres. Texte 6 D. Owen, NATN n° 13 1): 21/2 gin kù-babbar ur s A-ba-ra in-da-0l44 Ur-nigingar-ke4 A-ba-ra in-fi-su-kt A-ba ti-la Ur-nigin-gar-ra ibila-na ba-ni-ku 4 Ur-nigin-gar-ke 4 A-ba-ra iti-da o o 2 se-ta Io gin isalj-ta mu-a 2 ma-na sig-ta' sum-mu-da mu lugal-loi in-na-pà mu 21/2 gin kù-babbar ur s A-ba in-su-ga-iè ù 0.0.2 seta Io gin i-sab-ta mu-a 2 ma-na sig-ta a-na-absum-mu-a-lè VA su é-dù-a A-ba ti-la Ur-nigin-gar in-na-ba nu-ub-gis gi s-dè-s"è tés-bi mu lugal Ib-da-pà ù Seskal-la as-rrii-sâ A-ba-ke 4 mu e A-ba r-na-ba-iè mim nu-gâ-gâ Ur-nigin-gar-ra mu lugal-bi 1na-pà Aba avait un crédit de 2%2 sicles d'argent. Ur-nigingar a remboursé Aba Aba durant la vie de U. est reconnu comme son héritier. U. a prêté serment de remettre à Aba, par mois, 20 sera d'orge et io sicles de lard (et) par an, 2 mines de laine. 1 6 sides d'argent a été remboursé à Puisque le prêt de 2 1 Aba et qu'il (=Ur-nigingar) a remis 20 sera d'orge et Io sides de lard par mois et, par an, 2 mines de laine, Aba, durant la vie de Ur-nigingar, lui a donné une maison construite de I sar et demi. Ils ont prêté serment par le nom du roi, l'un et l'autre, de ne pas revenir (sur cette affaire). Quant à Seskalla, le gendre d'Aba, il a prêté serment par le nom du roi de ne pas faire un procès à Urnigingar parce que Aba lui a donné une maison. a) Le document traduit ci-dessus établit, en son debut, qu'une somme d'argent était due a un certain Aba: le verbe est in-da-gal-la, avec le préfixe -da bien que le complément soit au "datif' (Aba-ra). Le verbe gal est attesté dans ce sens, dans la série ana itti-aru 3, 1, 148 (MSL i, p. 36). Il équivaut à tuku+"comitatif," plus fréquent,8 dont on verra plusieurs exemples aux textes I et 4. b) Le verbe su figure aux 1. 4 et 13 9 et correspond au verbe accadien apirlu qui signifie "donner satisfaction à quelqu'un à propos d'une legitime revendication" et, en particulier, "rembourser.' On rencontre les formes su-su-dé, su-su-dam su-su-da. Une dizaine de cas dans sans 26 217, 791; 4, 168, 6, 4, 34 D. Owen, NATN n° A. Falkenstein, NSG 3, p. iß7, sv. tutu 2.. avec h glose park CAD A/2 p. 1 56 donnée -u Lecture su I1$ait apir1tt !a tIAR RA "to paya debt." A Forkcn an, op. tit , p. 152, ru& cf. aussi A.L. Oppenheun, Fames Coll. (AOS 34 p. 73. 8. 9.

143

mention d'intérêt: 164, 292, 297, également dans YOS 4 n° 5, 26, 35, 51 et dans Pohl n° I, 17, 18, 26. Il est loisible au débiteur de s'acquitter de sa dette n'importe cornment (cf. A.L. Oppenheim, Eames Coll., AOS 32, p. 5, où le prêt d'argent est remboursé en orge; le contraire est attesté dans M. Sig ri st, AUCT I n° 73o: argent pour orge) Il semble que le verbe su ne soit plus employé après l'époque de la 3e dynastie d'Ur.

ku4 -r, qui signifie "entrer,' est suivi à la ligne 6 c) d'un "locatif"; il a ici le sens de "accéder à un statut." La formule est attestée ailleurs, 1O et en particulier dans le texte 4, ci-dessus. Le verbe fait image, comme è "sortir " qui a le sens, dans les documents juridiques, de "appanitre comme témoin." d) Par sum, on entend l'acte juridique de "remettre, transmettre" un bien ou une personne, surtout dans les actes de vente: sum implique un transfert de droits (voir notre texte 5). On observera qu'il fait opposition avec ba (1. 6 et rev. 11)" qui se réfère à un don, aussi bien qu'à su ' restituer" (1. 4 et 13). Le verbe sum est cependant aussi employé dans les actes de prêt (voir D. Owen, NATN n° mi, 25o, 257, 631; avec la mention mas nutuku: n° 614 et 321; Çig-Kizilyay, NRVN n° 112 et 1 16). Nous avons vu plus haut (texte 4) que l'on "remet" du bronze à un fondeur pour le façonner, on ne lui ` donne" pas comme le montre, d'ailleurs, la dispute qui s ensuivit De même, on "donne' en location un champ pour qu'il soit cultivé, on n'en fait pas cadeau: uni s-lasè Ur-dBa-a-ra in-na-sum "il a remis à ferme (le champ) à Ur-Ba u" (D. Owen, MVN 3 n° 33 6). e) gi4_gi 4 présente, selon le contexte, deux sens: (i) dans le document analysé, au re v. 6, les deux parties s'engagent à ne pas "revenir" sur la donation, à ne pas contester les arrangements conclus. Plus haut, texte 2, c'est le verbe gur qui est employé. 12 (2) Dans les actes de Prêt, gi s-gi 4-dè/dam équivaut à su-su-dé/dam "restituer, rembourser" (la forme gi s-gi s -dam dans D. Owen, est s -da au n° 267). Le verbe gi 4 4-gi NATN n° 32o et gi egalement glosé apâlu en accadien. gar est un verbe polysémique; son sens premier f) étant "placer," il s'adapte a différents contextes, ce qui n'endable, cependant pas de confusion. (I) Ici, avec comme complément inim, rev. 12, l'expression s'interprête: "introduire une plainte" (accadien ragamu, b/pagànu-un-gs-gàn° 893: inim nr)' 3 ; c£ D. Owen, NATN igi-ne-ne in-si-gara. (2) Plus haut, nous avons relevé re-es", mot à mot "elles ont placé leurs yeux ven lui," c'est-à-dire "elles se sont présentées devant lui " La forIo. A. Falkenstein, op. tit.. p. 169, sv. tu -r 3. J.J. droit sumérien ancien, en ns des donatio propos i . Voir à

5), p. i i à S9. ", f rumor riiDc+9*r 273 8 (19 Glasser, "Aspects du don ... Denementr, p. 46 et sv. A Ia p. 48, Srlr P. Sceinke9er sa. Voir gare soit 36 b. ° Sæuakeler, quxau n k veut , comme il nxest pas certain Ume va1ante phonétique pour kir. p. 6o. , op. rit, « nkeii an p. 124: P. S eit.. op, t3. A. Falkenutein,

Le Vocabulaire Technique du Droit en Sumérien

HENRI LIMET

1 44

mule est d'usage à propos de gens qui soumettent une requête. (3) Dans les prêts, à Nippur, une façon d'indiquer le taux de l'intérêt est le recours à la formule: mis gi-gi-dè; cf. D. Owen, NATN n° 6: 3 gin kù-babbar ers s'è mai 5 gin I gin-ta gi-ga-dè "5 sicles d'argent en prêt, devant porter intérêt de t sicle pour 5 ' Au n° 16, on trouve simplement mis gi-gi-dé; il faut supposer que le taux propose est celui qui est fixé par la coutume, soit 20% pour 1 argent. Dans la plupart des cas, on mentionne le taux sans la formule. A Umma, une série de documents de même type, relatif à des boisseaux d'orge portent la mention: mis .. (bi) si-gi 4 -dè/dam (M. Sigrist, AUCT 1 n° 77, 166, 200, 207, 422, 423, 805 947); ce verbe introduit la notion de restitution complète (si-g, sens premier: "remplir"). On le repère dans NRVN n° 177 a et b, accompagné de ki ..ba "à son endroit (primitif)." 14 (4) Enfin, nous devons traiter de la formule absi -gar (D. Owen, NATN n° 121, 128, 16 5, 3 12 , 349, 554, 602), ib-s"i-gar (no 642), ab-s'i-gi-gi-a (n° 72), gi ar (n° 17, gar sur l'enveloppe). Le passage du n° 72 est éclairant; il s agit d'un emprunt de 20 sila de graisse de mouton, le texte ajoute une sanction: tukum-bi nu-i-gi4 t sila3 i-udu-sè 0.0.2 s"e-ta-àm ab-ii-gi-gà-a "s'il ne s'acquitte pas de sa dette, c'est 20 sila d'orge qu'il donnera comme équivalent de t sila de graisse de mouton." L'idée sous-jacente est celle d'équivalence entre argent et orge, ou plus exactement, du possible remplacement de l'un par I autre (ou lard, huile) d'ou le début des documents cites: I gin ku-babbar se-bi 1.2.3 ab-si-gar (n° 121) ou o.0.3 i-gis , o 0.3 t-sab , I gin kù-babbar s'e-bi 8.1.4 ab-ii-gar (n° 128). Mot à mot. pour tel poids d'argent (ou telle quantité de ceci ou de cela), tant d'orge 'sera placé. g) Nous avons vu plus haut un des emplois du verbe tuku, en voici deux autres: (i) Alors que normalement les prêts produisent des intérêts, certains sont qualifies de mis nu-tuku "ne produisant pas d'intérêt." Ces prets, dits parfois "de courtoisie," sont accordés pour aider un ami en difficulté passagère. (2) Par tuku on désigne aussi le fait, pour un homme d'épouser une femme; ce sens est bien connu et on en a déjà beaucoup discuté. t s Probablement ne faut-il voir, pour expliquer solution du sens, que le souvenir d'une démarche archaïque: le jeune homme "prend" la jeune fille d'une autre famille; b prendre signifie qu'il l'emmene pour qu'elle réside dans la famille de son beau-père. t6 Pour é viter toute confusion, tuk est parfois accompagné de (nam)-dam-sè "pour (qu'elle acquière) le statut d'épouse." Toutefois, tuk peut, dans certains cas, signifier "prendre une femme," c'est-à-dire avoir des re14 C est aussi la que connote k verbe nt ris "k pus d'achat coin v. P. Steinkeller, op. cit., p. voir aussi expression kir-bi #ira si d. p. 3o. 15. Voir notre note 2, ci-dessus. 6. Dans certaines sociétés c'est k contraire qui se passe: homme qui va vivre dans b famille de son épouse.

litions sexuelles avec elle (comme abiâzum dans le 'code" de Hammourapi, § 142). Un passage du 'code" de Lipit-Istar, loi 30 17 est clair: il y est question d'un homme marié qui "prend" une prostituée (in-tuk•àm), les juges lui interdisent de la revoir et de se marier avec elle (nu-un-tuk-tuk), même s'il répudie son épouse. On ne peut pas défendre à quelqu'un d'épouser une prostituée s'il l'a dejà fait! h) A propos de la terbatum, en sumérien ni-mi-izssi, notons qu'on n'en a guère d'exemples, même si ceux-ci deviennent plus nombreux à mesure que se publient des documents privés (D. Owen, NATN n° 887 et MVN 3 n° 232; P. Steinkeller, RA 74 (198o) p. 2; G. Buccellati, Amorites, pl. 6 n° 15). On remarquera que, dans plusieurs cas, nous avons affaire à des étrangers La terbatum est portée, ce qui est caractéristique, "à la maison" du père de la manee: elle est destinée, non à une personne mais à la famille; c'est le verbe ak qui est utilisé dans ce cas: u 4 rù-irai-ùs-si é-NP-sè in-na-ak-a (Buccellati, tabl. citée) "le jour où la terbatum a éte portée à la maison de NP " 18 Dans D. Owen, op. oit., n° 893, on a une autre formule. le beau-père du marié a sur son gendre un crédit représentant la terbatum: NPI NP2 iumi-sa-na [kù9-dam-a ba-an-tuk.

-

4

-

Comme nous l'avons observé, les noms de parenté, de fonctions, d'animaux, des termes comme a-sa , kiri6, se n'ont évidemment pas, en droit, un emploi différent de leur sens habituel. C'est aussi le cas de zàb dans l'exemple suivant: geme ... mu kur-Mar-TU-se a-ri 3 bazàh-a "la servante ... parce qu'elle s'est enfuie pour la 3 ° fois vers le pays d'Amurru." Cet autre encore, avec Min/ tùm. 1 ma-na ku-babbar iti k-gur 70-ku s u4 15 ba-zal-la tùmu-da .. tukum-bi nu-mu-rnm 2 ma-na ku-babbar li-e-da "(il a juré) d'apporter i mine d'argent le 15 écoulé au mois de S., .. (il a juré) que, s'il ne l'avait pas apporté, il payerait 2 mines d'argent " 19 Relevant du vocabulaire technique de l'irrigation sont les verbes qui figurent dans MVN to n° 152 a-sà a dé-a-ni a ba-da-ID.UDla sukkal-mab-da nu-me-a a ba-ra-ab-gâ-gi ' quand il a irrigue le champ, il a épuisé(?) l'eau, en dehors de la présence du grand chancelier, il ne doit pas répandre l'eau." Le procédé, très commun, auquel ont eu recours les juristes sumériens, est la réduction de l'aire sémantique du mot. celui-ci voit son emploi restreint à une notion précise. Nous en avons analysé maints exemples plus haut: su, sum/ba, gur, kur, tuk, gi g , peut-être iim. 2° Citons encore le cas de gub: NP mu-3-àm in-gub, nu-dakar-re-a mu lugal-bi in-pi `NP sera présent (comme ga-

;

s7. A compléter par le fra gment publié par M. Civil, AS t6 p. 3. t8. Voir aussi L. Leggin, TAU no 29S 19. Il s'agit des documents D. Owen, NATN no 354 et 4 0 3. 20. Voir à ce sujet, P. Steinkeller, op. tit.. p. 1S3 et W.

rantie) pendant 3 ans; il a prêté serment qu'il ne s'éloignerait pas. ' Autre situation: 15 gurus-ta 2 iti gub-budè; tukum-bi nu-un-gub ..."15 ouvriers (loués), à être présents (pour travailler) s'ils ne sont pas présents (pour travailler) ... s 21 Le verbe gub dont le sens premier est "se tenir debout" prend une valeur supplémentaire selon le contexte Autre procédé fréquent pour l'extension du vocabulaire est la métaphore. Ainsi mis 'intérêt" est d'abord le chevreau, qui marque l'accroissement du troupeau; i "salaire," c'est le bras de l'ouvrier qui travaille; IL, à lire dusu, "corvée," est une allusion à la corbeille dans laquelle on transporte les terres; ku 4 ku4 et è ` entrer" et "sortir," prennent le sens, k premier de "entrer dans une fonction ou un statut," d'où "être considéré comme," et le second, celui de "apparaître, se présenter comme témoin." Il est très facile de repérer des expressions imagées, nous en avons rencontré plusieurs; ajoutons: ama-ar-gi 4 retourner chez sa mère,' d'où: "affranchissement"; suri "tendre la main," d'où `recevoir, emprunter"; gù-gar "placer sur la nuque " d où "mettre à charge"; dig-ùr "lacérer le vêtement," d'où "se tenir quitte de"; su(-a) sig "remplir la main," d'où "payer entièrement." Remarquons que sag "tête,' au sens d'esclave, est une synecdoque. Au 3° millénaire, une formation assez productive consistait dans la composition; celle-ci semble avoir été abandonnée après l'époque de la y dynastie d'Ur (sauf, par ex., mi-ils-si "celui que la femme a suit, ' d'où "le gendre"). Il s'agissait de syntagmes à base de lu: lù-sa 1O ak, lu-si lo-kir, lü-gi-na, soit, respectivement, l'acheteur, le vendeur, le débiteur solvable. -

5

-

Un autre aspect du vocabulaire juridique est son caractère traditionnel Les praticiens du droit ont tendance à se servir de termes et d'expressions qu'ils ont apprises au cours de leurs études, à reproduire les façons de penser, les distinctions et les analogies auxquelles ils sont habitués; aussi le langage jundique évolue-t-il lentemeni n En Mésopotamie, dès l'époque d'Ur III certainement, sans doute même auparavant, la langue accadienne

21. Documents D. Owen, NATN n° 307 et 882. 22. En français, on trouve dans la langue jundique des latinismes (hériter ab intestat = d'une personne qui n'a pas fait de testament; le de ajus = le testateur) et des mots de l'ancienne langue (if appert = il est évident il est constant = il est averé).

1 45

était de plus en plus employée par un nombre croissant de gens; c'est ainsi que le sumérien fut relégué dans les milieux de lettrés et réservé aux domaines de la religion et du droit. Aussi, à la fin du IIIe millénaire, on lit déjà des documents qui mêlent le babylonien et le sumérien de façon fort étrange. Exemples pris dans MVN 8 n° 171: a-na na-da-ni-im mu lugal-bi in-pà "il prêta serment de rendre"; n° 164: ni-if lugal "serment par le mi"; n° 165: sag iti . . tu-ru-um mu lugal-bi in-pi "il prêta serment de rendre le capital au mois de .." Dans D Owen, NATN n° 539, au milieu d'un contexte sumérien, on lit: a-na ITI gigAPiN na-da-nam ni-ii far-ri-im 4-ma "il a prêté serment par le roi de rendre au mois 'de la charrue'." A la différence de ce qui se passait au temps des rois d'Ur quand le sumérien était la langue normale d'un acte juridique avec seulement quelques termes qui relevaient du vocabulaire technique, c'est, à l'époque paléobabylonienne, le lexique sumérien dans son ensemble qui devient langue technique. A Nippur, les actes publiés par A. Poebel dans BE 6/2 ont été rédigés entièrement en sumérien. A Ur voir UET 5, la plupart des actes sont en sumérien egalement on en trouve en accadien, tel le fameux n° 256 de UET 5, qui a donné lieu à toute une littérature; le seul contrat de mariage dans ce recueil (ibid., n° 87) est partiellement en sumerien, mais la clause finale est en accadien, sans doute parce que la formule de répudiation était inconnue aux époques précédentes: abissa ibiassi, ezib-fa izib-si "s'il épouse l'une, il épouse l'autre; s'il répudie l'une, il répudie l'autre." Ailleurs, l'accadien gagne du terrain. Dans le courant du second millénaire, seuls les logogrammes se maintiennent dans les actes juridiques: c'est alors une question d'écriture et non plus de tradition jundique La lecture des documents juridiques d'Ur, datant de l'epoque cassite (médio-babylonienne), voir UET 7 n° I à 72, montre que les logogrammes représentent des personnes: soit des noms de parenté (dumu, dam, ses", ...), soit des noms de professions (dub-sas, nindingir, sips, ...), des animaux (gus , ib, udu, . ), des métaux (urudu, kù-gi, ...), des plantes, des denrées diverses (sig, 26-lum, i-gis", ...) des objets mais on ne repère pas de termes proprement juridiques (sauf sa,,, ou iam-til-labi-sè). La même constatation s'impose pour les textes édités par Petschow, Mittelbabylonische Redus- und Wirt-

schafts Urkunden 1974, n° I à 14. Le paradoxe est que le babylonien, truc de logogrammes sumériens, deviendra lui-même la langue juridique, quand l'araméen se répandra dans tout k Proche Orient.

Heavenly Wisdom

HEAVENLY WISDOM Peter Machinist an d Hayim Tadmor

Harvard University

The Hebrew University

I.

sis of this line, restored the name of the same series in "A Catalogue of Texts and Authors," where it then appeared as one of the texts likewise attributed to Adapa. 6 The connection with our Verse Account w as , as Lainbert notes, suggested to him by our honoree, W.W. Hallo, who proposed that the series may not be something otherwise unknown, as Lambe rt and others after him believed, 7 but none other than the great astronomical collec ti on Enûma Anu Enlil (= u4 An dEn.lil.lâ). Accordingly, thought Hallo the sc ribe of the Vene Account may well have made a mistake in writing u4 .SAR for the intended u 4 = enuma of the s ta ndard series. 8 F.R. Kraus 9 (followed by S.A. Picchioniio) took up Hallo's proposal that it was Enûma Anu Enlil which

Among the criticisms leveled at Nabonidus in the socalled Persian Vene Account is one concerning his p re tensions to divine knowledge. It is formulated, like several other criticisms in the text, as a personal statement of Nabonidus, wherein the king is made to condemn himself by his blasphemous boasting: V 8' izzazu(GUB-zu) ina pubri(UKKIN) G-far-ra-bar ra[ma-ni- lu] 9' en-qe-ek mu-da-a-ka a-ta-mar ka [tim-ta] to' mi-bi-is gan(GI) (up-pu ul i-di a-ta-mar nt- [sir-tiJ 11' û-dab-ra-an do-te-n kul-lat ii-tagad-du-n1] 12' u4 .sakat(SAR) dA-num dEn.Lil.la fa ik-fu-ru A-dap[a] eli-fu(UGU-fu) fu-to-qa-ak kal ne-me-qu-[u!''] 8' He would stand in the assembly (and) exalt him[self] (as follows): 9' "I am wise. I am knowledgeable. I have seen hid[den things] to' I do not know a tablet (made by) a cut-reed stylus (i.e., cuneiform writing), (but) I have seen se[cret things]. Uteri has given me revelations; he has [made known to me] everything. As for (the series) u,.sakar dA-num 'En . lil.la, which Adapa compiled. I surpass it in all wisdom] -

"

1. Abbreviations are those of R. Borger, Handbuch der KeilsihTljljitnatur I-III (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1 9 6 7- 1 975). To Bill Hallo, teacher and colleague, in long-standing friendship and adnuration. Part I of this paper originates with Machinist. The treatment of the Nabonidus insc ri ption m Part II and the Appendix comes from Tadmor, whose involvement with tin composition goes back to the early 196o's (see H. Tadmor, in Festschrift Landsberger [AS 16, 1965], p. 351: n. 2). Both authors have read and revised the other's work, and are responsihle for the present text. L S. Smith, BHT, pp. 8 5-86, 9 0 + pis. VIII—IX. The end of line 9 appears to be missing no more than one sign. The suggested restoration, a locative-terminative, is very tentative, for while a feature of Standard Babylonian, its other known occurrences do not seem precisely to parallel the present restoration. See W von Soden, GAG § 66f and, more fully, B R M Groneberg, Syntax Morphologic und Stil do jungbabylonisdten 7iymnisdien" Literatur (Freiburger Alt oriennliwche Studien 14; Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1987) 1: 104-105; II: 53-55• 2. Smith, BHT pp. 72-76. 3. B. Landsherger and T. Bauer, ZA NF 3/37 ( 1 927) p. 9 2. 4. P. Jensen , RIA I (1928), 33h. 5. A.L. Oppenheim, in his translation of the Verse Account in ANET p. 314 6. W.G. Lambert, JCS 16 (1962), p. 64: i 5, 70. 7. E.g., P.-A Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus. King of BabyIon 55 6 -539 ac, (YNER 10; New Haven: Yak Universi ty Press, 1989), p. 215: n 47. 8. W.W Hallo, JAOS 83 (1983), p. 176. Earlier, in IEJ 12 (1962), p. 16 and n 15, Hallo thought the reference in the Verse Account might be to an otherwise unknown writs. 9. F.R. Kraus, RA 68 ( 1 974), PE. 9 2- 93. Io. S.A. Pwchioni, D Peenrno di Adapa, (Assyriokogia Budapest, 1981). p. 85.

1

Our problem is the series in line u': its identification and what Nabonidus is supposed to be claiming in regard to it. Sidney Smith, in the initial publication of the Vene Account, translated it as "the crescent of Anu and Enlil," and understood not a literary text, but the crescentshaped boat used by Adapa, in the myth about him, for fishing. 2 Landsberger an d Bauer, in their review of Smith's work, read it instead as a reference to a literary series, which they gave, without further comment, as tiO,SonAmum.ENULCA. 3 In this, they were followed by a number of other scholars, among them, P. Jensen, 4 A.L. Oppenheim, 5 and W.G. Lambert, who, on the ba-

146

the Vene Account had in mind, but argued that one should not discover it by emendation. Rather, he supposed that the title given in the Account, dA-num dEn 111.lâ, which he read as da-nim den.liljâ, was an abbreviation of the full name of the series, Enuma Anu Enlil, and that u4 .sakar(SAR), which strictly speaking is us/zkaru, the "moon crescent," was here used as a playful orthography for éLgàr = i kara "(literary) series. ' For Kraus, in sum, the title in the Vene Account should be read: ß ar d a-nim den.lil.lâ "the series, (Enuma) Anu Enlil." What to make of this discussion? Two points a re immediately clear. First, Smith's ini ti al interpretation of u4 .sakar(SAR) da.num den.lil.lâ as a boat must be wrong, at the least because it would be hard to see the point of Nabonidus' claim to being wiser than a boat, even one belonging to Anu and Enlil! The phrase, rather, should refer to a written text as suggested by its connection to the verb kasâru, which does occur elsewhere, though rarely, to describe the composi ti on, or be tt er, compiling/editing of texts." Further, if it is a text, then Nabonidus' claim to surpass it in wisdom would parallel an d elaborate his preceding boast (V to-i1) that despite his illiteracy in cuneiform he was still vouchsafed sec re t communications from the divine world. The problem that remains is what text is involved. Lambe rt 's interpretation, that it is a composition distinct from Enuma Anu Enlil, is unlikely for several reasons. First, the wording of our title seems too close to that of Enuma Anu Enlil to be coincidental. Second, the text Lambe rt proposes is otherwise unknown, despite the considerable corpus of astronomical and cultic texts now extant to us; the supposed reference in the ' Catalogue of Texts and Authors ' does not help, because the line there is almost entirely restored from our line. This lack of other a tt es tati on is particularly difficult, because Nabonidus' boast, if it is to have point, should be based on a text of reasonably wide currency among the religious literati of the period, with which, therefore, Nabonidus and the group responsible for the Verse Account could be expected to have been acquainted. Enuma Anu Enlil would clearly fit that requirement, all the more, as Kraus recognizes, because in one of his own inscriptions, to which we will return below, Nabonidus makes it clear that he knew this series. 12 Our line, then, should refer to Enuma Anu Enlil, as compiled, thus, by Adapa; and if this seems to contradict Lambe rt 's "Catalogue of Texts and Authors," where the See AHw, 4566, 2d; 15 672, correct from 3d to ad. S.V. kapâru(&; CAD K, 2S9a, id, s.v. kafim+, with reference to the underlying Sumenan KA.kelda and discussion in A. Sjöberg, CSTH (TCS 3). p. 15o. 12. W.G. Lamhert, MO 2.2 (1968/69). PP. 4, 6 : w 2-3. Indeed, Lamhent recognized the relationship of this text to our hne as well and while not explicit he stain thus to have revised his isrlcntr6caiïon of our text from that given in his earlier article, on "A Catalogue of Texts and Authors" QCS 16 (1962], p. 7o), and to be suggesting that u u indeed Enan sa Ana Bald. II

1 47

work is credited to Ea, the contradiction should not be weighed seriously. We may have here simply another tradition of authorship, as Hallo an d others have conjectured; indeed, the connection with Adapa may perhaps be intimated as Hallo supposes,' 3 in the catalogue text Rm. 618, which lists Adapa an d Enûma Anu Enlil in two successive lines.^ 4 Alternatively an d more likely, we can reconcile the two traditions by understanding that ultimate authorship of Enûma Anu Enlil was given to Ea, an d that his "mediator," signified by the verb kasâni, was Adapa, who w as , after a ll , Ea's se rv ant an d protégé Compare a similar relationship described at the end of the Erra poem (V 42-44), where the poem is said to come from the divine Erra, who revealed it to the human Kabti-ilani-Marduk, "its compiler' (V 42• knsir kam -mifu). 15 If our line, in sum, names Enûma Anu Enlil, we have still to face the difficulty that the first word is u { .sakar (SAR) instead of the expected u 4 = enuma. Hallo's solution, that the SAR is a mistaken addition, is possible. but needs to be balanced against the fact that u 4 .SAR h mentioned two other times in the Verse Account, both just a few lines later (V 18, 22) These clearly describe the divine symbol of the moon-crescent (hence the reading of u4 .SAR as u 4 .sakar = us/zkanr); an d one cannot help but ask whether they an d the occurrence in our line 12 are meant to echo one another. If the echo is intended, then Hallo's solu ti on would not take account of it, unless one might say that the SAR was added in our line out of simple "contamination" with the u4 SAR of lines 18 an d 22. Such contamina ti on is in fact proposed by Kraus in defending his solution to our line, namely that the scribe .SAR 4 to obtain the pun of u 22 d an of 18 SAR added the 16 infant = u 4 .sakar = us/karu on éss.gàr = But a careful comparison of u4 .salcar(SAR) in all three occur re nces in Verse Account V suggests that more than 13. W.W. Halio, JAGS 83 (1963), p. 176. 14. For this text, see A Sayce, ZK t (1884), pp. 190-19r, with copy in Bezold Cat. IV, 1627. The entry with Adapa comes only in the third line, the 6rn apparently a ade or incipit of a literary text (In-dam kt-4s-[&1 "send down [my] meteor(?)": if correctly restored hy Sayre and Bezold, does this refer somehow to the incident of Enkidu's creation, who in the canonical Grlgamesh epic is called kisir la 1 b, [citations in CAD K, 44ob 6e; 44 1 Ninurta Anim or, once, kisir rib]?), and the second apparendy erased by the scribe. In the third line moreover, Adapa does not stand alone, but as A-da-pa a-no of Picchiomi (above n. to): p 87 has wondered rob whether this may not be part of the otherwise largely hroken first line of the Map myth. Alternatively, it could be some kind of tide for the myth. Either interpretation would have the advantage 0flnngirag this line into conformity with the rest of the text and its t}+: f; of tides/6rst lines of hterary works. 15 L Cagni, Epopea, pp. 126-127. 16. Presumably, this would be a deliberate u4 .SAR of lines 18 and 22, not accidental as for Hallo, 68 (1974) p. 93, seers to be vague about this. "Eine solche Verurechslung (sic) der ihnhch lautenden Wôrter konnte vielleicht dadurch vercns cht order begünstigt warden sent, dass UD (-iulMtra) am Anfange der unserer T.ede enspoe hcnrlcn Zeile der Vorlage snit UD. SAR .. kontaminiert swordtail in. "

148

Heavenly I4rsdom

PETER MACHINIST and HAYIM TADMOR

simple contamination or a light-hearted, though admittedly graphically subtle pun is at work. We are in the midst, rather, of a polemic, centering on the charge that Nabonidus regularly mocked the established cult and put It into disarray. Two of our occurrences, V 18, 22 attempt to illustrate the charge by recounting that when Nabonidus saw the "crescent symbol" on the Esagila temple, he declared that this showed that the temple must belong to the moon-god Sin, whose symbol it was an d who must have placed it there, and not to Bel (Marduk), for whom a 'spade" (manu) would have appeared 17 Now how much of this story is fact, how much the hyperbole or invention of polemic cannot be decided°' 8 What is clear from the story, however, is that the core of the charge against Nabonidus is the u 4 .sakar = us/zkaru, the "moon crescent " which epitomized the religious trouble the king had brought into the community by having sought, at least as the Verse Account views it, to promote the worship of Sin at the expense of other long-established cults particularly that of Bel/ Marduk. Is it possible, now, that we have a similar polemic in the way Enuma Anu Enlil is represented in lines 12-13? To ask the question is to see that the substitution of u 4 .sakar for simple u 4 in line 12 puts the "moon crescent," i e., Sin, now in first position, before Anu and Enlil, analogous to lines i8 an d 22 where he takes the place of Marduk. The title of the composition, thus, could be understood as "Moon Crescent Anu, ( an d) Enlil. ' It could also be understood as a genitive, "Moon Crescent

17. After seeing the crescent symbol on Esagila, the Verse Account (v 1S) says that Nabonidus i-lai-lass gati(SU 11 )-iu (Smith, BHT, 86 + pl. EX). The clause remains difficult, since the obvious meaning, "he plunders/grabs with his hands" — which is accepted by Landsbeiges and Bauer ZA NF 3/37 ( 1 92 7). p, 93, and CAD S/ 1 200a (cf Smith, BHT, P.9o) — appears ill-suited to the context. We would expect, other, that Nabonidus would be said to respect the crescent symbol and be happy with its appearance on the Esagila, as a sign of Sin's possession of the temple; robbing it from the temple would be exactly die opposite of what the wnter of the Vene Account would want to charge Nabonidus with. it is presumably for this reason, or something like it — though they arc not explicit — that Oppenheim (ANET, p. 314) and Beaulieu (above n. 7, p. 216 and n 48) have trouble with the clause, but neither is able to offer a satisfactory alternative translation. On the other hand, perhaps we should accept the obvious translation, "he plunders with his hands," and understand a lampooning of Nabonidus; that the king is so overcome with desire upon seeing the crescent symbol that he loses control and ro bs it from EsesgïIes, thereby exhibiting once again his dangerous and ludicrous irresponsibility Cf. our discussion ahead of the accusation about Enuma Anu Enid. 18. There is one important piece of evidence. however, pointcd out by Beaulieu (above n. 7 p, 219), which does corroborate at least Nabonidus sentiments in the story This n the king's last major irucnption: Zylinder II, 2 in the standard numbering of P.-R Berger, List neubabyloni chen Kömgsinschnjien i (AOAT 4/1 NeukirchenVluyrr Neukirchener Verlag, 1973), pp. 355-359, with the basic edition by S. Langdon, NBK, pp. 250-2S3: no. 5. Th e inscnption, as Beaulieu notes, focuses intensely on Sin. mentioning no other god, and assigns to his authority not only the Egiinugal — properly his temple in Ur — but also the Esagila and the Erich — properly the temples of Marduk and Nate — all of which a re called "the houses of your great divinity" (ii 9-11).

of Anu (and) Enlil," which, in addition to recalling Enuma Anu Enlil, would echo a st an dard epithet for Sin as the crescent, namely, "crescent of Anu' (u 4.sakar dAnim).' 9 On either understanding, then — or perhaps, both are intended simultaneously — line 12 turns on a pun. But it is not the light-hearted one of Kraus, rather one making the deadly charge of blasphemy: of creating a new text, as it were, to replace the established Enuma Arm Enlil an d so of ousting Anu and Enlil from their rightful positions in the pantheon. The author of the Verse Account, however, does not stop here. He goes on to charge Nabonidus with boasting that he has more wisdom than contained in this (new) text and, implicitly, Z° more than its comp iler the first of the apkallu's, Adapa The charge must be read as a reductio ad absurdum for it makes Nabonidus boast of being wiser than a text which does not in fact exist an d which, if it did, would be — at least for the Verse Account author — theologically all wrong Nabonidus comes out, therefore, sounding not only blasphemous, but utterly idiotic. Confirming this interpretation an d tying the polemic to its surrounding context in the Verse Account is the fact that the same mixture of blasphemy and idiocy also conforms to the picture of Nabonidus in the preceding an d succeeding lines. Thus in the succeeding (V 14, Nabonidus is decried as the one who "mixes up the ri tes, (an d) confuses the omens" (V 14 1 : i-bal-lai par-si i-dal-laaft te-re-e-ti). 2' And in the preceding lines (V 9'-I I'), he is made to boast that he is wise, yet to admit that he c annot read or write cuneiform — surely an oxymoron of the first order for the Babylonian scribal elites who were 19. For occurrences of this epithet, see AHw, 1438a, s.v. ask/ garu(m), 1b, and W. Röllig, ZA NF 22/56 (1964), 231 ad ii 15. Among these occurrences may be one from Nabonidus himself, in his Harran Stela H l A-B: ù 15, if we emend there, with von Soden and Röllig followed by others, the KU to u 4 .sakar (Rtilltg, loc. dt.). On the other hand, n may be simpler to retain KU in this line, as does its initial editor, C.J. Gadd (AnSt 8 [ 1 958], pp. 6o-61 68 ii 15), and assume that KU has the value TUKUL = kakku. Adnuttedly, this would be without the expected determinative gis , but in a few other occurrences the determinative is also absent (noted by CAD K soh, s.v. kakku and by Gadd, la. tit'., ,^Q 68, who reads, however mif(u, not kakku for KU here). if it is ^t7UKUL = kakku, then, the word probably does not mean in this line a "weapon," viz., of Sin, hut has other the more general sense of the god's "symbol,' as it can have elsewhere (see on this point W.G. Lambert, OLZ 74 [ 1 9741, p. 128). zo. Cf. earher in the Verse Account (Smith, BHT, 84, 88: ii 23), where Nabomdus is also accused of contravening the wisdom of Adapa, and of Ea-Mumrnu, here in constructing the image of Nanna (Sin). 21. Smith, BHT, p. 86 + pl. IX. The language here is pa rt of a standard literary phraseology connected with omens: see bola. lu, balm ha, and dalafru, dal(lu in AHw, 98a, 5; 1003, 3; 152b-1532, 5 1542, 2h; CAD B 41 b-42a, i f 63b, b; CAD D 44b-45 2 , 2c; 49b, d. Normally, however, the verbs appear in the passive, indicating that the confusion of omens is caused by the deity, who communicates in this way a negative message. Cf , e.g , dal-ba te-re-to-ii-a "my omens are confused" (Ludlul bil nimegi i 51, in W G. Lambert, BWL, pp. 3 2 -33). in this Verse Account line, however, the verbs are active, and a human, Nabomdus, is made out to be the cause of the confusion, portrayed, thus, both as usurping the place of the gods and as acting foolishly in doing so .

the author and primary audience of the Vene Account. It is also an oxymoron made blasphemous to these elites, votanes as they were of the Marduk cult in Babylon, when Nabonidus is given to dismiss his illiteracy by his claim of secret revelations from the god Ilteri, a god which the Vene Account appears elsewhere to condemn as foreign an d unnatural to the Babylonian scene. 22

II. We must ask now what could have prompted such a polemic about Enuma Anu Enlil and "Adapan" wisdom? Adapa, of course, was by the period of Nabonidus well established as the sage par excellence, and association with him, sometimes in the company of his divine patron, Ea, could only have enhanced one's own abilities and given success to one's activities. 23 It is the Neo-Assyrian kings, especially, for whom such associations are attested, and a letter addressed to one of them, Assurbanipal, has language rather close to our account:

samas bel srarrant(LUGAL EN LUGAL mer) lib-bi-lib-lot sea apkalli(NUN ME) d A-da-pa Itu-4] to-sea-ter ne-me-qe apsî(ZU.AB) û qi-me-er um-ma-nu-WI The king, the lord of kings, is the offspring of a sage an d Adapa. You surpassed the wisdom of Apsu and of the whole (tradition of) learning. 24 Clearly, thus, our polemic plays on the Adapan tradition, perhaps as mediated through Neo-Assynan ch annels. But is there something more specific to Nabonidus which is involved here* something in Nabonidus's own activities an d beliefs to which this polemic is reacting? The answer may be found in a passage from an inscription belonging to Nabonidus referred to earlier.^ 5 To mention it here should occasion no surp ri se, since various scholars, beginning with W.G. Lambert who published it,26 have recognized its relevance to the Verse Account. 27 The question is however, what that relevance is. The passage at issue reads as follows in Lambert's edition:

obv. 111

2 [...]

x

[x] x (tippe

ar(es.gàr) ud an den.lil.lâ

22. To be sure, the condemnation in i 21, ii 2-3 does not mention Ilteri; rather in i 23, Sin is named (Smith, BHT, pp. 83-84 + pls. V-VI). Nonetheless as the Aramaic form of the moon-god, and one not otherwise at home in Babylonia, Ilteri as a (related) form of Sin makes sense u the object of this condemnation: cf., e.g., Beaulieu (above R. 7), pp. 218-219. 23. See the texts collected in Picchioni (above n. 1o), pp. 82104. 24. ABL 923: ohv. 8-9. See the edition of S. Parpola, LASEA E. pp. 82-83; iI, pp. roo-roi: no 117. In these lines, note the shift from third to second person, hoth, however, referring to Aïsurbanipal. 25. See W.G. Lamhert, MO 22 (1968-69), pp. 1-8. See TafelFragment Vi, 2 in Berger (above n. 18), 388. z6. Ibid., 8 ad iii-iv 2-5. 27. E.g., Kraus, RA 68 (1974). PP. 92-93, 2'

149

Opi-sa-an ul-tu babili(tin.tir)i° a-na nap-lu-su 4 E11ûtupJarru 4-bd-lu-nu ma-bar-sou la le-mu 5 [TJa i-di lib-bu-use ma-la qa-bé-e-lu 2 [...J. H. tablets of the series, "When Anu, Enlil," 3

The sc ri bes brought the basket (of tablets) from Babylon 4 to look at, but they were not read ( li t. heard) his presence 5 So that he did not understand what it meant. 3

On this reading, we have here an incident in which Nabonidus' scribes brought him (some of) the tablets of Enuma Anu Enlil from Babylon for his perusal, but he was unable to comprehend them when they were read aloud to him. So understood, the incident is puzzling, as Lambe rt already sensed, i8 because it seems to picture Nabonidus negatively when the rest of the, admittedly not fully preserved, text describes him and his activities positively. There is an additional problem: the ma of mala "as much as/whatever' in line 5 does not conform to bayielding thus ba, the text, but is rather ma's in other , not IET ). 29 Given these la "without" (thus, it is . two difficulties, a new translation of the passage is warranted. the tablets of the series Enuma Anu Enlil 3 -4 the scnbes brought before him in a box from Babylon for (him) to peruse. 4-5 (But) they were not read; no one understood them without (ba-la) his (=Nabonidus) telling (them). 3° 2

This translation, we submit, is preferable to Lambert's. It puts Nabonidus in a fa vorable light, thus conforming to the rest of the text an d highlights his knowledge of cuneiform, about which he speaks in an other of his inscriptions. 3 ' Most important, the translation provides now an exact counterpoint to the polemic we have been discussing in the Verse Account For in this inscription, Nabomdus emerges as the preeminent scribal expe rt , who alone is able to explain the difficult bes bring to ri which the other sc Enuma Anu Enlil, text him when they realize they cannot understand it. By contrast, in the Vene Account polemic, Nabonidus is attacked precisely as one who rs illiterate in cuneiform. And the proof that it is not Enuma Anu EnVI that he

28. Lambe rt , Af0 22 (1968-69). 29. Cf. the ba in line 5 and in rev. iv 58 as against ma m obv. iii 4, all as copied in ibid., z: obv. iii 4-5; 3: rev. iv 58 = CT 46, no. 48: obv. iï 4-5, rev. in-iv 14. These readings are confirmed by our collation of the original tab le t. -nu see von lai l in ii-bidca On the doubling of the third radi 30. Soden, GAG § to3f°; on ma as a Conn of the vendue § soh, 83d. lib -bu -uf perhaps should be taken as an adverbial accusative, viz., "no one understood in lus mind." 31. This u Zylinder Ii, 5 in Berger (above n. 18), p, 362. The tog, 1 to I t4 = CT pp. t (1914, RA i Dhorme, text is found in E. that Nabu gave Nabonidus command of the states. 2t: i i0, and pl, 36, •'sc ri bal art" ( using the high hteraty term lukimir).

150

Heavenly Wi sdom

PETER MACHINIST and HAYiM TADMOR

knows, but some nonsensical concoction he calls 'Uskaru(U 4 .SAKAR) Mum Enlil," his pretensions to which only underscore his ignorance and blasphemy an d give the li e to the secret revelations he claims to have received from the alien deity, Ilteri. The force an d subtlety of the argument here suggest a real-life tension between the Verse Account author an d his group, and Nabonidus an d his circle. The extent of the tension becomes clearer when we recall that this argument constitutes just one of a variety of links between the Verse Account an d texts from Nabonidus which bear on the king's military an d especially religious activities, an d his claims to wisdom. 32 To discuss fully the issues at stake would take us too far afield. We may only emphasize, from the case we have examined, that the tension is not simply one of deeds — so, Nabonidus' exaltation of Sin in the form of Ilteri and the opposition by the suppo rt e rs or Marduk — but of words an d texts through which the deeds are played out and which become, thus, pa rt of the deeds. This is, in other words, a characteristically scribal conflict, between two groups which know each other and share in much of the same culture And here as elsewhere in his own insc ri p ti ons an d those of his opposition like the Verse Account, one cannot fail to recognize that Nabonidus steps forward as a scribal intellectual in his own right. 33 Of course, there are other dimensions to the opposition to Nabonidus and to his eventual defeat by Cyrus of Persia. But the sophistication and sharpness of the intellectual-religious conflict, and its visibility in the surviving textual record these st an d out in a way that affords few real precedents in Mesopotamian history. They require, thus, that we not ignore that conflict in writing the history of Nabonidus' reign." 32. A recent accounting of these links may be found in Beauheu (above n. 7), pp. 38, t5o, 1 7 1 -174, 206 -zo8 , 214-219. However, Beaulieu's understanding of the Enuma A m . Enlil episode and the inferences he dews from i tag) cannot, in the light of our work here. be accepted. 33 See the remarks of H. Tadmor, "Monarchy and the Elite Assyria and Babylonia," in S N Eisenstadt, ed., The Origins and Dicf Axial Age Civilizations (Albany: State Universi ty of New York Press, 1986), pp. 211-212, 210-221 34- This last remark would not seem necessary, given the gen en) scholarly agreement with it were it not for a "revisionist" argument recently put forward by A. Kuhn, "Nabonidus and the Babylonian Priesthood," in M. Beard and J North, eds., Pagan priests (London: Duckworth t99o), pp. 119-155. especially pp. 1 35-1 46 . Her thesis is that the Vene Account does not reflect any real opposition to Nabonidus during his reign that would have come from priestly supporters of Marduk; it was rather a text composed after Nabonidta defeat by Cyrus, and its condemnation of Nabonidus' ac• ing s in own doing, sunpty a logical consequence of its aim defeat, following a well-established theological and One may agree with Kuhn about the post-defeat Account, and agree as well that it is part of a long gis for changes of ridership, But to go on from odemnarkm in the text as a mechanical reflex thus to dismiss it as a witness to pre-dely ignores the specificity and sharpness text that we have been examining. -

APPENDIX

Further Observations on the Nabonidus Insc ription Published by W.G. Lambe rt I). Lambe rt labelled this text "a kind of chronicle," 35 but saw that it did not fully conform to the other chronicles of the period, with their laconic formulaic s ty le, having, instead, import an t similarities to royal building insc ri ptions. Lambert's brief characterization can be elaborated an d pushed beyond what he proposed. The text is indeed not a chronicle in the sense defined by the stan dard corpus which Grayson has assembled an d studied. 36 For while it offers a desc ri p ti on of events in Nabonidus' reign and dates these in chronistic fashion in terms of days, months, an d probably regnal years, the narration is often poetic, with a s tyle, vocabulary, an d elevated hyperbole more typical of royal insc ri p ti ons and epic texts Compa re , for example, the fragmentary section (rev. iv 5o-65, v 1-24) relating Nabonidus' campaigns to the faraway l an ds of Syria an d Arabia, which reminds us of similar narra ti ves in Assyrian royal literature. Altogether it would seem that the author of this text had access to royal insc ri p ti ons and excerpted material from them, reworking it in a higher literary s ty le. The result looks very much like the poetic narratives collected by Grayson 37 which relate, in the third person as here, events from the reigns of Babylonian kings, or the Assyrian poetic narratives about Assurbanipal which Livingstone has recently edited. 38 Such parallels suggest that an appropriate label for our text would be "The Nabonidus Epic' or, less definitively, "An Epic of Nabonidus. ' 2). The episode in this epic text about Enuma Anu Enlil, which we have discussed above, is not isolated, but must be seen as pa rt of a connected account in the text having to do with Nabonidus' consecration of his daughter as entu-priestess of the moon-god. The account begins in the fragmentary obv. ii I-12 an d con ti nues through obv. iii 1-16. Our episode is the second of four units m obv. iii 1-16. Of the first, only one broken line remains, obv. iii i, which reports something or somebody brought "in fr ont of/before him (=presumably Nabonidus)" (x-ri-qa pa-nu-ul-lu, where x-ri-qa still defies adequate translation). 39 The third unit, obv. iii 5-1o, which comes after our episode, describes the discovery

35. Lambert, Af0 22 (1968-69), p. t. 36. A.K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Tcfi 5; Locust Valley: J.J. Augustin, 1975). 37. A.K. Grayson, Babylonian Historical Literary Texts (To ro nto: University of Toronto Press x975). 38. A Livingstone, Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea (State Archives of Assyria iiI: Helsinki Helsinki Unive rsi ty Press, 1989), pp. 48, 5 0- 5 1 : nos. 19•11. Cf. also pp 47-48, 5 1 -53: nos. 18, 12-14. Of these, no 10 seems to be in the third person only, though this is not certain since the text ss broken; the other texts show a mixture of first, second, and thirdpexsors. Lambert, AR) 12 (i968-69). pp. 1, 4•.

of a stela of Nebuchadnezzar I. Although it too is broken, we may suggest the following translation: stela of 6Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, son of Ninurta-nadtn-suxni, Ton which the image of the priestess (was depicted and) its (=the entu stela in 5) ri tes, rituals, Band ceremonies were written, together with the tablets, 9 ... to Babylon, unknowingly, 7o... 5A

they place in his (=Naborudus') hands.¢ O

The fourth an d final unit may begin with the missing line obv iii i I and concludes with 16. Here Nabonidus scrutinizes something, probably the stela and tablets just mentioned in the preceding third unit (restore in line n: [x x (x) tit-to-al-tat-ma ip-p[a-lis] "he looked carefully at [...1),"41 and then makes his daughter entu-priestess Let us now put these specific observations together and try to reconstruct the logic of the whole account. In so doing, we need to keep in mind the fuller narra tive of Nabomdus' consecration of his daughter as entu, well known from another of his inscriptions, YOS I 45.42 Thus, in obv. ii I-12, our epic seems to describe in detail the lunar eclipse on the 13th of Ululu, interpreted as the moon-god's demand for a priestess, as well as the ensuing inquiries to clarify the meaning of this eclipse, which Nabonidus put by extispicy to Samas and Adad. The text of these inquiries is badly broken in the epic, but the general meaning of the questions and answers can be detennmed from YOS I 45: i 14-25. Column obv. iii of the epic begins already with the king looking at the tablets of Enuma Anu Enlil. Apparently this was the last stage of his inquiry. The point here is that having obtained positive answers from the extispicy, the king desired further confirmation by means of the relevant tablets of the astronomical series. The confirmation came after the king's scribes brought him the tablets, and only he successfully interpreted them. YOS I 45 does not relate this episode about Enuma Anu Enlil. It moves instead, from the extispicy to a 40. Ibid. The last clause, in line to, reads m Akkadian: i-ra-ammu qa-tul-lu. The verb is difficult here. Denvmg it from r2inu "to love," u Lambert tentatively conjectu res (ibid., p. 6), does not appear to fit the context. Rather, it may be construed as a G-present of ram4. This basically means "to throw " hut can be used for 'setting up fi xing" culnc installations or monumen ts (AHw 952b-953a, s.v. ramil(m) iI t, 4c) Our present case is perhaps to be associated with this la tt er sense. 41. Lambert, Alt? u (1968-69), pp. 2, 4. The restoration is confirmed by the parallel text YOS 1 45 (see further ahead), which uses the same two verbs, though not as a hendiadys for the very same episode, if we follow the reading given by F.M.T. Böhl, Festschrift Kosthaker ( 1 939), PP. 164: i 29 34; 164: "n 23 174 ad Z. 34: 29) op-pa-Us-is-ma m4nan3(NA PILA) la-bi-n la Na-bi-um-kudur -n-u -parr atlabirtlti(LIBi&RA .UM Ul lup-pa-nu .1 k'ân« LE. 34) ra-ar' -caal-ma I examined an old stela of Nebuchadnezzar's. 29) The old tablets and documents I looked at. 34) 42. See the treatments by Bühl, Ftstrdaïft Kosdcaker (1939), pp. 151-178 and E. Reiner, Your Downs in Pleats, Your Mooring Rope Got (Michigan Studies in the Humanities 5; Ann Arbor. The University of Michigan, 1985), pp. 1-16. The test is Zylinder II 7, ni Berger (above n. 18) 364.

151

description (i 26-27) — which, in turn, is not in the epic of Nabonidus pondering how to car ry out the moon-god's request for an entu, since the practice was obsolete and longforgotten. After this, both YOS I 45 and the epic turn to the entu stela of Nebuchadnezzar, along with the tablets. In the words of YOS I 45 (i 27-29): "The appointed time having arrived, the doors were opened for me, (and) I examined an old stela of Nebuchadnezzar." 43 As Reiner has observed, "this tells of a miraculous event, the discovery of the stele with the depiction of the high priestess. Without this information, the proper in stallation of Nabonidus' daughter could not have taken place "44 In the epic, the discovery of the stela with the tablets was given an important twist. For whoever brought them to the king — perhaps it was the same scribes as brought the Enuma Anu Enlil tablets — the epic appears to suggest that they had been unaware of their significance All Nabonidus had to do, on the other hand and this point is now also in YOS I 45 — was to "look carefully" at them and he immediately understood their importan ce. He then proceeded to follow their instructions, fashioning anew the stela of the entu which he deposited in the Egipar, under construction at the same time, and dedicating his daughter as entu 45 It should be clear by now that a major motif of this narrative about the entu-priestess is Nabonidus' special knowledge an d ability Not just in the episode about En u ma Anu Enlil, but throughout the process, the king displays a virtuosity in all the needed scribal skills and erudition — extispicy, astrology, priestly instructions — and an ability to use one to check the others. It is, moreover, a virtuosity, as our epic text emphasizes, which is unmatched by the scribes around the king, who are unaware of the issues at hand and/or unable to read the texts relevant to them. This whole entu account, therefore, confirms our discussion eulier, of the Enuma Anu Enlil part of it. Nabonidus is here the scribal hero, the only earthly possessor of heavenly wisdom. Festschrift Kosdukri, pp. 164-165: i 27-29. Cf. in Böhl, 43. 44. Reiner (above n 41), pp. m-i 1. Whether the stela was actually found, as a nutter of pu re chance, just at this moment, or whether it was purposely planted to be "discovered," is not dear. One may he a bu suspicious that a pure accident was involved, as M.A. Powell has observed, ZA 81 (1991). pp. 20-30. especially P . 3 0. Powell appropriately compares the "Sun-temple" inscription of Nabu-apla-îddirsa (LW. King, BBS, no. 36) and the "events" it narrates (Powe il , loc. cit„ refemng to his earl er ankle in ZA 72 0984 pp. t tiff) A classic case of suspicious "discovery" from the Biblical field u, of count, that of the law scrap from the Jerusalem temp le in the reign of the Judaean king, Josiah (2 Kings 32: SIE; 2 Chronicles 34: 14ff.); for a recent discussion, we M. Cogan and H. Tadmor, R Kings (Anchor B ble; New York. Doubleday, 1988) pp. 194-295. 45. In delineating how Nabonidus carried out the irsrrtrttonn, the epic and YOS i 45 diverge the former focused on the dedication of the daughter (obv to 13-16), the latter on the refashioning of the stela and the old tablets (ï 35-38). This divergence need not be a conttadtcton, since the two texts could be understood to emphasize 1fifferent and complementary facets of Nabomdus' activity or the focus in the epic on the dedication could be taken to include the refashioning of stela and cadets.

1 53

The Torch and the Censer sen not to present these three tablets in "score" fashion, and they are edited separately below, designated as A, B, and C. The provenance of A is unknown, B was excavated in Nippur, an d C was found in northern Babylonia, possibly at Sippar All four tablets are Old Babylonian in date.

THE TORCH AND THE CENSER Piotr Michalowski

University of Michigan The study of the formal characteristics of textual types an d the analysis of genre has had a long tradition in Near Fastern studies. Within the narrower purview of Assyriology no other scholar has addressed this issue with more perseverance than Wi lliam W. Hallo Generic criticism has been more at home in Biblical Studies than in "cuneiform" research, but Bi ll 's deeply felt need to find a common ground for the two disciplines that have been equally importan t to him has led him to seek out new ways of looking at the literatures of Mesopotamia and ancient Israel. His comparative method is characterized by a strong dedication to generic an d formal parallels an d much of his work has been dedicated to tracing of the complex history of individual genres The present study is less ambitious, but it has some bearing on this problem area It is therefore offered here with the expectation that he might find it of some interest in his future elaborations of this theme. The discussion of genre theory and the problems manifest in the definition of individual textual types are becoming more and more impo rt ant in the analysis of Mesopotamian literature. One of the pioneering works in this respect was Adam Falkenstein's doctoral thesis on Sumerian incantations in which the young scholar was able to define certain formal types of incantations. Although Falkenstein was not concerned with genre theory as such, nor with the larger issue of defining the fu ll range of Sumerian literary texts, he achieved great success with his scheme for incantations. These sho rt , often formulaic texts seemed perfect for the task. The scheme that he offered has held up to this day and his German labels, such as Kultmittelbeschwörung are used in all Languages of scholarship. On the surface, we seem to have arrived at a consensus on these matters. We now have many new early magical texts at our disposal, and it is becoming increasingly obvious that this scheme will have to be modified to accommodate much of the new data. This is not the place for such a study. Without questioning the basic utility of this classification, I would like to present here a small group of Sumerian texts that were used in religious rituals, texts that we would no

classify as belonging to two distinct categories: incantadons and divine hymns. The unusual characteristics of these particular compositions make one pause to rethink such matten as the synchronic stability of textual types, as well as the issue of the fu ll range of texts used in "magical" or "religious" rituals. The interpretive problems posed by these texts are well illustrated by the process of discovery that led to three museums on two continents. The search began more than a decade ago, when Bill Hallo showed me a text from the Yale Babylonian Collection that seemed to be associated with an incantation that was about to be published in J v an Dijk's volume of incanta ti ons from Yale. I became interested in the text, copied it, an d sat on it for some time. When working through unidentified tablet fragments in the University Museum in Philadelphia, I came across pa rt of a duplicate to the Yale incanta ti on although a thorough search of the museum's holdings failed to reveal the rest of the tablet. Some time later I was looking at unidentified tablets from the "Sippar Collec ti on" in the British Museum. I was reading a syllabically written text that made absolutely no sense to me. After some time, much to my embarrassment, I realized that I was reading a highly abbreviated version of the same inc an ta ti on. I now present editions of these texts, with a brief commentary an d some concluding remarks on the larger issues referred to above. I wish to thank Bill Hallo for his kind permission to publish the Yale tablet, and to extend my gra ti tude to the Trustees of the B ri tish Museum for permission to present BM 29383 here, as well as to Ake W. Sjöberg for permission to publish the Philadelphia text.' The first three texts are different versions of an incantation that is designed to consecrate the cultic torch Sumerian gi-izi-Li, loaned into Akkadian as gizilla, an implement ubiquitous in purificatory ceremonies that were the prelude to most, if not a ll , sacred rites. 2 For technical reasons that will become obvious, I have choSteven Timmy, who offered important comments on a diaft version and collated the Philadelphia text for me. 15 2

TORCH INCANTATION

A = YBC 8649 (YOS II S3; collated on o ri ginal, photograph below): 1. [am bus ga]1 due du7 g[i-izi -lâ 2. [am] gal den-ki-ke 4 `ù' -[na gub-bu] 3. [ab]zu x (DÉ) ki sikh-ta `è'-[a] 4. dgibil6 iri12-gal iri 2,-gal an-n[a?... ] 5. ni gal gùr-ru -na mu-us pa dar-dar -[rai 6. nun-bar- an -na su-gar-bus `eridu'I°-ga `ti-la' 7. gi-izi-li gal `abzu x (DÉ)-tai è 8. me nun -na sag il 9. giseren gissu-ur-min gisza-ba-lum Io. gistaskarin sig gi b sig babbar 11, $'skin gi b 'skin babbar 12. 1 [Weren't-41a bar -bi us-sa-a 13. (In-nu-6g û sikil-la mi-ri-kù-ge-es 14. dasar-a-nun -na kas-gin 7 a-gùb-ba 15 [dug]bur-2i UD.SAR ki sikil sà -bi 16. mu-un-sikil mu-un-dadag 17. [em]e bul-gâl bar-46 hé-em - to-gub 18. ka - inim - ma gi-izi-lâ -[kam] B = N 4237 (copy an d photograph below): én-é-[nu-ru] 2. [a]m bus [...] 3. `gi'-izi-I[a .. J 4. den-ki-k[e4 ... ] 5. abzu ki siki[l...] 6. dg113116 11/112-gal ... 7 ni gal gur-r[u ..] 8. nun-bar-an -na su-g[ar ] 9. gi-izi-lâ gal ab[zu-ta è] me nun-n 1o. gtserin gista[skarin ... ] II. gü`kin'[s..] I.

12. 13.

gispe[s ... J em[e ? ...]

C = BM 29383 (copy an d photograph below):

t. am bu -us gal du-du gi-zi-la (*am bus" gal du 7 -du 7 gi-izi-lâ) 2. am gal den-ki-ke gu-ud -da -a (*am gal den-ki-ke 4 ù -na gub -bu) 3. ab -zu ki ki é-a Other torch incantations are: OECT 5 21, OECT 5 to, OECT 5 22:x1-16 OECT 5 22:17-24, VAS 17 19, YOS i 1 59. 2.

and CBS 1384 (Khabaza) reverse (obverse contains an incantation for the nig-na), which will be published by I rv ing Finkel.

(*abzu Id sikil-ta è-a) gi-zi-la ti-el-la *o-ga /am n ar gu du âs gar 4. Or 5. an-ka ha-am-kù-ga Id-ga be- me-ab-ki-sikii-la (*an-gin 7 hé-em-kù-ga Id-gin 7 b é-em-sikh-la) 6. sa an-na-ke be-me-da-ga-an-né (*gà an-na-gin 7 hé -em-dadag-ga) i-me bu - un-gâl bar-ta be-em-da-gub (*eme hul-gâl bar-ta he-em-ta-gub) D = Kusu "Hymn" = YBC 986o: am `hug' gal du 7-du7 g[i-izi-lâ] am gal den-ki-ke 4 ù-n[a gub-bu] abzu Id sikh-ta `é\-[a] dgibil6 é-gal TE.U[NU ... ] ni gal gùr-ru-na mùs x[...] dnun-bar-an-na su -gar bug [eridub-ga ti-I]a 7• gi-izi-lâ gal abzu-ta `è'-a 8. me nun-na sag-il -lum gistaskarin ba gûzagiserin 9• 10. sig babbar sig gi 6 gûkin babbar giskin gi6! (text babbar) 1 I. g9ps1jur ge-er-gu8 gspes se -er- gid-da 1â-a 12. a dira mâs bur -sag-gâ 13. i tur amas kù-ta `dé'-a 14. [im-s"ui-`rin'-na-ta x-a 15. [x? gi-i]zi-lâ-ta na-ri-ga 16. [x-t]a gi im-ma-ra-kés" 17. [x x-t]a izi im-ma-ra-lâ 18. [x x x] im-ta-DU.DU 19. [x x x]x im-ta-du 7 -du7 2o. [...]x-ba dkù-su i3 21. [gir4 ' mu-un]-kù gir 4 mu un-sikil 22. [X im]-mi-in-si na-ri si-ga 23. [gud W.r udu gar -da dkù-su ?3 -ku4 4 e' be-em-ma-da-an-ku [g]ir4 `gal 24. 25. [g]ud sâr ninda gar-da dkù-su i3 26. gir4 gal-e hé-em-ma-da-ku4 ku 4 27. nam- nam- gis nam-tar gis na 28. gi nam-tar gi narn-bé 29. tar ka ba -ra-ab-du 7 3o. fig sib,* sigr ga-ta sig mâs sig 7 -ga-ta 31. dgibil6 sag â zi-da 32. sag an - sé `il-la'-a-ta ta-dab s kù an-na-ta a im ubur 33. 34. a-bi an im-kù ki im-sikh 35. gud tùr - bi - a rni-n[î-i]n-sikil 36. udu amas-`bi-a' mi-n[i-i]n-sikil 37. dutu an-6r-`ra' 38. dnanna an-pa-a mi-`ni-in'-sikil -kù-ga> sa6?-ga é-a hé-em-ta?-[dada]g hé-em- I. I-12 1

:

I A 4:

(da-nu]n-na-ke 4-ne ba-tu-ud-di -ba

to. The length of the verses differ from one strophic the other. Inside the st ro phes are only two different verse lengths: 1-12= 4.1-u= /8; 6 7/8;5 1 a = = 5/6;3.11.1-12 =9/10;2.1-12 norNeidren Latin nor any other poetic rule is 9/10; 6.1-12 = 9/10. mative for Sumerian poetry, but cf. Greek poetry where the akanadve length of verses is quite usual The continuous transliteration attempts to give a readable Sumerian text which makes the poetic form evident. The transliteration in standard fonn will avoid all cootrovcrial misunderstanding. t:. The Old-Babylonian 20. The texn, cf C. Benito, I c t I. column 1819, a two + 2168 + N version - IA: CBS 11.386 + t 137 tablet containing the whole tut. CBS 13.386; E. Chiera, SEM t t6, UMBS 1/ I, 4; St. Langton. 1.4-2o; CBS t 137: D Myhrman, 4, Sumer14. 34-5.II, 1.2o-37. CBS 3168: S N. Kremer, x/4. , photo only N t8 119: (1972), pl. 17-18, see pp. 70/71 Ian Mythology, C. Benito, Lc. so unpublished. iB: AO 7036. a two column tablet of the whole text. H. deGen usi>lec, TCL 16 TRS a, 71 t.5 - 4.2 2.845, one column . = ' tC: BM 1 8 IL 1.39 1-4 D. I.9'-2.4'; 5.10 -6.I2 tablet, 3rd tablet of a series of 5, H.H. Figuila, CT 42, a. K i71 + 2168 + 4896 + aD: The Neo-Assyrians venaon a: by W.G. Lambert and R. HrxgeH. Cf C joint weft nude 4932. The 1.c. 20. s. photo of the Trustees of the British. Museum. I wish Benito information and the Pte th the for to express my of ram, the two column eabkt tablet of a series canon petmit 7o of the Old the midst of tcrlutrui 4 carnesyvoö so line ends In e variants we numerousand the hatssleferi Babylonian version. tion is given separately .

.

.

.

Nammu and Enki

HERBERT SAUREN

200

dAMA• dINANNA nam-NIR.PA-s"è ba-

t A5:

tuk-a-ba

1•7 (?)

dAMA dINANNA an-ki-a ba- bal- ]}al -la-

I A 6:

Ma e-pi-ri-ti [...] dim-me-er kix (some lines missing)

9d: Ioa: tob:

a-ba

dAMA dINANNA-m[a] ba -a- pes -ù-tu-

1 A 7:

da-a-ba an-kurum6-ma -bi -a TE.IRI.RI -bi -s"è ba- ab -kes"da-a-ba [..]-ba dingir-sar-sâr kin-ga al-su8-ge-es [... de -es dingir-tur-tur TER.1UUM im - il-il-e-ne [... im -il-i]1-e-ne dingir- id dun-dun-u-ne < > sahar -bi UA.RA.LI im-dub-dub-bu-ne < > dingir- im-urs•urs-re-ne

I A8: I B 9':

7. 8:

1 A 9a: I B I oa: I A 9b: I B ro: I A t oa: I

B

I

A rob:

I

B

ro : 1 A 112: I B tram A IIb: I B IIb: A

[...]

zi -bi inim inn-ma-gar-re-ne [.. à]m-ma-gar-re-ne

K 17u + 2168 + 4 896 + 4932

ta: u4 - ri-a-ta u4 an-ki-bi-ta ba -an[-è-a -ba] tb: i-na u4-mi ul-lu -h [u4 m1] Ic: fa AN u KI-tu 4 u[p-pa-a ..] gi6-ri-a-ta gi6 an-ki-bi-ta ba -è-a -ba

22.

2b: zc: 3a: 3b: 3c: 3d: 4a: 4b: 1.3

5 a: 5b:

1.2

6a:

6b: 6c:

7a:

8c: 8d: I.6 ga:

I.II

DINGIR SUDUN [ dIm -me-er9b: Pbar-bi gc: DINGIR

[...] u4 -um za-zi [...] x-es-àm [... m]i- ni -in-gi [...] na pis- ta-fü-nu [.» û pa-a]q-qir

2'b:

2'c: 2'd:

2.I-I2:

Nammu goes to Enld

u-ba muddenki-k ki 5 sa-bi kina-ni uku lu -ka-ra kina-bi to. dnammu-k ira dumu -nir

dagal

Cr engur dingir

ama

dingir-

galgal bura na-me u num-me i-na num-zizi i-na-n num-zizi palil ene basin-tum

On this day, the wise one, the creator of all myriads in existence, Enki, (lay) inside the deep well, at the place where no god is, where no worship takes place, he lay in his bed, and he did not anse from his sleep. To the sleeping one, to the lying one, to the one who did not arise from his bed, Nammu, the primeval mother, (brought) the tears of the gods, she brought (them) to her boy.

-

7b: dim -me-er b[a-a-pes-ù]-tu- ud -da-es-a -ba 7c: DINGIR m u E[SDARm ]I ir-b u-4 7d: DINGIR m [u ESDAR mJ `u^-al-Ii-du 8a: dim -me-er [... kurum 6 -b]i `ba -ab-keida' -ba Sb:sud[un ... -bJa

E...]-un-ra

'd: 2'a:

i-na mu-hi ul -lu -ti Imu-.fi] !a AN u KI-tu 4 up-p[a-a ...] mu-ri-a-u mu nam b[a-tar-ra -ba] [an-ki-bi-ta nam] ba -a[n-tar-ra -ba] [i-]na fa-na-a-ti ul-lu -ti fa fi-mat AN u dim -me-er-sar-sar an-ki-a ba -tu- ud -d[a-da-ba] DINGERmeg GAL md ina AN-e u KI-ti 'i-al-d[u] dim me-er-sâr-sâr an-ki-a ba - ba -la-d-a-b [a] DINGIR'" GALmd ANu KI 4-za- i-i-z[u] dim -me-er-AMA. d INANNA-ke4 -e-ne namdam-sè ba -tuku-d-a -ba DENGIRmd u E[SDARme]I ana af fu-ti i-bu-zu dim -me-er-AMA d INANNA[-ke 4-e-ne] gis

bi-in-du rr

1,5

I.IO(?) I'aI'b: I 'c:

2.I-I2

I

A 12:

u4 -ba gés"tu-dagal

I

B

[..

12a' •

.]

I

mud -dsar-sar- gal -gal B 12b': [ ... ] dsar-sar-gâl-gal A 13a: den-ki-ke 4 engur-bùr a sur-ra B 13a': [...] A 13b Id dingir na-me B 13b': [... na]-me A 13e: sà-bi u6 nu-urn-me B 13c'• La-bi [... nu-]um•m[e] A 142: b-na-ni i-na

I

B

I A 12b: r

I I I

I I I

13d':

[.»]

ù - ku nu-um-zi-zi

7: I A 14b: I B 13e': I A 15a: I B 14a: I A 15b: I B 14b': 8: I A 16a: I B 15a': 9: I A 16b: I B Io: I A 17a: I B 16a': I A 17b: I B II: I A 18a: I B 17a': I2: I A 18b: I B 17b':

3 1 a: 3'b:

3'c:

2.3-4

4'a: 4'b:

4'c:

[•• •] a-mr-gal i-ak im-me-ne [a-]nir-gàl ak [...] lû-ku-ra i-na-a-ra

3.1-12 ki-na-bi nu-um-zi-zi

5'b:

5'c: 5'd:

6'a:

I: I I

dnammu - ke4 ama-palil [•

•]

ù-tu- dsar-s ar-ra-ke4ne [...] dar- sâr-ra-ke 4-ne ir-ra- dingir-re-e-ne [ ••] dumu -ni -ir ba -si -in-tùm [dumu] -ni-sè ba -si-in-tu

E. • -k]e4 mud- dim-me-er [ E. ..] uz-ni ha-nu-4 DINGIRmd GALmd E. ..]-ra ki dingir na-me E. • n]u-un-zu-am E. ..] (x) ru-q4-4-ti E. n IJa i du-t's E. ..] ab-zi-zi(?)

3: I I

I 5: I I

6:

I 1

7:

I I

[• ..]

x-tu

8: 9:

I

Io:

I I I I

12: I t

.

nu'u-nam kuku-narn kinu'u-z zizi su dimdinia-z tutu-ne kinu'u-z ziga la-zu-ta umu'e-klnkin dimer-enek umu'e-dimdim baba-tulu-ne

Woe! Your are lying there. Woe! you are sleeping there. My son, from your bed, woe! you don't arise! The gods, your creatures, are destroying their work. My son, arise from you bed! •

[..

-

-

4 I-I2: The hepatoscopy and

3.1-12: The lamentation and supplication u munsiu munsidumu-mu u numunsi5. dirnir kin-gu-bim dumu -mu ibi-malna'amku-z Io. qinna dumu -mu terbu-bi

1 I

II: I

E. ]• -da E. -q]é E ..] x

A Iga: [ù] m[u-u]n-Ci>-nir-ù-nam B 18a: [• A I9b: m[u]-u[n-si-ku-ku-nam] B ISb: [ù mu - un-]si- k u-ku- na-nam A 2oa: [... ki-n6] - 1 ù1 -zu B 18c: [..1 n[u-mu-un-siA 2ob: B 18d: [... nu-mu-un A na: [di]m- mi -ir su- dim - dim -ma-z[u] B 19a: [..] A 21b: ] B 19b. [kI]n-gii-bi-im U Jß.IJOB-ne A 22a: du s -mu-mu ki-nù-zu B 20a: [..] A 22b: zi -bi-[...] B 2ob: I-bi]- ma-al-la-zu u A 22c: na-am-kù-zu m[u-e-kin-kin] B 2oc: [... -z]u û - mu-e-kin-k[in] A 23a: qin [n]a dim -mi-ir-e - ne-ke 4 B 2Ia' [ A 23b: ù -m[u-e- dim-dim] B z1b: [ ù- me-e-dtm -]dim A 23c: ter-bum-bi ba - ba -tu- lu[ -ne] B zic-d : ter-bum[-bi ba - ba -m-lJu-ne ]

I

•

-

2.9-12 5ra.

In your great wisdom let work your sacredness! The family of the gods, my son, create them, so that they shall hold the tankard

dingir-I -ra im-pà-pà-ne

K 171I + 2.1-2

20I

S•

denkik dnammuk dmas-ku-s sila lmm dingir ninama denkik

t3esm Io. dingir nite-

inim — ama-na bata-zi sa-kus'u — dana imini — sisil en-tan

klna-na

u(assur a-ni e ana

ïon plan

mud-medim imtul-e

basin-gub Mnigin-- rÜglW-e i-ke mud-rnedim

sa-bi-ta burnunl — ng-e

Enki, (obedient) to the word ofhis mother, to Nammu, arase from he cut the holy lamb (the lamb) of appeasement, the intel ligent, the thoughtful, the researcher, the god, the omniscient of sacredness, the .creator

the universal, brought forth from the womb, Enki put his hand therein, he moved and moved his thoughts. The god, Enki, the creator, from his own, from his thinking from his intel li gence, really stamps it.

I. 2:

I A 29: I A 3oa:

A 3ob: 3: 4: I A 31: I A 32a:

4.1-12

6: I

I A24a: den-ki-ke 4 inim-ama-na

7: I

I B222: I A24b: I B22b: I Azsa• I A25bI A26a• I Mobs I A26c:

8: I 9: I

[••] dnammu-ke 4 ki-ni-na b[a-ta-zi] [... ba -t]a-zi dmas-kù-sè fi-kiff -a-da-na sib im-mi-ni-s[i-si-il] 4. géstu gizzal in-tar 5: 6: dingir nam-kù-zu mud-me-dim ni-nam-ma Sla7 .EN.SIG7 Du 10 im- ta-an7: è 8: I A27a• den-Id-ke 4 a-ni ba-si - in-gub 9: I A27b' géstu i-nigin-nigin-e to: I A28a: dingir < d'en-ki-ke 4 mud-me-di I I: I A28b• ni-te-a-na ii-bi- 12: I A28c: géstu-ta ù-mu-ni-ri-ge

5.1-12: The order of Enki

ama-ni

.srup Ja emza-e dninmab-e dninimma dninbara dsarsardu 10. ama-gu dnamnab-e ene kinga

dnammu-ra mud gara -zu dingir-ene

mub-apsu-k medim anta -ni diuzi'ana dninbara dninguna nain -bi Jupfik-bi be-dudu

gu muna-de i-gal-am keida-i umu'enin-gar umu'eni-gal be-ak-e dninmada dninmuga tutu-a-ni umu'e-tar be-kesda namlulu

He answered his mother Nammu: "My mother, the creature you propose will exist, put on the carrying basket of the gods, multiply what is in the waten of your belly, and you will give form to the limbs, Ninmab will act at your head, Ninimma, Suziana, Ninmada, Ninbara, (the other) Ninbara, Ninmuga, Sarsardu, and Ninguna are your birth-goddesses. My mother, you will determine the destiny, Nmmab will tie up this basket (the difficulties of birth), they all will do the work: (creating) mankind.

I

10: I I

II: I I

I2: I

gi-sag ninda

namtara

5.I-I2

5: I

5

Nammu and Enki

HERBERT SAUREN

202

ama-ni dnammu-ra gù mu-un-na-dé-e ama-ni mud- gar-ra-zu i-gâl-la-àm srubx-srigx- dingir-re-e-ne kés-da-i

im-ku-e

Nammu gave birth to mankind, the being, out of the waten the head came out: 'he has our limbs, will be his omen. ' Nammu held her flesh to the sperm, a second time, a woman, was the being. She (Nammu) stamped her for the carrying basket of birth, for the sperm. "She is a woman, birth shall be her counsel." Enki stopped all the works going on, he looked at it, his heart was joyful, he prepared a feast for Nammu, he ate at the side of the womb together with the new born p ri nces, the bread and (he drank) from the main reedtube.

srd im-mub apsu-ka ù-mu e-ni-in-sâr -

SIG7.EN.SIG7 .DU1O im mu-e-kir-kirre-ne A 32b: za-e me• dim ù mu-e-ni-gâl A 33• dnin-mab-e an-ta-zu bé-ak-e A 34a: dnin-imma a dsu-zi-an-na dnin -ma-la A 34b-35a: dnin-bâra dnin-bâra dnin-muga A 35b-36a: dsar-sar-dug dnin-gùn-na tu - tu -a- ka A 36b: ba-ra-gub-bu-ne A 37a: anla-gu m za-e nam-bi ù - mu-e-tar B 40a: [... ù]-mu-e-ni i[n-tar] A 37b: dnin-Irtab srub x-Irgx bé-ke[s"da] B 4ob: [ •] B 40c• [... - b]é-dù-dù nam-lû-flu x] -

-

6.1-12

K 1711 + 2nd column, 2.I at the level of I.2 1

5. 2- 4

5. 0- 5

5.6

I'a: am[a- ...] I l b: ki-[• ] I'c: um-mi [... ] 'd• it-ti [ I'e: fi-me-ni-[(Sumerian line forgo tt en after 'b)] 2'a: sà - tù r im-ma [... ] 2 1b• za-e ù-[... ] 2'c: MIN MiN ] [...] fr-tt-ta 3'a: dnin-mab-e [...] 3'b: MIN [...]

5.7-8

41a: 41b: S.9-o f a: 5'b: 5.10-II 6'a• 0h: 6'c: 5.I2

71a: 7'b: 7'c:

I: I B4oc: [dnammu-k]e 4 nam-ln-1u, àm[-tu-tu] Enam-Ifi-lu x] bra-mue-e sag am-re I B 41: [e-ne me-d]am-zu te'n-re-sti ga-a-am 3: I B 42: I B43 a: [dnammu-ke 4] nnmun-e sirs mi ni-in-il 5: I B43b: nam- lü-1uX àm 6: I B443: [srupx]-srigx-gang niunun-e mi ni-in-ri 7: I Bub: fi-tu na-bi mu-dal 8: I B46a: [dlen-ki-ke 4 kin- ngin -d I B46b: C...> fa-bi mu-bûl w: I B 47: ama-ni dnammu dnin- -sè subun-na -

-

II:

am-ma-ni-in-gar I B48a: gn-SIG7 ggnn-SIG7.EN.SiG7.DUio -SI 7..EN.SIG7 .DUio nun-gibil-ke 4 I B48b: nam-tar gi-sag ninda i-im-kn-e

G

dnin-i mma1 d[...]

I2:

in- IL .. d KU-zi-[ E• • •I

K 1711 +

2nd column, cont.

6.4 (?) 8'a: du 10-nir-ra 8'b: fa-ta [...] 81c: ina rri-(3u'-ut z[e- ...] 81d: x [x] x

ama-g[u 10 ...] x [..] u[m-mi ...] a[ma- ...] x[..1 r GI DUSU' [...]

K 171r + 4th column cf. C. Benito, l.c. 27 II. 64-70.

III. THE MYTHOLOGY A creation myth should start with the primeval condition before creation. Mesopotamian myths generally name the first gods.' s The first gods in our myth are Nammu and Enki.' 3 The compiled text, however, names (I. I) the Anunna, the gods who a re from the seed of Enki.' 4 This version presents some difficulties. It seems illogical to name the children before the father exists. Moreover, the Anunna are gods of the Nippur pantheon - the myriads of gods, the iSr-far, are the 5 corresponding gods of the E ri du mythology.' I propose therefore to read: Nammu and Enki. There is no difference in age between the two gods. Nammu and Enka are in existence from the very beginning. The E ri du mythology does not delve further into the past. The starting point of life is the male and female principle. The creation is a birth process. If Nammu is afterwards named mother, she is not the mother who bore Enki, but the mother with whom Enki begot his children. Therefore the text speaks only about one goddess named di/admits

Is. u4 "day" has been restored at the beginning. s. The verbal forms of 1-5, ending with: -a-ba = complement u 4 for the conjunction: "at this time, at dus day " s. A. Falkenstein, Das Sunrnische, 4o, § 11, 3. M.L. Thomsen, Mesop o tamia to 246 § 489. Previous authors cept that the complement is to be found in 1. 1-3. As the strophic form proves that 1.l. 1-3 was added at the moment of the compihbon v. above r, the racoration of u 4 is evident in the original text t3. J. van Dg'k, 1.c. 25: dingir-an-na-ke4 ne, "die gods of heaven"; C. Benno I.c. 31, 34: da-nun-na-kee ne. "the Anunnagods"; restored: u 4 dnamunu den-ki. nit original Eridu version was changed by the Nippur priest. 14. A. Falkenstein, AS 16, 1966, 127-140; B. Kienast, AS 16,(1966). 141-158; H. Sauren. in "Humour," Travail et Scien r en Orient, (1980, 241-249. Th e ancient Sumerian pantheon knows only seven, later nine, Anunna-gods. In post-Sumerian tunes the number increases to 300,600. In this context of evolution the Eridu myriads of gods 060e) are a late tradition. transcf note 6. The previous authors 2.1, 1.17. 1.41, 6, literate dingir-iinr-fir. I accept 1.6: dingir-4ir-3r but in a9 other casThis graphic detail is another es the determinative, cf note sir-[it "myriads" beindication of a relatively late text compi aatton fir-[ comes a nine for the children of Nammu and F"tii. We have to compare the verb in 54, lit midst "rmscply"' of also kit = 3600• J. van Dijk. Lc 16-27, trcomt11: "the great gods" C.Bevito, Lc. 47. lows him, citing very late synonym-fists which sat to: ik = aS, '

a5:âingir-AMA- dINANNA 'the 1.2-4. J. van Dijk, Lc. as: " S. Benito, Lc. sr: darn-mint the goddesses"; C. ui.w 1bctoktt. dilaim-khans. a '1st 77, 8. AHw s. v. Own; RA is (19r5) ras. CE rote 15 for the unusual use of the determinative, the enemadon seems respected, v. rote 17. .

6.I-I2• The birth of men, the feast dnarrunu-ke namlulu ene medim-zu dnanunu-ke 5. fubuna

am-tutu sag am-e ga-am sir minis -il namlulu-am minn -ri na-bi mu-dal minn -la sa-bi mu-bul minim-gar nun-gibila-ke

203

.

HERBERT SAUREN

204

one of the numerous Akkadian words in the text.'? Nammu is taken in marriage by Enki, for otherwise neither birth nor creation would be possible. But there is more. The verb tuku "to have, to take (in marriage)" is regularly joined with nam-dam ina alts, [noun = abstraction =] status/juridical condition of a spouse. The husband, in our case Enki, is regularly the subject of this grammatical clause, the verb thereby having an active aspect. The young text 2 E contains this construction. The verb of the Old Babylonian version i A retains the passive aspect, as do all sentences in I.3-5. A specific form of marriage is named —the juridical form of the entrance marriage 18 In this form of marriage the man enters into the family of his wife. His children take the name of the wornan's family an d perpetuate only this one family name. The house of the wife is the property and life base of this 17. Other Akkadian words are: (1.2): nee-ba, s. note 18, AHw, s.v. nrbu, to enter, (1.4): -ma, AHw s.' . -ma, J. van Dijk, I.c. 25: x y z -ma a- x; C. Benno, Lc. 21: x-x im?-ma-a-pes, restored following SEM n6, 5: -ma [...1-ba'- -a-pes. There might be room for two signs in the lacuna, but there are often free spaces on the tablet; (1.7,3.12): ter-bum, AHw s.v. terbum "tankard," a vessel for cult use, s. dug-namtar "pitcher for the (determination of) destiny"; J van Dijk, l.c. 26: zenbtl; C. Benito, l.c. 36, 48, "vat, basket." There is no lexical connection with the signification: "basket"; (3.10): qin-na, AHw s.v. qinnu, "nest. family." J. van Dijk, Lc. 25,27, note 69, kin-si, "substitutes," (guessed); C. Benito I.c 23, 36, 52, referring to J. van Dijk, 'substitutes." (4.7, 1.32, 6.11)• !assur-, AHw s.v. !assur, Sum.: rà -tar "womb"; (J. van Dijk, Lc. 26-28): si en-si t= sur(- sâr?), note 74: "womb: C. Benito, Lc. 23, 2 4, 55. sig7-en-sig rdu 10 . i accept a cryptographic writing. sig 7 = say , EN = wrong di ss imilation (or reading -ar x , cf G Pettinato, OrNS 47 (1978) 59, for reading -ru, t . sa 'EN-9 Ysur, cf. note 16; (5.3, 5.11): fup x fikx , AHw s.v. !/tuplikleu "basket." J. van Dijk, Lc. 26-29, zub-sig-ga "forced works"; C Benito, I.c. 25, 37 sub x sig-bi, "the work of carrying baskets. ' Cf. also AHw lipfugte "the painful bearing woman," the play on words is evident as only Nammu ties up the painful basket; (5.4): sS = fa, AHw sa' la, determinative pronoun. The writing la is often attested in Ur iII economic texts, AOS 32 (1948) 92 16; WMAH 357 s.v. 'CI; (5.4): nn-mub, AHw s v. emmu, CAD s v, emmu, ' hot water"; cf. 6.2 ba-mub; (5.4): apsu. AHw s.v. apse, bammu, AGH 14, 16; AHw: "basin of water"; cil 6.2. S.N. Kramer, SM 70 "the heart of the clay that is over the abyss"; J. van Dijk, I.c. 26: 3à im-ugu-abzu-lees "in the fertile clay of the a b zu"; C. Benito, 1.c. 24, 37, 57: ii-im-ugu-abzu-lea "the heart of the clay that is over the apsu." The mixture of clay and blood in the Enuma Eli! is certain, but there is no certainty that this idea was a Sumerian one — all references are of a very late tradi ti on. There is less certainty that this idea was an E ri du idea, and 6.2, s immediately, proves the contrary; (6 2): ba-mub, AHw s.v. bammu, ' water"; CAD 'swamp"; cf. 5.4 emnrulj; C. Benito, l.c. 25: BA ? sag-e, cf the aB writing °4-` 'AUMUN 3 = ant i -mu-um, for the hybrid Sum./Akk, phonetic writing; (6.3): te""-re-sti, AHw s.v. krrtu, "omen." Cf. 1.5 TEJRI RE-bi-lè. where the form without the ending -t is to be considered as a gloss. J. van Dijk, Lc. y z dusu'-bi-lè; C. Benito, I.c. 21: A x x un&-bi-ii; C. ito. I.c. 25; unu 6 -R1-zu your basin?", (6.4)- fir 5 (=GIS.NU, t ), fine "flesh." C. Benno, l.c. 25, gil-mu tt "light." The numerous cryptographic writings, the omission of the decbnation (but cf. 3.10 the old form ending with -a). are indications of a Ptui-Sumerian compilation. Further Akkadian references are in the names of the birth-goddesses, s. note 35-36. ,

=

family. The man ab an dons his own family This form of marriage is known in Sumerian times. 19 A more rational approach to the mythological terms is excluded. There is no opposition between the marriage form on the one hand an d the division mentioned in 1.3 on the other h an d. Nammu is divided into An = heaven and Ki = earth. Heaven an d earth are not children of Enki, who dwells inside the house of the earth He sometimes goes to heaven where he takes his place in the assembly with the other gods). At this point of the narrative myth we have a triad of gods Nammu = An, Nammu = Ki, and Enki, the husband of Ki as his name indicates. It is only with Nammu = Ki that Enki begets children, their offspring being the myriads of gods, the srarsrara. The mythology of Nippur is quite different. Three gods are preexistent: An = heaven, Enlil = the god who embraces a ll , and Ninbursag = the mistress of the first mount and temple. No division is necessary. The cult preexists with the gods. Enki, the god of the sweet waters, and Sin, the moon-god are born of Ninbursag. Enki in turn fathers all other gods in later Sumerian mythology?' He creates the Anunna the gods who through later multiplication become the myriads of gods. It seems that the mythology of Eridu is older than that of Nippur, but we are unable to indicate the date. We do not know if there was a pre-Sumerian name for Enki21 or if Nammu is of Sumerian o rigin. We may accept the indications of the high age of the cult of the

18. J. van Dij lc, 1.c. 25: nam-nir-du„'-ii "in marriage"; C. Benito, l.c.: nun-nit-PA-k "in marriage( 1 )." The authors follow text F: nam-dam-i''è, "in ma rn age." nee-b4 is an Akkadian word, with the Sumerian abstract element nam- preceeding, and with the Sumerian postposition. We derive the word from the root eribu "to enter," cf nèrrbu "entrance." A poetic shortening seems possible. 19. The entrance marnage is known from the text of Gudea, Stat. B 7.44-46. The Lipit-Fuhr law-code knows this form of marriage; E. Szlechter RA 51 ( 1 957) 76, art 34: tukumbi musses-tut éus'bar-n-na-ka i-in-ku 4 , "if the young son-in-law entered into the house of the father-in-law, . . ." Th e father-in-law is called in Sumerian mussy-gal "the great father-in-law." In Akk we find: ê mum rab4m and èmum sebrum. "the great/young father-in-law." The term of the younger disappears later on. Th e entering man replaces the Ether of the bride Th e corresponding law paragraph of the Hammurabi code, 7.4 (5 130), does not speak any more of the entrance of the future husband, but only of the girl living in the house of her father as long as the contracted marnage (of children) is not yet Coflssrmuc ed. We may accept the compilation of the present form of the myth at the latest in the 19th century, hefore this form of marriage suns abandoned. zo. Enki is named in Gudea Stat. B 8.47: du„-ga-zi-da-ke 4 "the one of the princely word.' The myth of manna and. Enki attributes to Enki all knowledge of human crafts. Enki is the wise god of Sumerian mythology, but there are no specific creation tasks in most of the texts coming mainly from the Nippur tradition.We find afterwards Apsu (=Enki') in the Enuma Bit as the father of the great gods. In the myth of Atnmhasis, Enki is the lord of the Apsis. opposed to haven. He is in possession of the earth and its creatures.

Nammu and Enki

mother-goddesses and the matriarchal structures of social life We learn finally that the laws of the primeval period were also divided in heaven and earth. The earthly laws are equal to the laws of mankind. The myriads of gods need provisions to eat and to drink, 22 an d receive pay for their labor, for which they work hard. The subject of the second half of the strophical unit is the work of the gods. They are worshiping^ 3 and the young gods hold the tankard. 24 They are digging canals, piling the soil up on the reed.^ 5 As the work seems too 26 hard, the gods complain to Nammu. The second strophic unit has only two sentences, 2.17; 8-12. 27 Enki and Nammu are the subject of these sentences. There is no place for r. is, which is an interruption of the narration. 28 The text is in very well preserved except for the gloss passed into ve rs e 2.3.29 We learn some epithets of Enki cf. strophe 4. t-7. The text tells us that Enki lives inside the house of Nammu, referring to The UD.GAL.NUN texts attested at Abu-$ä1a- bikh give another orthography for Enki: UD.GAL.IRi. cf. note 17, 6.3, and Gudea cyl. A 23 3o for eridu = URUxA, instead of NUN. This may be a preSumerian language The men who built E ri du for the first time in the 6th millennium were certainly not Sumerians. We do not know if the Sumenan name d en-lei "lord of the earth” is a Sumerian transla tion or interpretation of older names. 22 V. note 17 to 6.3 for the omission of TE.iRI.RI - bi-s'è. The kurum6-provisions for the gods a re in fact the lambs offered to make the hepatopsy. 23. The text reads: kin-gi al-su e -ge-8, J van Dijk, I.c. "surveillaient le travail"; C. Benito l.c. 35 "they stood at their tasks." As the verb su g -g means "to stand' and describes the attitude of praying before the gods, the verb does not have any object kin-gis "at the work' is a later addition. The description of the hard work of the gods starts at 1.8. 24. S. note 17, 1.7, 3.12 for ter-bum. As the context of a cult ceremony is assured by the word, we have to imagine the scenes on the reliefs of Umanle or other representations of this ti me, where the youngest and the smallest hold a jug. 25. The text reads: lJA RA LI, cf J van Dijk, 1.c. 27 note 67a, "netherworld"; C. Benito, Lc. 35, 48, 'dust." I refer to AHw s.v. urullu Ii "a kind of reed," which would be the normal description of digging canals. It seems possible that a later copyist changed to yA. RA.LI/arallu by a mythologizing of the story. 26. Some omissions are to be noted in 1.8-12. C. Benito, I.c. 22, 1.1o. Th e harmonization of the verbal forms im-V-ene necessitates changing am-ma-gar-re-ne to im-gi-gar-re-ne in the re stitution of the original form. The forms starting with àm- a re post-Sumerian. S. AHw and CAD s v. bagânr for the Sumerian equivalent. inim gisU N "to banha:Mu, , s. C. Benito, I c 48, s -ur gi. The words for ur 5 crush to grind" are transitive. We add kin-gi "the work" which was erroneously placed in 1.6. 1.8, 1. io speak of the same gods as 1.6-7. The pronoun of the collective -bi seems necessary. 1.12 is a subjective restitution based on 2.11 and on the fact that Nammu in 2.8-12 brings the tears of the gods to Enki. The complaint of the gods in direct speech is missing. but not indispensable. S. also 1. 15 and note 28. 27. Cf note 9. Even if the two parts of the strophic units are not marked by sentenc es , but by ideas of one logical unit the sections are found in all strophes alternately 5-7. 7-5 except 3.1-6 6-12. imCf.) van Dijk, E c. 25: Im pà-p5 dè, C. Benito, I.c. 22: 28. pl-pl-ne One should read sm-pa-pa-di . in the second half of the line duplicate texts 1A and tEl differ. The citation of the speech within the vene should be isolated. i accept 2 corrupt text, S. note 26 above to 1.12. 21.

205

the entrance marriage. His sleep is paralleled to the sleep of Enlil in the deluge stories. Enki is the reposing busband of Nammu after all work seems to be done He is named lu "man " an d by way of affection dumu "boy" or "son ' of Nammu. 36 The third strophe includes the supp li cation of Nammu The text is in the eme-sal dialect, which determines the unit. The section inside the strophic unit is exceptional after the sixth ve rs e. The text is poorly preserved and textual restorations are necessary. Repetitions will help to restore the text. 31 Nammu is of higher rank than Enki, both in the entrance marriage an d in their mother/son relationship. it is evident that Nammu's petition is, in reality. an order to Enki, and he executes the words of Nammu immediately. Since the Sumerian cult cannot imagine an action without the preceding omen research, the lamb of the hepatopsy is slaughtered. 32 Enki is the ban?-priest the mas-iu-gïd-gid, the haruspex. There is a great concentration of epithets of Enki. A correspondence with the 33 nine birth-goddesses seems likely The creation of men from clay is well attested in later Babylonian myths, e.g. in the Enuma Elif. The later version of our myth, 2 F an d I A 32a, evidently speaks of this mythological event. But as 5 4 an d 6 2 tell the quite natural story of birth from the womb of Nammu, I p re fer to see the birth as o ri ginal and the formation of clay 34 as a later Nippur tradition

29. a-sur-n "where water flows" corresponds to a-b ùnt = l6givrûqu. The gloss 3.v. r heaven," cf AHw fa "the mu-i ru-qu-4-tum ing an interpretation to engur-bùn "the far, deep well' is either an aid to transla ti on or a parallel to heaven and earth divided in primeval times. 3o. Th e appellative seems to be in contradiction to the abovementioned marriage. Nammu only becomes the primeval mother, not re her son is the second generation. Certainly myths a Enki as consequent but change from one aspect to the other. There might also be the influence of the Nippur religion where Enki is a god of the second generation and equal to Sin. 3t. E propose to read du-mu-mu, 3.3 and 3.n. following 3.7. Three times the vocative seems symbolic. I restore zi-ga "arist " 3.7 following 3.3-4. The signs in rA z2b: zi-bi, may be zi-ga', or lei-nù-z(u) (z)i-bi, as in B 1 lob: [i-bi) rites-al-la = igi-gSi-b indicates. ù restored following 3.3. n? -bi and note 66. C. Beni3.6: J. van Dijk, l.c. 25 this might be an unusual Readi r W. E.c. 23: x-gù-bi the work is in fact di ._ writing for kin-ga-bi "their canals and making their banks. gù "bank" may be a later interpretation23, 54: J. van Dijk, E.c. bar-kù nigin, but C. Benito, Lc. 32, nisi!-kù nfgin. He reads in the second half of the line: TAR. E propose: mil-kù-le. I read sila and refer to AHw, CAD s v- saiàtu II 'to cut" for the verb. 33. The name of Enki and his function as bard-priest is lowed by seven other epithets. I propose dingir after in-tan. other names of Enki are found in 4.10-I t, rf one read: clingir sepafound in the myth: Enki 1 grins rc rately, Five names of Nammu a dagal - li - bi-ra! lti dingir / dumu-ni-te-na / mud-far-tar mud-medi. Narnrtt: / arras-pyhl / ilium / ymes / hipfirdingir-c-ne It might be that this symbolic number cvirespottdy tea the pentad of the Nippur Sumerian pantheon 34• S. rote t7 to 5 4-

206

HERBERT SAUREN

Special attention should be given to the birth-goddesses. Their number is nine so we have two Ninbara's, which may be an a ll usion to the nine months of pregnancy. But there is more involved. Many of these goddesses' names include Akkadian words. 35 Some refer to the evolution of the child in the womb, 36 others are known from temple rites. 37 A magical ceremony around the child-bed of a highly important woman may be the model of our text. 38 Magical an d medical behavior are close to one another.

35• Nin -ma-da, s. minim "land"; Nin-imma 3 , cf emmu "hot" and w rqu "fresh '; run-han = telitu, cf. pamkku "dais" and bard "to make the hepatopsy"; Nin -muga = dgasan-mug = dam -di- gum-ke4. S. C. Benito l.c. 58. As Nrnmab is not identical with any of the great goddesses of Nippur an association with m4ba "ecstatic prophet" seems possible. 36. Nin -gùn -na, s. On "color," Nin -imma, s. note 35, sar-sardus , cf. sororat "red paste." 37. S. G. Petturato, Ôlueaiusagung 47, The position of the priest and the instruments of the rites are in an easterly position. As môtum land" stands for the west, bin bora, (s. note 35) and other names may indicate directions and the rite of omens. 38. The number 8 with Ntnmab at the head permits the sugge stion of a magical square around the bearing woman.

Nammu and Enki

The last strophe tells of the birth of man (6.1-3) and woman (6.4-7). Parallelism aids us in restoring the text. 39 After the birth, Nammu determines the destiny 6.3 and 6 7 are the words of Nammu. 4° The man is like Enki, the male god, who engenders life. The destiny of the woman is birth. Men are like the gods, as the creation is like the earthly birth of children. The myth concludes with a feast — after the work is done, after the children are born, their names having been assigned and their destinies determined. A feast was usual after the offering ceremonies in the temple, and certainly too on the day of birth of a newborn child. We are celebrating a remarkable anniversary in this old tradi ti on. My warm congratulations go to my colleague, Bill Hallo, for his new period of life. May he be joyful like Enki over the work he has accomplished.

39. a F 39 remains doubtful as there is no correspondence to the Old Babylonian version. 40. The text z B shortens the text. The additions made for the purpose of the poetical reconstruction do not change the sense. •

K 171 and K 4932

208

HERBERT SAUREN

FROM THE BOOKSHELF OF A PROFESSIONAL WAILER Aaron Shaffer Hebrew University

BM 85563 1 is an Old Babylonian tag catalogue which was once attached to a basket of tablets According to the colophon, the collection consisted of seven composidons in thirty-nine tablets, collectively designated as ama-ér-ra-ku-tim la DINGIR.MAI3 i.e. titles which served professional mourners and wailers, in this case the cult of Bêlet-ili. It is the first documentation for the repertoire of this ritual behavior, often mentioned in Mesopotamian sources. 2

TRANSLITERATION I. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

9. IO. I I. I2.

2 DUB

ar-ba -ni la is-bu-4 li -a-ni

4 IM.GID DA a ù -li -la li-la bi-el-le bi-ku4 4 IM.GID DA 4-u8 bt -is-sà [7 I]M.GID DA a-bu-la-ap-ta in-na-id 7 IM.GID DA ar-ba-ni . a r--bu-ti li -a-ni 8 IM.GID DA du-ul -li bi-tim 6 IM.GID DA dial a-lam I IM.GID DA ù-u8 im-me ù-u 8 im-me 2 DUB 37 IM.GID DA

ama-ér-ra-ku-tim la DINGIICMAIJ TRANSLATION

I. 2 tablets: "Like a cow which roared like a bull." 2. 4 one-column tablets: "Alas! Song of Woe! It has become a devastated haunted place." 3. 4 one-column tablets: "Woe! Her temple!" 4. [7 one]-column tablets: "Her mercy is praised!" 5. 7 one-column tablets: "Like a cow which roared like a bu ll ." 6. 8 one-column tablets: "The duties of the house." 7. 6 one-column tablets: "I consulted the city." 8. I one-column tablets: "Woe!, she says. Woe! she says " 9. 2 tablets to. 37 one-column tablets of I I. The Art of Wailing" 12. (in the cult) of Belet-ili. ,

K 171t and K 4932

BM 8 556 3

of the n^ I . Published here with the permission of the Trustees British Museum. 2. See the dictionaries under key words such as bak4, sapâdu, sanihu with their derivative, as well as lallant etc.; Some Sumerian passages are given by CAD s v ama mi. The correct form of the latter o ama'irakku (or aman ukku) as shown by the writing in the code below; cf also Silly p. 173.

2I0

AARON SHAFER

COMMENTARY

Line is This difficult title, repeated in line 5 below, seems best understood by resorting to 'Farber's Morpheme , whereby in Old Babylonian -âni can function as -ânisr with the meaning ' like." 3 3. Demonstrated by Walter Farber in Zikir S'umim ed. G. van Driel, et al. (Leiden, 1982), pp. 37-47.

Line 2: ù 3 -li-la• cf. ii-li-li = lallamtu 'c ri es of wailing," and the colophon of manna and Bilulu ONES 12 [ 1 953) p. 178 line 187): ù-lil-lâ dinanna-kam bi-d-le; for pe -el-la cf J Krecher, SKLy pp. miff.

THE APE FROM THE MOUNTAIN WHO BECAME THE KING OF ISIN Ake W. Sjöberg

University of Pennsylvania

A letter from Ibbisin of Isin to Puzumumusda, t the ensi of Kazallu, men tions Isbierra, a man from Ma ri , "that ape who has come down from its mountain" (" "z ugu4 bi kur-bi-ta e 11 -de3 , line 162), whom Enlil has elevated to the status of shepherd (nam-sipa) over the l an d of Sumer (line 17) and given the kingship of the land even though he is not of Sumerian o rigin: numun-kien-gi-ra nu-me-a (line 19). It is remarkable that Ibbisin indirectly corroborates the legitimacy of Isbierra's sovereign authonty: fbierra has Enlil's suppo rt (lines 21-24): "Father Enlil, whose commands have to be kept, has commanded thus: 'As long as the evil enemies .. in Ur, 1. Texts: CBS 14224 (PBS 13, 3); CBS 1423o (PBS 13, 6); CBS 7772 (Barton MBI 9); CBS 6895 (STVC 1o2)+(All Letters pl. xxxv, catchline only); PRAK 2 C to; Ni.4o61+Ni.4188 (iSET 3, 118-119); Si 557 (unpuhl. copy by Geers), OIM A 7475 (unpubl.); MM 1039 (unpubl.; M. Civ il ); Edition: A. Falkenstein, ZA 0, doff (using the publ. texts) t ra nslations: S.N. Kramer in ANET p. 480; also in his The Swmcrians pp. 334£; CI Wilcke, ZA 6o pp 601 (lines 15-28). New edition by P. Michalowski in his forthcoming Royal Conespondence. 2. Cf. mu di-bi a -dEN.ZU Lugal-uri»-min °Nugu r bi-dugud kur-bi mu-na-e-n "the year when the heavy ape (from) the mountain struck ibbism, the King of Ur' (= Ibbisin year 23). According to Cl Wikke (ZA 6o, 6o footnote 2o), "the heavy ape" refers in this year date to the Elamites. Is it excluded to suggest that this year date might refer to an attack by Ilhierra on Ibbisin at the end of the latter's reign? If the "heavy ape (from) its mountain" in Ibbisin year 23 refers to the Elamite ruler then Iibiem, "the Ape from its mountain," is compared hy ibbisin to the Elamite ruler. In the text treated here Isbterra is said to have been brought from the but-rag "mountain," "foothills" by Enlil (A i to): den-lil,-k sul-zi-da-ni hursa[g-tia mu-un-cum, c£ also JOE 30, 198:4?-5': 'if-bi-n'çm x [.. .] hur-sag-t[a ... ] . For "ugur bi as an invective see further JCS 2.4 107, 1.3. "S"'ugus -bi kur-hi (var. as`ugu r bi) kur-bi umul nu-sa a galga-bi suh 3 -a "an ape (from) its mountain (whose) judgment is not good, whose advice is confining"; dim es ma-"pugurbi "with the intelligence (instincts) of an ape" Two Sc ri bes 76 (SLTNi 116:25 and duple.); also Enkitalu and Enkihegal toi (TuM NF 3 42 ïi r7 and duple.); za-e dim,-nu-zu chin a -ma-ur''ugu 4-bi galga-zu galga-ur-gi,n-ka NBC 7 80 5: 2 9 (quoted by Civil in JCS 21 37 comm. on line 26) c£ further dun,-itu-lu a-u,s -lu galga-ur-ra uktin-"ruguc bi "with human ins ti nc ts , (but) canine intelligence, and an ape's features" (describing the Guteans) Curse of Agade 156; dins ; rru-urra-gin.? ("of a dog', twin Hilt. Inst. B v 26, describing the Amorites; finally in the Letter from ibbisin to Puzumumua 24: ht,-ma a ` H ke, galga-ur-re (fin -ra) "the one from Mari with the intelligence of a dog. ' referring to Mien*.

Isbierra from Mari will tear out its foundations and measure out Sumer (as grue)'. " 3 Even the defection of ours of cities to Iibierra is in accordance with Enlil's word. 4 But at the end of this letter, Ibbisin predicts Isbierri s end:

lui maZ ri2ki-ke4 galga-ur-re nain -en na -an- na -ak-e 1

2 2-tab-mu ima kur-bi-ta den-111 2 mar-due -ne-eg 3 ma-û

elamb n 3 mu - un -tag-ge u 3 dig-bi-er3 -ra mu-un^1'b-be e un ki-bi gi4 gi4-de3 nam- kali-ga kur-kur-ra be y -enzu-zu

"the one from Ma ri , he with the intelligence of a dog, will not exercise the lordship. Now, Enlil, my helper, has caused the Amontes to rise up from their land, They will repulse the Elamites and take Isbiem captive, The inhabitants returning, the might will become known in all ]ands." 5 The "pro-Isbierra text" that I treat in this volume honoring my old friend B ill Hallo on the occasion of his 65th birthday consists of seven k1-ru-gu y 's (the sixth is the lost part of text D (ISET i, p. 187:1' [ki-ru]-gu 2 -6[kam-ma-am 3 ))), followed by eight lines = the seventh kiruga, assuming this text belongs to "Isbierra A" (as it S called in M. Civil's forthcoming Catalogue). In the text, Isvbierra is acclaimed u the on of Enlil (A I 3 t; i 18 1 ; i 21'), i.e. he claims the sovereign authority over Nippur (c£ Cl. Wilcke, ZA 6o, p. 59; 61); e 2-kur is mentioned in A in 5 (however, in a broken context). A iii 14, where aga-2i-maX}-u 4 -su; -DU (reading is almost certain) is mentioned in connection with Ilbierra, might dib-be,-da en-na urib-rna du. r ,b -ke 4 subui-bi ba-bulu,-erim, -la mu-un- ri -a d re b-en-gi be,-a6, - e urs , u tukun-bi erw; suu-cl r i t-g+r-re-en-ssecen uum 4 hl,-la,-ta âi-s ►1 -w ï1 - bal -e-el-a (lines 25-26). 5. (36.) Falkenstein (we footnote r) "Barn wird mir rut Seite und ITbs'ern fingen"; Kramer (footnote 1) "they (the Amontes) sad capture Ishbi-Er a" @reknbk down die E -tag = ssk+ip". A• den-ld,

AKE W SJOBERG

2I2

refer to a coronation in Nippur, since A iii II has [... dni]n-lily 1a2 "... of Ninlil ' which may refer to an epithet of the king. 6 His capital is hin, the "axis (between) heaven and earth" (bulug-an-ki A i iii), where his throne (bara2) is established (A i These references suggest that this text may have been recited upon Igbierra's accession to the throne. Elam is mentioned twice in the preserved text: A ii 24 (kur ela[m ...]) and A iv 24 (elamki [...]), certainly referring to Iibierra's struggle against the archenemy For Ebierra having inherited this war with Elam from Ibbisin, note Ibbisin year 9: mu di-bii dEN.ZU lugal uriyk' -make4 bu-ub2 -nu-rik' KA-BAD-ma-da-an-ga-anks-ge 3 (var. elamk'-) a 2-dugud ba-gi-in-DU "the year when Ibbisin, king of Ur, .. massive power to/against blubnuri, the ... 7 of the land of As"nan (var. Elam)"; cf. also Ibbisin year 14 (defeat of Susa, Adamdum, and Awan). Elamite invaders are mentioned in the Lamenta ti on over Sumer an d Ur (for instance, lines 166; 172; 2 54; 2 57; 261; 401; 405) In A iv 22 we find gu-ti-umki, but in a broken context. The Guteans continue to be mentioned in later sources around the Ur III period• in RIA 3, 715, Hallo refers to some royal hymns where Gutium is mentioned: numun-gu-ti-um-ma ie-sabar-ra-gin. mu-bi-bi - re-a-ta "he dispersed the seed of the Gutians like seed-grain" Sulgi D 23o (second pa rt of line restored) and 346; mada-gu-ti-um (var.-gu-ti-ma) sa-ga-bur-sag-ga z-se 3 against the land of the Gutians, the of the mountain (I ...)" -

'

Sulgi E 211f; see further Sulgi E 234: ma-da-gu-tiumki-ma gig-mu-bu-um-gin mu-GAM 'I bent down the land of the Gutians as (if it were) a mubum-tree"; cf. Sulgi B 266-267: uri be 2 -em dumu-ki-en-gi-n be y em kigu-ti-umk' lu g i-dutu be 2 -em "be he an Akkadian, be he a Sumerian or be he an oppressor from the Guti-land!" The Gutians are also mentioned in an Urnammu text: gu-ti-um" lu g kar-ke 4 gu uri 3 -na mu-du b i-dutu ka-ba um-mi-gi 4 "the bloody(?) hand of the Gutians, the plunderen, I tied" TCL 15, 12:90 (ZA 53, 120). Hallo (RIA 3, 715) suggests that in the later sources about the Ur III 6. Cf S3öberg, Orsuec 21, 1091. on coronations in Nippur, Uruk, and Ur during the Ur III Dynasty. 7. Copy UET 1, 292 has KA-MU-; UET 3, 1383 rev. 7-8 has, however, KA-BAD-ma-da-an-a-ane - le i (text in I ra q Museum, not collated). KA-MU (KA-BAD') in the Ibbisin year date has often been corrected to sag"-kul'-; sag-ku1 = sikkiru "bolt," 'bar," see RA 57. 1 73; JCS 30. 197. Cf. JCS 3o, 193 it 24-25: a-n-wab sag-kul-elasnrma u4 -e 3 -tal za s -mar-ba-jie u 4 -iu,-ie 3 ]; van Dijk reads there KA.MU-, but original has clearly sag-kul- (see also ZA 72, 24o note t 1; for the geographic location of Arwa see Steinkeller, ZA 72 2446); set also UET 3, 1685:4-5 ki-ma-du, sag- kul- ma da-ka ie 3 . for the land Ebib as sikkiir mâti see E. Reiner, RA 57, 1 73; CAD S sikkwru t e). Ms. Reiner does not accept the emendation sag-kul I bbisin year date; see also van Dijk, JCS 3o, 197. The meaning -BAD is uncertain; KA: ka might be Akk.pa, cf. AHw 8740* 4) a) "Einj*m," v Pass. En an Ur Ill royal insc ri ption (probahly of King Umammu of Ur) A 33656a ii' 2'-3' (Civil OrNS 54. 28): rg _ 1ç+1 elan a-ia yat -niFieab-na-ie t "from the great gate of Elam to the border of Susa," "the great gate of Elam" is according to Civil (OrNS 54, 3o) a variation on the theme of the "bolt" of Elan.

period the Gutians may have been substituted for newer enemies from the highlands such as the Hurrians. An Ur III royal insc ription (perhaps an Umammu insc ripti on) published by Civil in OrNS 54, 27ff. men ti ons the Gutians. ma- da'-gu-rim-umki zi-mu-darks sig-ba ugnim Id ba-ni-tag (col. iv' 4'-6'), translated by Civil as "the district of Guti and Zimudar had troops established in the South." In his commentary (p. 32) Civil suggests that the verb ki-tag implies that the settlements were intended to be permanent; these lines might then refer to a Gutian invasion. Col. ii' 4' mentions gu2 tar-la g dumu-gu-timum-ma "Gutarla, the Gutian" in a difficult context. Invading Gutians are mentioned in the Lamenta ti on over Sumer and Ur (lines 75 "Enlil then sent down the Gutians from the mountain"; 146; 230; 489). Ti-id-nuumk' occurs in A in 5, unfortunately in a broken context. The struggle with Tidnum (Tidanum) is mentioned in Susin Hist. Inscr. iii 36 - iv I (Civil, JCS 21, 3o an d Wilcke, NABU 1990, 25f. (33)): mar-du e 1[u2 ' ti-idnu-[um]lkl i ia3 -a-ma-d[i3 -um]-[x im-ma-da-U[D DU-d] lugal-b[1] me 3 kn-g[en-ba x ]in,-m[a-na-d]a-r[i]-es [a z den]-lily [lugal-n]a-ta [me 3 gen-gen]-ba [aga 3 -kar2 biz si3-si3 ] "the Amorites who ..., Tidnum, and Jamadium went out (to battle) their kings ... (but) with the strength of Enlil his lord, he (Susin) defeated them in combat and battle." Cf. bad 3-mar-due u3 mu-ri-tq-ii-idni-im, RGTC 2, p. 30 sub Didnum. See further Letter of Lugalnisag to a King 2:4 ti-id-nu-umki-e gu biy in-gar s"iblr-bi mu-un-dab s -bey (var. UET 6/2, 173 IV II has PIRIG.PIRiG-num, i.e. tidnum; var. omits determinative) "he (the king) who avenged(?) Tidnum an d 'took its staff (its rule)." Tidnum is also mentioned in Lamentation over Sumer and Ur 256 ti-id-nu-umki-e u4 suZ ug gig-middu z a ury -ra ba-ni-in-gar "the Tidnumites daily strapped the mace to their loins", cf also line 488. 8 TEXTS A: CBS 14022 (STVC 62+STVC 63); STVC 62• see

+ Ni.99ox (ISET + Ni.9957 (ISET

213

The Ape from the Mountain who Became the King of bin

Römer SKIZ pp. 83ff. p 210) pp.83f.

I,

pl. 55) Two column tablet; originally perhaps contained entire composition. See pp. 221-222. CBS 14022 collated.

2,

B: Ni.4390 (ISET I, p. 150) Fragment of a two column tablet. i = A i 18'; ii = A ii 5'; ii-iv unplaced. C: UM 2 9-16- 454 F ra gment of an originally two-column tablet; only

-

8. For PHRIG.PiRIG/UG.UG = tïdrazun, (tidnwm) sec E. Gordon Sumerian .Proverbs, p. 53 0 .

2'. x rx] [...] x x-un-iar 2-ra 3'. x x [...]-e nig 2 - si-sa 2 pa e # '-darn bea-a rx x' 4' • munus-zi dnin-li[I 2 ...] [x' x amas

obverse preserved. i unplaced; ii = A iv 9-17.

D: Ni.9784 (ISET I, p. 187) If Iibierra A, this text, of which only a small pa rt of either the obverse or the reverse is preserved, follows after A iv.

A iï

ne2 B fi 2 1 . sag-gi6 [...] / A ii 6'. ki-sikil dinanna nin UD UD gu2 e 3 1 (UD'.DU) 7'. bul-du-zu igi -te-e[n] [k]a-kei l -bi / bu-mun-ab-si-il ki - ru-gu 2 - [ x' -kam-ma-am 3

See van Dijk, JCS 3o, 190.

(About 15 fines are missing at the beginning) A i

[ . ..] ` xxxx' [...] `xxx x' 2'. [x x x] [x'-ki-en-gi-ra kur-kur -ra dul-u 3 -de 3 -an-lay ki-aga2 2 dumu den-li1 -ra rx1 -era bi du''3' na-ke 4

erim 2 -galiden-li12-1a 2 nu-k-ga gu-gar g1 4gi4 -de3 dalla gu - lub-ku 3 -ku3 -ga-ki-en-gi-ra-ke4

A 6'.

7'.

mab-e 3 -de3 dingir -gal-gal-e gu 3 ba -an-rde 2 ki nam tar-re-de 3 AS ga-mu-un-TAR nam-zi ki-en-gi-ra rx x x x' / gu ? x am3 m[i-n]i in- `gi s - en-[x] da rnun-na'-ke 4 -ne be2-am3 [b a-ni-in`ne. -es-[am 3] en [x] [x nu-kur 2 -ru dnu-nam-nir [(x)] [x KA NI ba -an-SUM den-li12 s"ul-zi-tu-da-ni *bur - *sa[g-t]a muun-tum 2 ia -mu-ni-in-ku 4 bulug-an-ki-ka sipa-[(zi)ka]lam-ma-ge 3 rga 31-13 -si-i[n]R1r-na-ka ban 2 ni 2 gu r[u '-

-

8'. 9'.

A i to'. I I'.

]

-

8'.

Bi

dif-bi-n3 -r rig x x (x)'

12'.

rd1 d-bi-n

3 -[ra ...]

(4 lines are broken away)

A ii 17'. d f- bi-[er 3 -ra ...] 18'. ba-ba -i1 2 rx] [.. 19', dif-bi-e[r2 -ra ...] A ii 20'. ba-ba- [li ...] 2I'. dif-bi-[er2 -ra ...] 22'. r nir' x [...] 23'. dif-b[i-n3 -ra ...] 24'. kur ela[m ...] (no tr A ii 25'. di[f-ln- era -ra .. J 26'. x [...] .]

of elan, in Chi 's ropy)

27'.

*fin/ 4 lines are broken

A iii

5. rti- idt-nu-rum Li' u2-3 /4-kam'in,-a2ct ki6. e2 -kur-re rx' [..

.]

7. -bi-rer3 '- [ra .1.] 8. rX X' 9. `x] E. .] A ln w. [...]

[...]

L••• 12. [... ]-[e' du7

II.

I...J-ur-sag-gay 14. dit-bi-er3 -ra [x x] [x1 '3.

DU

A iii t 5. x-`x' rx' dul 4' (x x] en u-u[n]-pa 3 -d[ en

(Rest of the tablet broken away)

A i 20'. [x x x x]-`ge\-en g83 mu-e- r duto' 21'. [x xxxxx dumu]- den-liI2 b2 me-en r be x] xxxxx x-bi x 22' [x y- n x x x x x x sipa]-zi-un-gar 23'. [x (lin broken) A i;

nam - nun-na

be-me -en 004 -gala-bi-im 9', en nam-nun-na-ni Jana A ii Io'. dif-bi•n3 -`ra' I...] `x x x' I I'. me-ki-en-gi-r[a ...]

iii

13 1 . [x x x (x)] ia 3 ' [nb ? du 11 -ga-zi [...] 14'. [x x x]-na-ka mu-ni-i[n-.. ] 15'. [x x x] ki-ru-gu 2 -I-kam -ru 2 x] [x'-mab-a-ni na-me nu-kur A i t6'. [x x B i I. [x x x x]-r„rab-a \ -ni na-me nukur2 -rru' A i 17'. [x x x glu nu-te-ga 2 -dam B i 2'. [x x x gu] nu - te-ga y -darn' ki-ru-gu 2 -2-kam A ki - ru - gu2 -da-2'-kam' B m[u-e-t]e dumuden3 x xJ-`x'-ge-en ga A i 18'. [x 1i1 2-122 mu-e-te / [...] 3 x x x].-`ge'-en ga [x Bi 3 . x [...] A i I9'. [x x x x x x] *ugu-bi be 2 -me-en

5'. sag-gi6 un-zi-ga[1 2 ...] bu-mu-n-ni-i

u

22. 23.

1 . .J- r X1 [...] IX X is

Moi w SJÖBERG

214

A iv

1. [x x] [z]a3 -an -ki kur ku-su r-ra2 -as ma]}-a-ni tug2 < -gin7> bi2 - in-duls 2. [x x] x' nam-ur-sag gal-di-bi u 5 -a diri-bi 3. [dib bi]-er3 -ra-`ra' sag-e-es mu ni-in -rig? 4. [x x x] lugal -e-ne mab-me-en 5. [x x] but-du crim2 mes -mas e-ne-ra us" r r sum-mu 6. [x] 'x' gaba-ri-bi lu2 nu-e 3 su - ni-se3 sa -muun -gar 7. [x]-na u 4-dam ki-bal-a erim 2 mu-na-abtu r 1 -be2 8. [x (x)]-2-ni gu 2 bi2-ga12 -1a numun u 2-gin 7 im-ri-ri A ki-ru-gu 2 - 5 - kam- ma-am 3 B ki-'ru'-[gu 2- ...](ki- at the beginning of line) 9. [dim bi]-n3 -ra mi-ni-in-pa3 kur-kur-ra namnun- kalam -ma-ie 3 (the re are traces of signs -

iv

A iv

za-a 'x x x' [...] (remainder broken away) iv. If. 'si3'-1ce 'si3'-Ice [...] [x' gu2 gu2-e' 2-la -e''2-ga1 '2-gaI2-la [...] ku4 ku4 [...] [x1 uL su' duz 5 1 . [...1 he- den-fix-ha [...] [x' -da [••J-lei (traces) (remainder broken away)

Text D (follows A iv) [ki-ru]-guz 6- [kam-ma-am3 ] [...] [x' su-ki-en-gi mu-u[n-...] [...] [nig21 -ul pa biZ ruD].[Du] [...] `suh 3 '-a kaskal bul-mu 2 [...] [...] si irn-mi-in-sa 2 rx] [...] [...] [x' ?(?) kur-kur-r[a' ...] [...] x x ab -sum-m[u' ...] [disr-bi-e]r3 -ra sul Large pa r [da ] [... n]am-nir-ra 'x] [...]

beneath mi- ni-in-)

C ii I'-z'. di. bi-e[r3 -ra ...] nam-nun-kal[amma-se 3] [ 0-g]' 4 -ga1 2 -bi-im A B gis -gi4 -ga12 -b[i-im] A iv Io. [dgir # -r]a-gin7 'x x x' dub 2 -ba -na C ü 3'. dgir 3 -ra-gin 7 'x] [..] / bad 3 [...] A iv i i. [...] 'rise 12. [. 'x' [•••J C i 4'. un-e' ambar-r[a ...] A iv 13. d' il br-er3'-ra nir 'x' [...] den-li1 2 -122 -'kan

(remainder broken away)

..]

C

The Ape from the Mountain who

(lin omitted)

A iv 14. diJkur-gin 7 erim 2 -n ha-Tani-dui-dui C ii 5'. disrkur-gin 7 [...] A iv t 5. Ji-im-sub 3 -e lui bul-du ping-bus' rx x' 'gal2'-le C ii 6'. ii-im-sub i -e [.. A / 'x x' [. A iv 16. trïm - an- ku 3 -ga-u it ga[1 y] [x] 'x' x'_x C ii 7'. utim-an-k[u 3 -gas..] A iv 17. dil bi-er3 -ra sul-zi den-112 2e' [x' -x-e-NE C ii 8'. dif- rbr'-[eri -ra ...] / dein-lil2 .. I A iv t8. a2 - sum-ma- d nu-nam-ni[r-n .. A b12 -in-du i , 19. dil- bi -era -ra dumu * 12 3 - *bui2 -*1[a ..] in-PA' 20 s'uI nam-gu 2 -ka-n(i ...] 21. dil- bi-tr3 -ra-ar x [...] nig2 x [...] 22. gar- ti-umiii 'x] [...] dd bi-e[r clam 25. d[d bi-n Text B (iSET t, I So Ni 4390) ii and iv ri pa-un-lare-r[a .. ENKAR *U.ENKAR me hi un-e gu4-0/17 u[sa-as-a Jul za-a rum e 'x' [...] to slu-a slpa . lei-err-gs :J .]

...]

16. His great .... no one can change, cannot be approached. 17. It is the second kirugu. i8.

19. 20. 21. 22.

23.

you(?) have appeased the heart, son of Enhl , you are their .. . , you have made the heart happy, , son of Enlil, , you are their .... , the true shepherd of the numerous people.

,

2'

3'. 4'. 5'. 6'. 7'.

u o«?) the numerous people, letting justice appear, indeed! (her) domain, The true woman Ninlil she has made secure [the dwelling places(?)] for(?) the li ving, black-headed people. The young woman Inanna, the lady, who is clothed in magnificent . . . . your evil enemy, whose troops she has broken up for you.

of Sumer, covering all lands, 3 • Is"bierra, ..., son of Enlil, beloved one of An. 4. He is wreaking venge an ce on Eniil's disobedient enemies, 5. he is proclaiming grandly the pure .fulub-rites of Sumer, 6. the great gods .., where the fate is decreed, 7. , ...a 'good' fate in Sumer, 8. the anunna-gods give their approval, 9. the lord ... is unchangeable, Nunamnir 1o. Enlil has brought his true, young (man) down from the mountain, t t. has let him enter the Axis between heaven and earth, (proclaiming him) as the true shepherd of the land, 12. in Isis he has founded for him an awe-inspiring throne, 13. • .... , true command 14. 15. It is the first kirugw.

7. ... like(?) a storm . . ., in the rebellious country heaping up for him the enemies, (libiem's) ... has made (the enemy) to submit to him, and has picked (their) seed as (if it were) grass. It is the fifth kirugu. deity) has called upon ubierra and (elevated him) in all lands to the sovereignty of the land. to. Like Gina . .., demolishing the (enemies') walk 14. Like iskur, he overwhelms the enemy, 15. he brings him into confusion, he, the youthful one .

16. He is confident in the word of holy An, 17. iibiern, the true and youthful one, whom Enlil 18. whom Nunamnir has given power, . . •

It is the third kinrgu. 8'.

Isbiem, ... , you are indeed (a king), proud in (his) greatness.

COMMENTARY

It is its antiphony. 9'. Lord, whose greatness is manifest! 1o'. Isbiem, II'. the mé s of Sumer 12'. Isbiem ,

i. 2.

215

antiphony.

TRANSLATION (pia)

I.

the King of lsin

cent crown 14. Isbierra ... the true and off days , has strengthened the land for you, 15. O. has called upon you ... you are indeed 17. lsbierra ... from(?) his . . 18. Superior ... massive strength against the enemy, 19. giving you a scepter which leads the country, 20. far-off days .... , distributing the 'divine pow

iv. ... the outer limit of heaven and earth, his awesome radiance, like a garment, coven the mountain to (its) most remote place, 2.

3. 4. 5. 6.

• • • ,

he has bestowed upon you, Mtn. cent among(?) û1e kings. ... , you are He burns ... evil-doers and enemies, 'givi y) venom, ... rival ... no one has escaped; he into his hand,

Text A Cp. the following kur-kur -ra im-dul "whose shade c Nî.2889:17 (unpubl.); (temple) gizzu -bi kur mu-un-la g , var. dul-la for ïa-mu-un-b 1 Enid in the Ekur 79; we also ZA 49, 116 rev. 5; (tempk) iti 2-lot kur-kurn tugs -gin im-dul, "the awe of it (temple) coven all lands like a cloth" Gudea Cy!. A xxvni 6-7; xxix 18; mu RN lugal-ur ib -ma-lea `ten-id x k me-lam a ma-rar kurlam 2 m-akur-ra bi t -in-du14 lbbisin coven ni kur- kur-n dui-la g "whose awe-insp' all lands" Moorges d Biros 2574, see also MD I S7 no. 2 I II -3 2; BRM 4, 8 rev 8'; narrt -mob-zu kur-kur-ra dulhose greatness coven all lands" Letter to Nana to; mab -zu k ur-kur -re lol l -del SLTNi 61.45; 52; im-bi kur-kur-n du(I x x) "whose awesome radiance lam a -bi urucoven all lands" UET 6 /3. 2 57 • 7: a ba-ba-ab-dul za-pabi -kur-kur-ra ba-ba-ab-dul (every) city, its Roar a lts awe-inspiring sheen covered -mu kur s '; za-pa-ag Sulgi C (b) 7'Urnils" 8 covered all -re kur-kur -en-dal; -ra k kur-kur 2 be,-eb-si, van. kur (kur-kur-n) be r n Sulgi to Aradmu i:to. i 3'

i

2.

allo °nu-ram-flit -

tenus dumu-den-W eke " the be AOAT 2$, 42Πlord, the great

no

AKE W. SJOBERG

also sips-ki-agar an-den-lily-bi-da-kes "the beloved shepherd of An and Enlil" referring to Abie"sub, see Seux Épithètes royales 416; ki-aga y-an-den-lily u3 dnanna-ke4 Suililu 2:12-14. 5'. dalla mah e 3 (where nub would correspond to Akk. sins') is also attested in Enlil's Cha ri ot 10: gis-sukarr zu dalla mab im-e 3 and PBS 5, 68 (CBS 12694) ii I2'-13' (royal insu. Ur III, OB copy see AK) 19, 2f. note 26; collated): garza gu-ta g[ub-ba] dalla nub U[D. Du]. i

7'. The two first signs of the indented line are somewhat uncertain; copy has su ma, reading da (not ma) is a possibility. to'. suI-zi (-tar- following -zi might be a scribal error) referring to Igbierra is found also in text A iv 17'; referring to Gudea in Gudea Cyl. A iii 5; B ii 3; ref to Urnammu in SRT 11:344 43; 49; JCS 20, 139:6, text A, text B has dsul-gi(!), sul-zi-i1 2 kur-gal-la referring to Suilis"u in ZA 63, 5 no. 157 (+ Studies Syiberg 307:105); sal-zi referring to Siniddinam in JCS 19, 6:41. In our text s"ul referring to Isbierra: our text A iv 15; A iv 20; B iii 4' D 7'; further BiOr 23, 243 I. 3a:17; 32. The statement that Isbierra was brought down from the 'mountain' (bur-sag) seems to be attested also in JCS 3o, I9 8 :4'-5': dif-bi-er 3 -ra x E...] bur-sag-4a ..] —another Iibierra text divided into kirugu's an d in a historical context. I

i i i'. For bulug-an-ki "the axis (between) heaven and earth" as referring to the city of !sin see PSD B 174f 4 I (where this line is quoted); also PSD B p. 175 Bilingual A i 17' (= B i 2'). Cp. the following passages: kul-ab 4 an-gin7 s'u nu-ti "Kulab, like heaven it cannot be touched" OIP 99, p. 47 Zame Hymns 27-28; e, an-giri.^ su nu-te-ga y = bi-tum fa ki-ma AN qa2 -tum la i-te-bu-[u 2] "the house (temple) which, like heaven, cannot be touched by a hand ' Acta Sum. 12, 8 re v. 3'; ki-dingiru3 -m-za an-gin , siu nu-te-ga y Enki an d the World Order 196 "your (...) where the gods are born, cannot, like heaven, be touched by a hand" bur-sag-sukud-DU ss"u nu-te-ga c ec -kis-nu-gal 2 Ia ' the lofty, untouchable 'mountain', Ekisnugal Lamentation over Ur 242; cp. also UET 6/1, iii a 7-8; an-gal-su 3 -DU-gin7 su ti-ga nuum-zu "like the great, remote heaven, nobody) knows how to approach it" TCL 15, 18 i 8; den-lil i le' ni z ria-zu su ti-ga r nu-um-ni-a TCL 15 18 ii 4; nam-mabzu rig2 s'u nu-te-ga y -dam "your greatness is unapproachable" ZA 63 13 no. 2:5'. A i 18' (= B i 3' also A i 20') sa 3 -te = ga-te-en "to appease one's heart, ' "to calm down," Akk. hbba pullubu. A i 23'. Cp. text B iii r' sipa-un-sar c -r[a] referring to Isbierra. A ii 3' Urnamrnu: nis i -si-sa e -e pa-e 3 bii ak nig2bra-dar er TCL 15, 12.38 (ZA 53,119); Cf. lugal pa-e 3 . ak-a-me-en Lipitestar A 105 rigs -si;

say urudu-gin7 pa bit ib-e3 "he has let justice appear, (gleaming) like copper" (Ismedagan) UM 29-16-549 rev. u 4 (unpubl.); dutu nig csi-say nigi ul-e pa bit DU OrSuec 19-20, 148 no 4:56; and cf nig i si-sa y kalam-ma dalla ba-e-e 3 Enlilbani A 57-58. A ii 5' (= B it i'). Cp. sag-gi b ki-tug-ba ge-en-ge-ne 2 "to make secure the black-headed (people) in their dwelling-place" Finkelstein Memorial Vol. 191:7o; un Idtug-ba bic in-ge-en Enki an d the World Order 51. A ii 6'. van Dijk, JCS 3o, 190 (3.): ki-sikil dinanna utu-e 3-[ta utu-sue sea igi-t[e-e]n [.. ] bu-mu-ra-d[ub...] (I prefer to read u 4-e3-, u 4 suy) guc-e3 = balapu "to cover," "to clothe." Cf. the following passager ninmu bi-li guy e3 "my lady, clothed in luxu ri ance," referri ng to manna, Ninmegarra 153; su-lim-hug sar i e3 ` she (manna) is clothed in awe-inspiring radiance" Inninsagurra i9; me 3 guy e3 "arrayed in ba tt le" (manna) Temple Hymns 514 (see commentary TCS 3, 145); paia 3 ba-an-dul l ul gu y ba-an-e 3 (var. gu i a) "she (manna) is covered with the divine garment, wrapped in joy" manna and Ebib 2; dinanna az an-kart' gu du 7 mud-me 3 gu 2 e3 ("wrapped in blood from the ba ttle") manna an d Ebib 2. For a possible restoration before -m]ab su e e3 . [me 3 m]ab gu i e3 see manna and Ebib 134 me 3 -mah ba-raan-e 3 u4-gal Id bi i in-us y 'she (Manna) has brought forth a great fight, ... great storm"; see also Angim 205; Lugale 332/vä 52; other possible restorations are [su-zim]ab gu c e3 (su-zi-mab ri -a referring to Igkur in Rimsin 2:3) [i-lim-m]ab gu i e3 "clothed in great splendor" (see i-lim-mab in our text A iv i, in connection with the king); with the two last restorations cp. su-lim-bus gu 2 e3 referring to manna in Inninsagurra 19. Finally, a restoration [gada-m]ab gu i e3 is a possibility, for which see gada-mah 'fine linen garment" in connection with manna in BE 3o, 4:6-7 and dupl. CBS 8085 obv. (Dumuzi-Inanna A). A ii 7'. For the restoration igi-to-e[n] see van Dijk, JCS 3o, 190. si-iI , sill-si-il "to split off," "to cut" (Akk. s/sralâtu, srullutu; srarittu; parâ'u/Lugale 118; natâru S/CAD N/2, 117) A parallel to our line is Ninmesarra 47 Icakes z bi rliZ bi-a ma-ra-ab-si-il-le "its troops broke up in their fear(?) before you." ka-kes y = kilns 2. a) I'-2' (CAD K 437f.). For igi-te-en si- il see Lamenta ti on over Sumer an d Ur 3o: dnanna un u8-gin ! lu-a-na igi-te-enbr si-il-le-de 3 "to break up the unity of the people of Manna, numerous as ewes" (Michalowski); also line im: kur-kur-re du e , usZ as dab s ba-bï igi-to-en-bi na-si-il `the lands that had taken the same road (in obedience to Ur), were split into fartions" (Michalowski). In his commentary (Michalowski Lamentation p. 73), Michalowski refers to igi-te-en = ïgitennu; see CAD I/J, 43f igitennu where SP Coll. 5.1 (quoted according to B. Alster's ms.) igi-to-en-mu-se a (var. i-gi s to-mu-us with Akk. transi a-na ma-na-ti-ia-ma (manatu, plur. mandtu, = manitu/

The Ape from the Mountain who Became the King of hin manitu, plur. mindtu "limbs," "propor tions" (var. from YBC 9886). A iii 14. Reading `aga'-zi-mab u 4 su 3 -DU is strengthened by aga 3-zi-u s su3 -DU-a in Baba and Ismedagan 43 and aga men[(x)]-su 3 -DU JCS 24, 7o i 13'. A iii 15. kalam ge-en, Akk. mina kunnu: gis-gidrunigc si say kalam ge-en-ge-en = PA' mi-fa-n-im mu-kina-at matim(KALAM) Samsuiluna B 112-I I3; kalam geen-ge-en: STVC 34 iii 23; Sulgi A 91; 99; Sulgi E 2; UET 6/1, IO2:21; UET 6/1, 104:5; UET 6/1, 104:62 *m[a-da] bey ge-en. A iii 18. za 3 -dib (corresponding to Akk. Iütuqu) is in most cases a divine epithet. Referring to a ruler: ur-sag en-bara i- b[arac]-ke ¢ ne rza31 -dib "hero who surpases all the lords on their seats" referring to Susin Studies Sjöberg 3 0 5 39; nam-gul-la za 3 -dib referring to Ibbisin OrSuec 19-20, 1 48, 4:54; pirig-za 3 -dib Lipitestar A 6 (TCL 16, 48:6, coll ; text Y/3N-T 589 writes -za 3-bad). -

A iii 19. Cf., perhaps PBS i3, 41:14 (van Dijk Gotterlieder 57) gis-gidru-m[a]b kur-kur-ra pa e 3 un-e immi-tumi [(x)]. A iii zo. As far as I know, me bal-ba, me bal -bal (parsi zu"uzu) 'to distribute/divide the me's" is a prerogative of deities. The deity is not preserved in our text, but it might be Enlil who is then also the subject in A iii 15 (kalam ma-ra-ni-in-ge-en) and finally in A iv 3 [ dilbi]-era -ra-'ra' sag-e-es mi-ni-in -rig7. A iv i. i-lim, Akk. .falummatu, faqummatu hi V 6367 (MSL 13, 162). Reading -dul l (instead of -mu s) is preferable, see i-lim-bi kur-kur-ra du[1-Ia] UET 6/3, 257 rev. 7; see also tugi gin. 2 'rim-dui, var 1m-ma-dup s1 with gloss dui Dumuzi's Dream 241 (var. an d gloss in RA 69 104). A iv 2. gal-di-bi (otherwise not attested) would correspond to Akk. tizgarisr (not attested). Cf. Lipitestar B 52: nun-e nun-uni 6 diri gal-mab-bi, translated as "the p ri nce, the valiant p ri nce surpassing in greatness an d nobility" in JCS 3o, 39 (which would be nam-gal nammab-bi-a diri-ga). diri-bi is probably Akk. aid, an d preceding u 5 -a might be understood as lagil. A iv 5. The inscribed sign in KAx?-KAx? is either 11 3 -mui3 is possible); a (also mu -mas s or SU. I have read ma `' KAxZI 3 = qe4see OBGT XIII i3a (MSL 4, tit) (text gama S.V. as read in CAD Q 78 mu-um, not KAxKU UET 6/2, u-[ffu?1 KAx5U` um 2 collated); qe 3 -a-mu-u 369.6, ma-a I I KAxZ1 3 (positively not KAxSU) Proto-Ea 3 t6 (MSL i4, 44); Secondary branches of Proto-Ea/Aa no. 16:13 (MSL i4, 137) KAxKU with pronunciation [m]a-mu and Ea III 1t9 (MSL 14, 308); texts not available.

A iv 8. gu t--gal e is probably "to submit ga-mui Ensubkeidanna 144 sar merkar an d (var. -in-gal e for -ibi-gu) "let me submit to

217

Alster Instructions p. 77; p. 126 note to where Alster refen to Enmerkar and Ensubkeidanna 144. ri-ri = lagiitu. numun ri-ri (zira lagàtu): dutu subus"-a -ni ber bu3-re6 numun -na-ni bet ga- ri-ri -ge = dUTU suuUS -tu fi -s ub u3 SE.NUMUN -tu li -il- qu a -ut Sargon C t Io6-t Io; also RimuS C 9 25-32; Manigtiuu C 3:16-23; 'numun-a -ni `bey-eb-ri ' -r[i] Mélanges d Birot 260/261:70 (Hammurabi inscr.) cf. CAD L wo lagâtu 1. a) 2'. '

A iv to (= B ii 3'). dub s seems to correspond to napdsu 'to push down, ' "to tear down," "to demolish," referring here to the destruction of the walls. A iv 20. nam-gu t ka is further known to me in Sulgi E 203-205 (TCL 15, 14 v I I'-13' and dupls.) a-a-ar-dari2(-)nam-gu t -ka -mu "my eternal fame (and? ..."; ABxGAL -nam-gu i ka -ke4 lue la-ba-an-TAG 4 TAG4 a (var. ABgal-nam-gu rga-ke4) Gilgames an d tiuwawa B w (ISET 2, 49 Ni.98o6 i 10 and dupl. UM 29-13-209+ i 5'/ copy JCS 24; not var. -ga- for -ka -) lugal-se a u3 -sas ge say nam-ga-mu- ni -ib-du i i u 3 -sai -ge kur-nam-gu t ga-ke4 "as for the king, sleep overcame him ..." Lugalb an da Epic I 322-323 (see JAOS 103, 318-319). I was not able to establish a meaning of nam-gu y -ka /nam- gui -ga. It remains uncertain whether there is a connection with nam-gu y attested in the following passages: kur am 3 -mi-niam3 s-la uni t' -me bul-gal ami i8 3 -sig giri -ber tu ii gul-sari nam -gu i mab -am i lilt un i -mi - ni in-su -ub SRT t I;57-59 an d syll. dupl. TCL 15, 38:6 with na-gu ; ti, Sum. Acta -ma-ba la-la-mi-du, see Y. Klein u8 49:57-59 (also lines 6o-61); p. 53 transi. as "reduces to wind the great oppression," trans! based on nam -gui as corresponding to babâlu (CAD i3 3 babâlu A; cp. rumguy-ak = bibi/tu "damage," "wrong,' "ruins," "calamidullui = 47 (MSL 1, 94); nam-gu i in Ana ittifu VIi ty") [ba-ab-[ak-a] _ y A; nam-gu babiilu -ak-a = lu, nam- gu i nam-tag2ç .ALAN XXIII 15 (MSL 16, 212); u t]u SIG 7 y -bi e x x Sulgi O to4; [x (x)] 'x' nam-gu t ga nam gu 'x'-ca Temple unir iskur a-ma-ru 7) d nam-gu (var. Hymns 338. turn-gu y in proper names: Presarg. lugalnun-gu y -su 3 ("The-King-is-full-of-.."), see Struve Onomastika p. 107 (-nam- gu i -sir); OAkk. proper naines rein-nam-gut su 3 W.G. Lambert, A. Sachs Memorial Vol. 253 (ii) 39-4 0 (copy p. 2 59); Ur III 470. 1"1 1 L'Anthroponymie Limet i names lugal-nam -gu 2S7 reA. Sachs Memorial Vol. W.G. Lambert, 2, 928:4'); i-su t -a (for -gu -sa i gu nin-namfers to UET 6/2, 353:2 -

a; proper name).

Text B Cf A i 24'. Cf. Enki'sJourney to Nippur 39: gu 4 lugal - biga-am 3 "a bull 'set in one track' for his own-ke-darn "der stiirrische Stier 3 a si Irim2-dU W ie Spur gesetzt" Lugalbanda Epic II 164.

The Ape from the Mountain who Became the King of Tsin

AKE W. SJOBERG

218

Text D 1 1 . Perhapssu-ki-en-gi mu -u[n-du 1J : su duto = Bra Eubbu. This restoration is strengthened by Römer SKIZ 210:25 (Iddindagan hymn) su-kalam-ma mu-edu 10, followed by (27-27) nigi si-saz ka-ka mu-e-ni-gar nigz-ul pa bi z-i3-e3 , see our text 2 1 [...] nigz ul pa biz in-`UD].[DU] (is there space for [nig 2 si-sa2 ka-ka muun-ga]r in our text?). zr. See above on line 1 t; also restoration [nig z si-sa2] [ni]g3-ul pa bi z- is a possibility, cf. d utu nigz si-saz nigzul-e pa biz Du OrSuec 19-zo, 148 no (56 3'. Cf. [u4 kas]kal-sub3-a gin 3 ga Z gal bul-mu g bure ' that day twisting roads are made passable, ... ripped out ' (var. -mu m a) Nippur Lament 289; bul-rnu 2 guz `171 -[da ] Tree and Reed 197 (ISET z, 76 Ni.4589 rev. 1o'). Kramer, Acta Sum. 13 p. 22, translates bul-mu z (he reads bul-sAR) in Nippur Lament (his line-counting 292) as "harmful growth." See further 4R 2 26, no. 2:78 (and parallels SBH 13 no. 6:23 an d SBH 15 no. 7.8) bulmuz za 3-gii-tir-ra-ke 4 du3 -a = sa-ad-du ina pa-atgtf-ti retu-u2 , translated as "the sign which is posted at the edge of the forest" in CAD $ 56 S.V. saddu "sign " "signal" (thus also CAD Q 272 s. v. giltu A, bil. section; AHw 1073 has this passage s.v. saddu(m) "Sigml(holz)," "Zeichen"). In 4R 2 26 no. 2 (and parallel texts) bul-mu g is preceded by uî 11 -mus'-s'a 3 -tur 3 -ra = i-ma-at ba-al-me 'venom of a poisonous snake," uI 11 -GIR 3 -gaz = i-mat xu-qa-qia pi "scorpion's venom," an d a-bul = bu-tug-tu 4 "flood," an d followed by sa-par 3 = le-e-tu 2 fu-par-ru-ur-

219

tut "spread out net" and, therefore, we have obviously to search for a different meaning of Akk. saddu than "sign/signal" in 4R2 26, no. 2 and parallel texts. Cf also bu-ul I hul = [sa]-ad-du A2 = idu I 69 (cited in CAD S).9 With our line cf giri 3 -sub3 -a bar-ra-an ku5 -du "a twisting path ... cut off the road like ..." Sulgi E 233. 4t . Restoration perhaps [kaskallbar-ra-an-kalam-

ma-ke4] si im-mi-in-sa e , cf Römer SKIZ 210:24 bar-raan kaskal-la si bi t-sa e "Weg and Pfad hast du zurecht gemacht ' (Römer); giri 3 bu - mu-gur kaskal-kalam-make4 si beg em-saw saz "I moved my legs proceeded along the roads of the l an d" Sulgi A 28 Q. Klein's transi.); kur-su-bir4'—s"e 3 har-ra-an kaskal-la si sa i saz e-de3 to take the road to Subir" Aradmu to Sulgi 1.3, kaskal barra-an si ba-ni-ib 2 s1-sa2-e = [la2 u]r-jta u bar-ra-nu us- teel s`e-ru ' that maintains the roads and highways" ZA 72, 70£:7; cf. also Inninsàgurra 118. [See CAD E 358 eferu : lutéluru: barran, urjta lutéluru 'to proceed, to take the road"]. I was unable to identify on the copy the sign preceding kur-kur-.

COL, ii

COL. i OO

• •

CBS 14022

•

`1: iL "Ÿ1" iE41 4

Nt g;" •S

`

^y

:fC^' 4 lâ^t.: " 0 tewarj

(

wr4• •

fr•

Yr d.t' Art

4>°'F.xa •• f lo' Nt.9957

Ni.99ot

9.

M.E. Cohen Lamentations t, 79 c+ rot reads isirnu,(UUL. SAR) zal- tir-ra-ke4 dud a = sa ad du ina pa at gü' ti n-tu -us and translates (p. 87) "a shoot staked at the edge of a forest." In his commentary (p. 91) he interprets 13UL.SAR as a scribal error for GUL.SAR = lsimu a (I do not share Cohen's interpretation). -

-

-

-

• •

• • • • • • •

•

20',

• •

•

Text A (colu

d ii)

AKE W SJOBERG

220

ANCIENT ISRAELITE AND NEO-ASSYRIAN SOCIETIES AND ECONOMIES COL. iv

COL iii

A COMPARATIVE APPROACH

Daniel C. Snell The University of Oklahoma How many miles is it to Babylon? Threescore miles an d ten Can I get there by candle-light? — Yes, and back again. If your heels are nimble and light, You may get there by candle-light.

they cannot be used to explain why the new people would have arrived when they did.' Assyria had in contrast been occupied in about the same intensity for hundreds of years, though it is quite possible that there was a dro p off corresponding to the advent of the Aramaeans around 1077 B.C.E., which had been disruptive of the normal functioning of the Assyrian state. Also, from before then, Assyrians had been deporting into their heartland peoples who had opposed the progress of their arms on the periphery, especially in the west. And after tor? B.C.E. nomadic speakers of Aramaic may have settled in greater numbers in the Assyrian heartland. We do not have good quantitative information about how the two lands were populated with new peoples, or what percentage of the peoples really were new. But it is striking that both societies owe something to the instability of populations after 1200 B.C.E. in the Near East, which we associate with the transition from the B ro nze to the Iron Age. Old foundations had been shaken in both places. When we look at the internal structure of those populations an d their divisions into social groups, we see that there are again some similarities. In particular Israelite society, in spite of the interest of some of its intellectual ethical theorists in egrality, usually had groups who were crown or temple dependents. There is an etiological story about how the Gibeonites became semi-free persons (Joshua 9), and there is less said about the postexilic netfnfm, but these groups share the notion that they are somewhat un-Israelite in origin, whatever that may mean in very early periods, and they a re constrained to R, work at least part of the year for the greater * t of the society, embodied in king or temple.' Note also legal texts in the Hebrew Bible are interested in protecting

English nu rsery rhyme

• •

•

Text A (columns iii and iv)

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00

William W. Hallo has long been interested in the comparative method, and this essay is a preliminary attempt to examine the similarities an d differences in two of the several societies with which he has been concemed. The societies of ancient Israel an d Assyria are known best from the same period, between about 85o to 63o B C E , though because of the nature of the sources for Israel, there is considerable likelihood of influence of later societies in the material reflecting the period We know too that the societies shared the fact that they both were dependent on rainfall agriculture to a great extent for their livelihoods. The major problem is that we know Assyria through contemporary archival texts and less well through canonical texts. But we know Israel almost exclusively through a canonical text an d almost not at all from archival texts. In both places archaeology plays a helpful an d interesting role in defining physical constraints, but it fails to give the detail about societies that texts give. From a number of points of view there a re striking similarities an d a smaller number of contrasts. 1 have divided the various aspects into eleven headings where information is available about both societies an d where comparison might prove fruitful. First, population. It is clear that the p ri me fact about Israel is that it consists of peoples relatively new in the land; there was a massive influx around 1200 B.C.E. probably from all directions and not limited to the east as the Biblical text leads us to believe. But archaeology has recently shown that the techniques that appear to nuke life bearable in the hills of Israel, terracing and ciste rn -digging, are in fact older than the influx of population, so

Cesar . rinsitent Lit àr the The H* Suns of opium, (Sheffield: Almond 1985), pp. t83-5 and 266. arm, "The Gibeonites, the Nethrnsm and the • Sons of tnban t t, (t96t)= pp. s 59-169. Servants," Vites Ta Si Contrast B. Levine. "The Pè latt," )°"rial (1963), n. ao7-12, arguing they were not slaves. `

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the resident alien, who may or may not be of similar natus. In sho rt , Israelite egalitarianism is always very li mited an d applicable only to certain categories of people; others fade into degrees of lack of freedom. The chief groups in Assyria seem to be those dependent on the palace for their livelihoods and those not, the remnants of free peasant communities, perhaps or at least independent peasants who owned their own land. 3 Because our information is overwhelmingly archival, we have the feeling that in Assyria the palace dependents were demographically much more numerous than they appear to be in Israel Some of these people originated as foreign deportees into Assyria, not just in the earlier Middle Assyrian period but also in the contemporary Neo-Assyrian. Unlike in Israel, though, the deportees were not apparently regarded as foreigners, and the kings' rhetoric, at least till Sargon II, stipulates that they were treated just like Assyrians. 4 And it is possible that they were treated like palace dependents, working on ro yal public works for pa rt of the year but for most of it left to till their own assigned l an ds. In Hebrew society from this period the nuclear family is the key element, an d the clan an d tribe are really not very prominent. We have a vision from Genesis of tribal an d clan groups being import an t, but the individual stories an d the legal collections do not usually go beyond a wife an d husband and their children; even grandparents, probably because of early mortality, are ra re . Though legal texts an d Genesis stories envision polygamy, instances of it are rare. 5 The same can be said of the Assyrian heartland. The so-called census texts which list peasants around Haran in what is now southern Turkey sometimes show families with as many as ten members, indicating perhaps polygamous marriages. But such are not widely attested. Also, again, grandparents are mostly absent. 6 In Israel Carol Meyers has reasonably argued that Leviticus 27, a text giving relative evaluations of cl asses of persons for fulfillment of vows, shows women are thought of as being worth 33% to 40% of the worth of men. 7 And Meyers further argues that this is a posi ti on of relative equality in a traditional society. She also suggests that this parity may deteriorate within the historical period, but in fact there is little other informa ti on about See in general P. GareUs, "Le Système fecal de l'empire aspp. 7-18 in H. van Effenterre, cd., points de vast sur la fiscalité aware, (Paris: Sorbonne, 11979). 4. B. Oded, Mass Deportations and Deportees in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. (Wiesbaden: Reichen, 1979), pp. 8a-9a. 5. L Stager, "The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Israd," Bwlletin tithe American Schools of Oriental Research 26o, (2985), pp. 16, 01, 2a and Hopkins, Highlands. p. 252. 6 F.M. pales. Countless, e catatti di Epoca wno-aum0. (Rossa: Centro per le anciohstà, 1973), p. 117, 7 C. Meyers, "Procreation, Produc tion, and Protection: IIMIe-Femak Balance in Early Israel," Jowned of the American Academy ^f Religion SI. 0983), pp. 569.593. PP. 574. 585 . .

Ancient Israelite and Neo-Assyrian Societies and Economies

the status of women. Laws seem to limit their business dealings, but there are stories and poems about political, religious, and economic power in the hands of women. 8 In Assyria women do not work as sc ri bes in the period an d are not involved in cou rt cases to the extent they had been in earlier penods But there is indication that when widowed they could act as household heads. 9 And we know of some powerful queens who were regents for minor sons The earlier Middle Assyrian laws had called for the veiling an d physical limitation of the movements of higher class women, but there is no clear indication in the first millennium that anyone paid attention to them. In Israel there is forced labor under the early kings, an d free hired labor is assumed in laws and some stories. Slaves were apparently few; Saul's slave Ziba is said himself to have owned twenty, but Abigail brings only five with her when she becomes David's trophy wife after the death of her rich if politically foolish husband.' ° In Assyria also there are forced labor demands in the period, and the fantastically successful Assyrian army must have depended to some extent on peasant conscription, at least for suppo rt troops." Some peasants in Assyria could be sold with their land to great bureaucrats, and thus may have had a serf-like status. Free hired laborer are known, though the palace did not usually have to resort to them, an d real slaves that could be bought and sold a re rare.' 1 In both Israel and Assyria most peasants held their own land and were usually not bothered by officials except those wanting to collect taxes. It is nonetheless clear that both societies were suffering agrarian crises of perhaps a similar kind at different periods. We tend to think of these crises, thanks to the not too helpful Rom an model, as the creation of latifundia, or broad fields. That is, we tend to think that rich people bought up vast ac reages perhaps from bankrupt peasants an d then worked the land with the peasants as ten an ts or as serfs.^ 3

8. See in general C. Meyers , I3isroveri ng Eve Ancient Israelite Women in Contat, (NY Oxford, 1988). 9. J.N. Postgate, "On Some Assynan Ladles," Iraq 41, (1979), PP 89-103. P. 94. so. On slaves see M. Lurje, Studien zur Geschichte der wirtsdi ftlichen und sozia len Vahi:knisse in Israeliti ch Jüdischen Reiche vorn der E:nwandntrng in Kaman bis zum bob. Exil, (Giessen: Töpehnann. 1917). p. 39, and W. Lauterbach, Der Arbeiter in Redet und Redstspraxis des fiten Testaments und des alien Orients, (Heidelberg. Pilger. 1936). p. 8 ; on forced labor see A. Rainy. "Compulsory Labour Gangs in Andent Israel," Israel Exploration Journal 20, (197o), pp. 191-202 11. See in general still W. Manitius, "Das stehende Heer der Assyrerkônige und sew Organisation," Zeituist:,. feit Assvnolodie a4. (1910), pp. 97 -1 49, 185-224. F. Malbran-Labat, L'Ann&e tt l' ari l" sation madam de l'Assyrie, (Genève-Paris: Dirn, 1984 12. J.N. Postgate, "Employer, Employee and the Neo-Assyrian Empire " pp. 257-27o in M. Powell. Into ► Ancient Near East, (New Haven: AOS, 1987), pp 260£ 13. K White, "The Problem of Latifundia in Roman History Bulletin-7b Institute of Classical Studio 14. (1967). pp. --

--,

The evidence for this happening is slight in Israel, being limited to a couple of prophetic laments which appear after 750 B.C.E. an d may refer to very unusual situations. Bardtke argued that the reference was to Northern Israelites coming south after the destruction of their state in 721 B.C.E. by the Assyrians and buying up land in the south, thereby dispossessing peasants. But the Roman analogy is not instructive since there is no evidence that landowner used slaves in Israel to work big plots. And in fact the prophets' references may be to 10cal events that did not change for long the face of land tenure in Judah.' 4 Something similar may be happening in Assyria, but with some differences. Assyrian officials seem to have been able to gobble up lots of land their king had conquered But it 1s very obvious that though an official might own lots of land, his plots were not concentrated in one place. Instead he would own bits and pieces scattered across several Assyrian provinces. There were thus no broad fields, an d again, local peasants were kept on as tenants to do the real work.' 5 For people like the Israelites who may have had a p as toral background the question of animal m an agement would seem to be of mtrinsic interest. And yet apart from the early, an d foreign, Jacob stories an d the very odd story in Zechariah 11:4-17 well after the e xile, we do not hear much about how herding was organized. It seems obvious from modem ethnographic analogies t hat in dry farming areas like Israel an d Assyria herding was an importan t way of hedging bets in a drought year You could always kill the fatted calf or sheep, if necessary. t6 It may be because of the private natu re of sheep herding in Assyria that we hear so little about it in the period. That is, the government may have assumed that peasants would keep sheep to help them through periods when government work was slack, but the government was not involved in intensive herding for purposes of getting wool or for food, as Mesopotamian governments were in other periods. There are some re cords that show that shepherds paid a fee in silver to the government when they were assigned some government-owned flocks, but what this meant is unknown 17

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The organization of crafts seems in Israel to peak under the early kings, especially Solomon, and then not to be heard of again. Solomon is said to have had to impo rt craftsmen for his expensive bu il ding projects, and the archaeological remains, while not clearly attesting to his acts, do seem to show that Israel was a crafts backwater through the period of interest to us. i 8 Assyrian kings speak in their royal inscriptions of incorporating foreign craftsmen too into their work force, an d Phoenician ivory work is attested in Assyrian centen. Some captured craftsmen a re seen in administrative texts organized in military-like units. But they seem to have worked as if they were independent of government control. They get raw materials from central stores and are expected to return to the government a set quota of finished goods. '9 Foreign trade in Israel is only explicitly discussed in connection with Solomon's reign, and otherwise it seems to be in the hands of foreigners, just as crafts may have been. 1O In Assyria we have a vast panoply of traded goods, usually appearing as booty from Assyrian raids. But in documents about other matten from Assyria merchan ts seem to have non-Akkadian names. So though more exciting things may have been availabk in the Assyrian capital than in Israel an d Judah, foreign, usually Phoenician, intermediaries may have been the means in both cases?' In Israel prices are rarely noted, but there are some in texts from several periods, and silver and grain func tioned as money before coinage. This is the same don as in contemporary Assyria, though there something mo re complex is happening. In the zoos B.C.E. the main money was copper, but later silver again, as earlier, became more popul ar ." Coined money was invented in Asia Minor by 625 B.C.E., but it had no impact either in Israel or Assyria. There are so few prices attested in Israel that it seems pointless to attempt to analyze them since they are for different types of goods in different periods. But I have collected sixteen for various things from land to s laves, 13 and there ar e four instances of wages, usually in silver• an the Assyri Taxation and Consorption in 17. J.N. Postgate.

t4. H. Bandtee, "Die Latifundien in Juda während der zweiten Hälfte des achten Jahrhundcns v. C.; rum Verständnis von Jes S 8Hommages d M. Philonenko, eds., Caquot, 10," PP 235-254 in A. , 1971), PP. Maisonneuve, 7 47 (Paris: Adnen-Sommer, André Dupont 2 54. Assyrea+ of the Structure Economac "The 15. J.N. Postgate, Aopaganda, and ed., Power Larsen, 193-221 in M.T. Empire." pp. and nts, p. 2 ra G Roy and al 214 • (Copenhagen: Akadetntsk, 1970, P. Latin rn J.N. Postgate, ' Grundeigentum und Nutzung von compare GnwnDrs im 1. Jt. v. u. Z.," pp. 89-x to in B. Breiges, ed. Assyrien degentum in Mesopotrwien, (Berlin: Akademie. 1988), p. toi. t6. L. Marke, "The Integrative Traulormation: Patterns of Amen tin of the Bul le Syria," rn Soctopofitical Organzation in Southe CM Sdnols of Or iental Rewards 234. (1979). pP• t -42 P. 7• and Herr kirr, Heg d nid:. p- 248.

pp. wit and Biblicetrn, istïtutusn t974). (Rome: Pontifical= - - 'YIs. C o P• Lift Heifers. Social Anent ci Kennett, re i R. tn general Compare 28. (London: Britphor.. a and Met rr ative, in Law, Na Indicated and Custom as ish Academy, 1933). pp. 82-89. 1. 2 pp. at it, "Employa." pp. 55 Taxation, Postgatt, 19. (Banwark Ra Whys'. Arad be n Kuhn Kakdah Fist, 20 M. latiotts in the Lands of the Biiir, Jerusakm: Mood Bialik. 1977). pp. 202f. "Der Tanskâru pp. to3£, and M. Deportation, Oded. st. neuassyrischen Reich•" Join d st the .Exaannasac Oïrson 30, (1987). pp. 233 -2 54as . Pt. '"Seructtue." p. : 3. See in general R. de Vasa, fint:twt 965). PP. 3o3- 26 9•

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in Assyria we have more prices, an d grain prices in particular seem volatile, probably depending on the dryness of the year. 24 The final area I want to look at is that of the interacdon of government and the economy in the two societies. The basic ques ti on here is how effec ti ve these ancient governments were in extracting taxes. Both Israelite an d Assyrian kings practiced a rhetoric of concern for the downtrodden, but neither was likely to be organized enough to do much about economic swings. J Dearman has argued that what the Israelite prophets were mainly complaining about in the century after 75o B C E was the introduction of an efficient taxation system modeled on Assyrian practices, in which government officials were seen as the p ri ncipal culprits in bilking peasants out of the fruits of their labors» There are several reasons for thinking that Dearman has overstated his case. The scale of Assyria's needs was simply much vaster an d would not have been seen to be analogous to what Judah may have wanted to impose. The court at Nineveh may have had to maintain as many as 26 13,000 persons a day. Certainly vast amounts of foodstuffs were collected and then redistributed. But we do not hear of how the king's own land was organized or if it actually contributed to solving the food-flow problems. The tax rate on crops is usually unknown for Assyrian provinces, but once or twice it is attested as to% of the crop, not an intrinsically high or oppressive rate. 27 Did late monarchic governments in Judah try to turn the state into a little Assyria? It does not seem likely that Judaean bureaucrats would have imitated Assyrian systems, even if they could have. And would not the prophets have jumped on the very foreignness of such systems if such had been the publicly proclaimed goal of the Judahite government? The sparse archival remains from Judah itself do not show that bureaucrats permeated all ofJudacan life in this or other periods. It is possible to take prophets' complaints seriously without relying J. N. Postgate, "Grundeigentum," p. 103. John A. Dearman, Property Rights in the Eighth-Century Prophets, (Attenta: Scholars, 1988) esp. pp. 1 33 -1 4 1 26. P. Garclli, "Remarques sur 1 Adnnyürtration de l'Empire assyrien," Revue d'AnaIOtOgmc 68. ( 1 974), pp. 129-140, p. 1 35. 27. P. Garelli "Le Système fiscal," p. 11. .

on them to reconstruct a whole system of taxation and redist ribu ti on that is not well understood in Assyria. What do we learn from these comparisons? Are some of them more explainable than others? Certainly geographic proximity and similarity of pluvial environment explain the similarities in popula ti on density and structure, perhaps even the small sizes of families. Persistence of earlier ways of organizing labor in cities may explain why both places still had forced labor as well as hired labor an d why there were servile semi- free classes. And the fact that ancient societies before Greece and Rome were not interested in expending resources on policing slaves explains why there were relatively few of them in both Israel and Assyna. That foreigners should dominate crafts an d trading in both places may be due to the success of those foreigners at carrying out those functions. And the similarity in use of money merely shows that both societies were embedded in the broader economy of Western Asia, and neither can be seen as isolated from the other. We have seen that there are several aspects of the societies that are comparable, but that the one of organization of taxation and government redist ri bu ti on does not seem to be one of them. Israel and Assyria were for many years contiguous societies that did interact. And because of similar geographical an d in other instances socially traditional constraints, the comparison of the two societies underlines aspects of each which otherwise would not have appeared so prominently. In particular the persistent lack of freedom in Israel becomes clearer, an d this feature ought to restrain us when we attempt to characterize the society as egalitarian. Compared to the Assyrian it was doubtless egalitarian, but it was only relatively, not absolutely, concerned for the downtrodden.

Assyria is more than seventy miles from Babylon, an d New Haven is much more And yet in his generation Wil li am Hallo has been nimbler and lighter than most in getting there an d in bringing his students an d his readers along with him to Babylon. May his candle-light bum bright an d long.

IHBR AND FRIENDS S David Sperling

Hebrew Union College - JIR

The problem of distinguishing among the various senses of BH 171 an d defining the vocable's inner semantic ranges, has taxed the resources of biblical lexicographers from the medieval period onward I A significant paper' elucidating some passages in which the consonantal sequence 1-i-11 is attested was published more than thirty-five years ago by J J. Finkelstein, late colleague of our Jubilar at Yale. Ten years ago a colleague of Professor Hallo's from student days at Chicago, my own lamented teacher Moshe Held, accepted some of Finkelstein's sugges ti ons but took issue with others. 3 My entry into the discussion is offered in modest tribute to Wil li am Hallo, whom I consider one of my teachers although I never had the privilege of formal study with hint Among the phrases studied by Finkelstein were for 1719 in Deut. 18:11; (trat 7D//) tiait tT in Ps. 58:6; nos.= Tout 312 r1zcI in Isa. 47 9; 'Mt 2v1 Team in Isa• 49: 1 1; 17R nr2 in Prv. 21:9 an d 25:4 and 711'r$ 0470: DDtq in Job 16:4. Finkelstein argued that each of these passages employed a verb bbr II, with an initial consonant that was not etymological h (het) normally corresponding to a vowel in Akkadian, 4 but with etymological Semitic [bj.5 Specifically, Finkelstein attempted to explain the forms of 17r in each of these passages on the basis of Akkadian babâru, "to be noisy, to make noise." 6 In some of these cases Finkelstein's explanation did not greatly alter the traditional understanding of the vene. Thus, the 1:81 131ri of Deut. 18:11 "may still be

References to the Bible and to scholarly literature in the bib field a re abhreviated according to the system of the Literature (JBL). Assyriological references follow Pie Assyrian Dictionary of University of Chicago (=CAD; Chicago: Oriental institute, 1956ff.) Note in addition: BT= Babylonian Talmud; PT= Palestinian Talmud. I. See e.g. M. Wagner in VTSup 16 (1967), 36o-361; HALAT, 276-277; H. Caulks, 'dsabar, dsaber," TDOT iV 193-197. a. J.J. Finkelstein, "Hebrew -art and Semitic LIBEL" JBL 75 950. 328-331. 3. M. Held, "Studies in Biblical Lexicography in the Light of Akkadian," Eris+ 16 (1982), 76-85 (in Hebrew; English abstract arid, 2 54*). (

1

translated 'charmer' but the connota ti on is ... 'one who mutters sounds, mutterer.'" 7 As for lsa. 47:9, 11, Finkelstein modified the standard interpretation s of the vents (TIC) // Tvn(a) by seeing a reference to the charmers themselves rather than to their charms 9 In contrast, Finkelstein's translation of Job 16:4 was a new departure. 10 On his interpretation that the Hb. merriy reflects Akkadian babiiru, the phrase '!7']Itl 0o7Q3 0rho;m 1'79îk DY5D means "I could ha ra ngue you r ' with words, I could shake my head 2 at you."' 3 Finally, the enigmatic 17r rr] in Prv. 21:9 and its virtual duplicate in PM 25 :24

t HALAT, 276, s. v. II "Cr, cites 4. Accordingly, it "Sddangenbesdnawer " but deAnkehtein's article for the g Ps $8:14 fonn a stem meaning rives the 0:39-171 1:211 in Deis correctly noted its HALAT "sida binden, " "z " (see GAD I/J, i tself (277 s. v. 83 4) demonstrate G 5-7) and V& bbr "corn that the Hebrew stem a1 which includes words rite "binding" 'atuchment," "friend" and the like, derives from a stem with eryrnlogical het. 5. Mari Isibru(ne) is a ban from West-Bcrtnhic bbr. See A. Malamt, JAGS 82 (+962). 145-147; Contrast AHw, 344 1c A; s.v. balsam Finkelutein JBL 75, 329. Cf CAD 13, 7, 6. AHw (appeared a decade after Finkelstein's article). 3osb s.r, (iisn I translates "lanrsen, " i.e , "make a noise or uproar." As observed by Held, (Erinr 16, 84, n. 79), Lorna arrived at a nearly identical conclusion, apparendy independently of Finkelstein. See O. Loma, "Mttcellanea Bibhca 13BR in JB 16:4," CBQ 23 (19611. 193- 294. 7. Finkelstein, JBL 75, 33:. See e.g. the translations of IÇV, JPS, NJV, NEB , REB 8. 9. Lbid. 10. Cf. KW: "heap up words"; JPS: "join worth together' barrage you with wogs." NEB and REB "how I could harangue you testa their of Ankelstein's proposal. Accordingly, Finkelstein agrees with those scholars who see shake my head' as a gesture of contempt See e.; 8 E. »Moire. A Cosrtmentaty on the Book ofJob transiattd by H. Knight (New York: Nelson, 1984). n9-23o; CC M. Gruber, Ageas sf N0sryrbnl C.wieMISOmastica in the Ancient Neer East (Rome: lIshhcal institute Press, s980). 40s. For a recent statement of the contrary view t hat shaking the head Hakim, Se ri Iyyob g A. a we e this passage is meant in r98t), 134 (Jerusalem: Mossad Harm K 1 3. Ibid.

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could be understood as "noisy household." 14 Whereas Held allowed that Finkelstein's solution to the long-standing crux in the Proverbs passages might have been on the mark, he devoted the bulk of his remarks to refining Finkelstein's understanding of -Orr "or in Deuteronomy and flr(]) in Isa. 47 9 r r. On the negative side, Held astutely observed that neither the verb (Iabinu "to make a noise" nor its cognate noun bubun. "noise, uproar ' (German: liftmen' S) was ever a tt ested in the vast Akkadian literature of incantation. To Held's objection we may add that "noise" or "uproar" would be most inappropriate i6 in a native ' 7 context of charm an d incantation in which a tt ention to specific words an d their manner of recitation would be crucial i8 indeed as Finkelstein was surely aware, the verb most commonly employed to describe the oral aspect of a charm or spell is mana "recite," the very same word that means "count " 19 Its cognate noun minatu 2O "recitation" also serves in the meanings "amount, number, string of beads of fixed number." Akkadian spells are frequently followed by a specific instruction as to how often 21 an d with what ritual accompaniment Z2 they are to be recit14. Ibid. This interpretation was accepted by A. Malannt, JAOS 82 (1962) 145, n. to. Additional supporting arguments were offered by two other brae6 scholars. See A. Margalit, Beth Mikrd 21 ( 1 976) 6-7; H. Cohen, ibid. 598-599. 15. AHw 352b, s.v. bubüna(m) ii. For more recent discussions of healiiiria see W. Mo ra n, "Some Considerations of Form and Interpretation in Atra-Hasis," in F. Rochberg-Halton (ed ), Language, literature, and History Philological and Hlstoricat Studies presented to Erica Reiner (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1 9 8 7). 245-2 55, espenally, 25i-254; P. Michalowski, "Presence at the Creation," In T. Abusch et al (eds.), Liraaenng Over Words, Studies in Ancient Near Eastem Literature in Honor of William L. Moran (Atlanta: Scholars, 1 990 ). 381-396. especnally. 385-388 16. Note the occurrences of forms of fit "whisper" in incantational setting, For BH in addi ti on to Ps. 58:6 see Jer. 8:17; Koh. 10:1 1. Cf. S. Loewenstamm, Comparative Studies in Biblical and Ancient Oriental Litenuvres (Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn: Butzon LSc Bercket and Neukirchener, 1980), 222; for Late Hebrew see Mishnah Sanhedrin i o:1 1. For Phoenician see KAI 27 1. For Jewish Pakscinian Aramaic see M. Sokoloff A Dictionary of Jewuh Palestinian Aramaic (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan, i99o), 281; J. Navels and S. Shaked, Amulets and M,gic Bowls (Leiden: Bill, 1985) Amulet 1: t6; see also Akkadian lubbsdr (CAD L, 4ob, r v. Labatt). Note also Ug. m4b1 // ydy bat "(make) charmer // expeller of venom." (KTU 1,ioo i:5-6). 17 Thus, Finkelstein would have had to demonstrate that the author of Deut. 18:'1 was employing a reflex of Akk babâtm in an outsider's polemical or satirical sense, much like TgOnq to this passage who translated 171 171 by p1 fern. For the catgut' text see A. Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic i (Leiden: Brill, '959), 322. For a thorough study of the use of teen pi, see J. Greenfield, "Wet ro - t" in S. Hoenig and L. Sntskm (eds.), Joshua Finkel Festsduift (New York: Yeshiva University, 1 974), 63-69: CL E. Rosenthal, "For the Talmudic Dictionary- Talmudica-Iranica ( in Hebrew)," in S. Shakes (ed), IraJudaica (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1982), p 72. t8„ As opposed to the Jr, re of Dent. 18:11 who are known to "chirp and mutter" (Isa. 8:19). Segnificantly the verb "mutter" in this passage is not eta but Zit. On the entire passage see H.L. Ginsberg. Erin S ( 1 95 8 ) 61 *-65*; On stn see idem, VTSup 16 (1967), 80. See CAD M/ t, 221-227 CAD M/2. 9ß s, v.;. Ugaritic inns on seems See T. Caster, JANES 7 (i9 6 5). 41• references in Multi-Was Lexicon, 20 CAD M/1, 2 99• .

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IIBR and Friends

ed. Charms, spells and incanta ti ons in Mesopotamia and elsewhere usually refer "to the authorized use of rhythmically organized words of power"^ 3 and not to uproarious noises. 24 On the positive side, Held, after dismissing earlier etymologies from classical rabbinic rimes^ 5 down through Finkelstein, realir'ed the significance of the fact that in Akkadian itself ubburu "to bind magically ' is attested in parallelism with ku!fupu to bewitch, to cast an evil spell." The Akkadian parallelism is perfectly mirrored in 26 the Hebrew parallelism of trt//sitto in Isa. 47:9, 1: 3. In other words, Finkelstein's interpretation of the Isaiah

22. See S. D. Sperling, WdO 12 (i981), 8, n. 6 (with earlier hterature); idem, aped A. Green, Jewish Spirituality from the Bible Through the Middk Ages (New York: Crossroad, 1986), 19; For text references to specific ntual acts see CAD E, 244h, s.v. epiftu; CAD K, 353a, s.v. kikkiffd. 23. So T. Ludwig, "Incantation," The Encyclopedia of Religion (New York: MacMillan, 1987) 7, 147. See ibid. 147-152 for a convenient cross-cultural summary. 24. Some Mesopotamian rituals called for silence and the absence of ominous utterances. As Erica Reiner has observed, one reason for the existence of nocturnal rituals is that "the human huhbub (Reiner's felicitous translation of bubwr nife) is effectively avoided." See ideas, Studies Lnndsberger, 25o. 25. Held (ibid., 78) cites BT Sanhedrin 652 as the source oha rabbinic etymology. He seems to have misunderstood the text, which provides no etymology at all. The phr ase: 'MS imp 177 rift '71 -cm 'rpm con "a fop -at (text from H Strack, Der babylonudu Talmud nals der einzigen volistänJgen Handschr ft München Codex Hebraieus 95 [Leiden: A. W. Silthof, 1912], II, 346h) is a legal midrash, which derives from the repetition oldie root 'VW in cognate accusative structure, that the Deuteronomic p ro hibi ti on "applies equally to one who charms large objects, and to one who charms small ones, even snakes and scorpions." See D. Epstein, Tire Babylonian Talmud Seder Nezikin III (London: Soncmo: 1 935), 444; Cf. L. Goldschmidt, Der babylonisdat Talmud VII (Berlin: S. Calvary, 1903), 276; See further J Levy, Wirterbuch saber die Talmudim and Midrasdhim (Berlin, 1924) l, 8; L. Finkelstein (ed.), Siphre ad Deuteronomium (Berlin: Jüdischer Kulturbund, 1 939), 219:9-1o; and the translations of R. Hammer, Sick A Tamaitic Commentary on the Book of Deuteronomy (New Haven: Yak, 1986), 200; J. Neusner, Sifre to Deuteronomy an Analytical Translation II (Atlanta: Scholars, 1 98 7), 49. It is Bashi to BT Sanhedrin 65a who provides the etymology by defining the 171 1311 as D'tl siN -O CQI "one who brings the demons together," and then by explaining en `1Tn -r as MSTV m1tt7CT71 rim Too "who gathers together large wild and domestic animals," and rtp 1717 TIN as o'mtrst CVO =13 "one who gathers together vermin and insects." In his Bihle commentary Rat offer essentially the same etymology tut =9P1 Ott 912010 Tram arid, Wm -we "One who collects in one place, snakes, scorpions or other wild animals" (text cited from H. Chavel, Ptnuh Radii al Ilattotah [Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1985], 55 8 ); The rabbis identified the biblical 17n -CM with crthe Ct, which in late Hebrew and various Aramaic dialects translates Pahlavi moymard, "magus. For the correspondences see Rosenthal, ' Iraniaa-Talmudica," n. 23; see further, Sokoloff Dictionary, 184, 186. i thank Professor James Russell of Cohunbu University for suggesting (o ra l communication. Jan 1 7 1 992) that speakers may have made a semantic connection between the Semitic and Iranian terms. The Pahlavi goes back to Old Persian meteor (attested in LB AU. as magu!'u. See CAD M/I, 48-49.) Of uncertain etymology, the term may have originally meant "memher of the tribe" and then come to mean "member of the priesdy tribe." See M. Boyce A History (Zoroastrianism (Leiden Brill, 1982), 19 The suggestion of M Schwartz (Arta Invsica 25 ['9 8 5], 40) that mgr meant "people who share a gift" would likewise facilitate a connection with Hh. and Ann N eri/-TZi (regardless of tbe+r etyuxnl°•fri). "

.

verses was essentially correct, but his etymology was wrong. Similarly, the work of the ixt -or of Deuteronomy 18:i i could now be understood with greater precision as referring to one who binds by enchantments. Additionally, although Held did not discuss Ps. 58:6, we may apply his conclusions to that verse as well. The entire verse reads: t»YT vtt1 c't1hT513 51p' stmt Its tit ono Finkelstein translated: "He hears not the voice of the whisperer(s) who mutters crafty sounds." It is readily apparent that the translation is flawed by a grammatical misconstruction, because 0.11113 is singular an d ttxt is plural. Secondly, Finkelstein s translation "mutters,s 27 allegedly based on Akk. habâru, contradicts his own renditions of the Akk. verb and its nominal cognates. Thus, he translates bubifru as "noise, uproar,' noting that bubiiurum is synonymous with rigmum "clamor." He obse rves additionally that it is this "din of mankind .. which disturbs the gods' sleep an d impels them to send down the Deluge." In like manner, Finkelstein translates Etabràtum MID as "clamorous mankind ' and bubif sea as "(the land's) uproar.i z8 But English 'mutter " which means "to speak in low tones,"^ 9 is a virtual antonym of Akkadian babaru as (correctly) translated by Finkelstein. In all likelihood, Finkelstein took refuge in "mutter" 30 because "clamorers" would not not fit semantically in parallelism with the "whisperers" of the first stich. Finally, he ignored the poetic structure of the verse by which * governs both stichs The entire the phrase D '' Its verse must be analyzed semantically 3 ' as: Dot its lak Olt Gnat vrrnit so' tt5 fit] meta 51p5. The transla ti on therefore should be: "Who hears not the voice of the conjurers; of the skilled binder of spells." 32 26. The same observation was made indepeockntly by Y. Avishur UF 13 [198'], 22-23, who argued that the very same lelism occurs in Ugantic.interestingly, the comparison is not found in idea, Stylistic Studies of Word-Pairs in Biblical and Ancient Semitic Languages (Kevelaer and Neukirchen: Button 6c Backer and Neukirchener, 1984)• 27. Followed by NJV. 28. JBL 75, 330-33 29. See The Compact Edition cf the (Oxford: Oxford University, 1971), 1885. 3o. The various nuances of English "mutter" are covered by Akkadian dobàbu, labâfI . 31. See e.g. A. Hakam, Sift? retain Qetusakm: Monad Ham Kook, 1 979), 337. 32. Scholars have attempted to find other early Nulthwest Semitic attestations of wort 'n the same of"enchattter," " F. Vattionii s (Or 36 [1967p reading rm l -cW and his transbtion umtatori di That" in a Phoenician inscription from Spain are accepted by M. Dahood (Psalms Iii 51-10O (Garden City: Anchor Doubleday 1986), 6o), but rejected by F. Cross (HTR 64 [1971], 49-195); we tit Phoenician Comparative Semitic lexicon °f further, R. Tomback, A and Punk Languages (Missoula: Schoten, 197 8), 97. Both Avishur (UF 13, 22-23; Contrast idtm, Word Pairs. 523) and Math Smith (RB 91 Ras attested in dl [1 98 41, 377-376) have argued that Ug. W // Hani 78/20:9-10 and KTU 1.6 Vi:49-5o mean "spell-caster"/ "knower (i.e. one who knows ghosts or spirits)." Theo uttapretation and err wort would provide a parallel to the association of Heb. in Dan. i8:1 r. See further, T. Lewis, Cubs f the Bead in QJSit (Atkenta:5cbobs; 19S9). 37.,ne r

227

Because his primary concern was with the Isaiah passages, Held did not discuss Job 16:4, but ruled out any connection with D'`JOS mr5s) 1vTIt with (Iabâru. Held wrote: "Whoever is compelled to translate 'make a noise with words' is virtually admitting that his interpretation is extremely farfetched." 33 But contra Held, the interpretation is not farfetched at all34 and receives support from Jewish Aramaic and Late Hebrew. According to the Palestinian Talmud (hereafter, pl,35 R. Yohanan (third century) devised a method by which some restrictions of tithing laws might be eased. man ]t , M51D rit The story continues: 1r11' ti t '15D ran. In another story 36 this one involving the testimony of a dying husband in a potential levitate case, R. Samuel said "he is beheved...R. Yohanan said 'he h not believed."' Once again the story continues: 01D ITO fin ran i r r , r loft p15. 57 Sokoloft includes these examples in his dictionary, s. v. Ixt vb., which he defines as: "to combine against, gather together, be associate of." He translates both of the above passages as "PN went there (=to Babylonia), 38 d they combined against him." an Sokoloff attributes this interpretation to Saul Lieberman on his comment to a much discussed 39 passage from the Tosefta, 40 which reads: t, no rant sot nvt t» Tent not `m Dt lot sat, rat Tart lira roe pr err= roc etc T3-r Sot i nn =et rot T75 d' :run 57 TtD VUI .riot rN jTr111 rot 115 Qi' Once the fourteenth (of Nan) fell on the Sabbath. They asked Hil el the Elder "Does the (requirement) of Passover sacrifice override the Sabbath (prohibidon on slaughter)?" He replied to them: "Do we

published

T,"

34. "Ilse Berichtigungen, ° LIU. 35. PT Dana 1:4 (22b). For ease chapter divisions and pagination of the standard reprisas, whirls are based on the Venice-Krotoschin archon. Actual text demons are 3 Qen+sa Palestinian Talmud Leiden Ms. (cad. Seat from The the cited frocn dem, 1970). Al other PT references in thiu paper surie manuscript. 3 :ro 36. PT • 37. M. Bar

—t° P 39. Fos an a ave we J. Neusner 70, Port I: The Man vara bibliography Sete Tabreud end Wash 4a Toilet Psbs

FIER and Friends

S. DAVID SPERLiNG

228

have just one Passover sacrifice a year? We have over three hundred Passover(-type) sacrifices throughout the year which override the Sabbath (prohibition on slaughter). ' The entire temple court tin against him. ,'

But Lieberman had not actually translated 11]n by "cotnbined against." In his comment to the above passage Lieberman wrote: "That is to say, they attached themselves to him, 4 ' because they disagreed with him." 42 In support of his interpretation of rot" in the above story, Lieberman cited another Tosefta passage, also involving Hillel: •ttp nenrn Tim n5wn 512 -Dort 1F' 5o Moo ,nzpa semi ri it an5 is ."oat nitn

.)t v'am trou phi

=itt

Tot nn>it t; 'as

is not attested directly 49 in the hostile senses "to gang up on someone," 5° but only in the positive sense.5 t Thus, to cite a Late Hebrew 52 example, a midrashic comment puns on Ps 58:6 and applies the verse to Jeroboams 3

ODD iron -or nnn h bs nz , ne l'tr wn'iat 'n 5^ R. Huna said: "A cunning enchanter of friends": He enchanted those who befriended him. 54

It should be obvious to the reader, however, that the translation ' clamored" would be more contextually appropriate to the problematic passages as "attached themselves." Note, for example, another passage alluded to by Lieberman, from the Babylonian Talmud:ss

1'nß

There is the case of Hillel the Elder, who laid hand on the holocaust(animal) in the temple-court and the disciples of the Shamorai school (who prohibited this ritual) vn against him. He said to them: ' Come and see43 that this is a female, and I need to offer it as the sacri fice of sacred greeting." 44 Thus, he evaded them with talk, an d they went on their way 45

There can be little doubt that Lieberman, whose contribution to talmudic philology was monumenta1, 46 translated "that is to say, attached themselves to him" an d avoided "collected against ' (Neusner) and "combined against" (Sokoloff) for good reason: absent the disputed passages, the Hebrew and Aramaic 47 verb bbr I48 41. Contrast Neusner , Pharisees, 231; "Th e whole courtyard coll ected against him " 42. Lieberman, Tosefta Ki fshutah A Comprehensive Commentary on the Tosefta Pan IV Order Mo'ed, 566. in the onginal Hebrew, Lieberman's comment reads: \5 tin= Vet '700 t *cc 101'77. brman himself always told those of us who were fortunate to be students that whenever a rabbinic commentator began with "that y" it was the reader's ob li ga ti on to he especially cautious. 43- On this technical term sec B.Z. (Wilhelm) Bather, 'rw r (Tel-Aviv: Achdut, 1923), 6. For its Anmatc reflex see ibid., 191; Sokoloff, Dictionary, 2o5b. 44 For this translation of CTOhrr see B. Levine, in the Presence of the Lend (Leiden: B rill, 1 974). 3-5 2 ; idem, The JPS Torah Commentary Leviticus (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society 1989), 15. 45• Tosefta Hagigah 2: to. Text from Lieberman, Tosefta... Mo'ed 385:8o-82; closely parallel text in PT Hagigah 21 (78a) PT Bent* 2:4 (fire); BT Bergh zoa. 46. See E.Y. Kutscher in idem (ed.) Aeh1vt ethic New Dictionary wf Rabbinical literature Vol I (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan, 1972), 12-13. 47. Thus, e.g. the Dead Sea Targum to Job 34:8 translates m r r. ant 0D nZs1h by 1017 wine, "arm See K. Beyer, Die oramvischen Texten worn Toten Meer (Tubingen: Vandtrahotek & Rup re cht, 1984), 292. C. ibid., S7 1. in TgOnq forms of= translate nn', (Dew. 22:11; composite weave).1CDt, (Num. 2 5:3, 5; sexual union) and nub," (Gen. 29:3 bite/sexual union) For Syriac references see R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syrians: I (Oxford, 1879), 1183. The same positive sense seems to hold for Mandaic. See E. Drawer and R. Macuch, A Manda;c Diesionmy (Oxford: Clarendon, 1963), 130 48- Thu is true of its synonyms as well as far as the simp le stem I concerned Thus, to convey the sense "gang up on," the verb help (not attested in BH m the qal) is hkewise employed to the nip'ai with the prepontion',D. See Exod 32.î; Num. 16:3. 1 7:7, 20:2; Jer. 26:9. Likewise, the verb ir is employed in the nip'aI with the preposition `1, Ste Nu211. t 4 35, 1 6:11, 27:3.

49. Thus in Gen 14.3 121 rem In, the association is for host il e purposes but the indi re ct object of the verh in the verse is the "GN valley." Similarly, in Jb 16:9 17D rlt17 'Mt is translated by the Peshitta: tD j1TTD ran '37n 17127 (reflecting a reading of plural subjects), but the di re ct object of the verh is "eyes." so. An interdialectal dist ri bution of"gang up on" includes Hb. hip with Aramaic mm. See e.g. TgOnq and Neophyti to Exod. 32 1; Num. 16:3, 20:2, (For TgOnq see A. Sperber, The Bible in Aramaic I [Leiden: Brill, 1959]; for Neophyti see A Diéz-Macho, Neophyti I [Madrid-Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 968-781). Cf. further M. Klein Genizah Fragments of Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch (Cincinna ti : HUC, 1986), 1, 325; D. Rieder, Targum Jonathan ben Uziel to the Pentateuch (Jerusalem: 1974-1985) i, 131; iI, 216, 222. Cf. further Hb. 5D 1Dc in Num. 14:35, 16: i t and Num. 27:3 with its correspondents in the targums and the Peshitta In Akkadian "gang up" is pabaru with the dative. See e.g. Syria 32: If 18; see further AHw /hob. 51 Much hke its Arabic semantic counterpart fahiba. For the correspondence see A. Neubauer (ed.) The Book of Hebrety Roots by ... ilm fandh (reprint Amsterdam: Philo 1968), z07; Saadia to Ps. 45.8, 94 20 119:63 (cited from Y Kapah [Kafih; ed], Tehillim 'im Targum u-Feruir ha-Ga ôn Rabbena Sa'adyah ben Yôsef Fayyumt [Jerusalem: American Academy for Jewish Research, 19651 ). 52 Specifically, our example is from the academic dialect of Hebrew classified as Mittelhebraisch2 (mhe2) by E. Kutscher. See idem, VTSup 21 (1967) 158-175; idem (ed ), A rchive of the New Dictionary of Rabbinical literature! (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan, 1972), 3-28 (in Hebrew; English summary ibid., iii-sore i). 53. PT Abodah Zarah i:1 (39b). 54. Cf. M Kosovsky, Concordance to the Talmud Yerushahni (Palestinian Talmud), Vol 3 (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Science an d Humanities and Jewish Theological Seminary), 482. a71tC ,nit) (I-r' -nelD'7] teto ri'n [\''m] "Whoever associated [with him], he would attach [to idolatry]."; Cf. further, J. Neusner, The Talmud of the Land of brad Volume 93 Abodah Zarah (Chicago• Umversity of Chicago, 1892), jr: "Whoever was associated with him [jeroboam] he [Jeroboam] cast a spell over him [in the sin of the bull-calves].' Our translation as well as those of Kosovsky and Neusner can claim suppo rt from the variant attested in the Yalqut Shunoni 428c: 111 Tmf rrn rat .m'nrl '0 `n • 1rnn0 trim van ,iaf1is R Hoshaya (punning on Ps. 58:6) said: 'A clever enchanter of associates' He would enchant anyone who became his associate." Contrast the tnnianon of G. Weweis, Aivda Zara Glitzendinut (Tubingen: J. Mohr, 198o), 4 ' jeder, do sein Qesvlotaris) Genosse war, d essen Genosse war a." Despite their differences all three t ranslations understands= m a positive sense ' to associate with," "to befriend." Cf further the paraphrase m M. Schwab, Le Talmud deJénualem (reprint Paris 1960), Vol 6 173. ,

55• BT Yebamot 84a. For the text, see A. Liss, (ed). The BabyIonian Takand with. Variant Readings Tnawate Yebansoih Ill (Jerusalem:

institute for the complete israeh Talmud, i989). 230-231.

Pad p nurse '-i 'nit rem met 'r ht a Itnan 'avrrr 1051 tepn ens 'NJ otnaruv ry1hn tD min : tilt= Tate 1n W,* 'm55

-urn r5'po it» r: n orannott "

-tin

irv`nt 'sr

It was taught: Rabbi (Judah I) said, "When I went to study torah with R. Elazar b. Shammua, his students clamored around me like the roosters of Beth Buqia and permitted me to learn only one thing in our Mishnah (namely), 'Rabbi Eliezer (sic) says (sexual relations with) a hermaphrodite are as hable to (execution by) stoning as (homosexual) relations with a male.'" The parallel in the Palestinian Talmud 56 reads:

22 9

There should be no obstacle to translating as follows

:

"Rabbi (Judah the Prince) said, i tried unsuccessfully to discover ben Shammua's statements about the hermaphrodite and an uprorrs e broke out against him." The talmudic passages are instructive as regards Job 16:4. Whereas in the absence of Akk. babaru it was possible to argue that 5.9 -on m the rabbinic sources might mean "assemble against," no such op ti on is available in 9 Job 16:4, where the subject is 1st person s seems preferable therefore to accept Finkelstein's pretation of the Job passage and to apply his insight to the elucidation of the disputed rabbinic selections .

orarrrIc Ini]at p 'art 'nIE Wm Txr 'o tie min it» 57nvm

56. PT Yebamot 8:5 57. This is the clear reading of Leiden Ms. Cod. Scal 3. Lieberm an (Tosefta.. Commentary, 566) cites the text as TITY1 T5D T1211 without indicating the source of his reading. The printed editions agree with the Leiden Ms. Cf. also M. Kosovsky, Concordance to Talmud Yenuhalmi (Jerusalem: Jewish Theological Seminary and Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1985) i1i:482. The passage is included by Kosovsky under the rubric: In lt lDtiinl 'rpm `To gather oneself (=German. sich versammeln) and meet against (=German: sich versammeln gegen) someone."

Cf. aho OB bubwru. is a reflex of Akk. nice Late Hebrew 58. babarratum on which see Held, JANES ri (1979). 55. n 1 9. As for the alternation between the hit il and qal patterns see 59. 'non vit 'ran pot morn) 5'rn pen »n 1 0 M. Moreshet Teri inpro 1p Ge sIGI-çan m M Bar-Asher (ed.) '7 p lat alem, 1979) 263-295 and especially 265-266 with the literature cited. Especially appropriate to our case is Moreshet's suggestion (ibid.), that when no semantic distinction was involved, the hifil pattern was employed for purposes of poetic diction.

A New Omen Text concerning the "Yoke" of the Liver

A NEW OMEN TEXT CONCERNING THE "YOKE" (niru) OF THE LIVER Ivan Starr Wayne State University

It is a pleasure to dedicate this article to W.W. Hallo, whose interest in the omen literature has remained undiminished over the years. The text edited here is attested in three duplicates: Text A BM 75224 Text B K.376o (CT 28 49) Text C BM 6 8454+69328

9-2 5

GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma 2.310' BA I[GI?J 2. (, .. J GIS TUKUL GAR-ma NA ICI [. .] 3. [.,.] BAL-ma SA ni-ri IGI 4. [...] [. ..1 GIS.TUKUL GAR S. lYUKUL? s. I... GIS.TUKUL GAR]-ma DAGAL SU.SI IGI ana GIS.T[UKUL 6. [..j-su ana KA SU.SI u7-rib rn[u7. [... ] ib?? ri it? su [ nu el ri GAR-in [ 9. t .. $[ 10. [... ] tar-k(a -at? RU-ut [ I2. [...] bad [...] ka

2.

3.

I-14

TEXT C Obverse

.

I.

2-28

According to its colophon, text A consisted of 61 lines, arranged as follows: 36 lines (3 sec ti ons of 12 lines each) in the obverse and 25 lines (2 sec ti ons of 12 lines each + catch- li ne) in the re ve rs e, the sections being sepanted from each other by lines. With the help of the duplicates, the reverse has been restored in its entirety. The restoration of the obverse is much more difficult, because those of texts B and C are poorly preserved. What appears to be missing in the obverse is its first line an d its last eight lines. It is possible that A:z4ff.=C:iff., but this is uncertain, because not enough of the latter is preserved In fact, the reading of the obverse of text C is very difficult and the copy of some of the signs, especially in lines 7f, is uncertain.

8. [...]

Translation

4. 5. 6.

[If ...there is a "weapon"-mark] and it faces the leflt of the liver [...] [If ] there is a "weapon"-mark and it faces the "station" [...] [If ...] is overturned an d faces the inside of the "yoke" [...] [If ] there is a "weapon"-mark and it follows the "yoke" [...] [If there is a "weapon"-mark] and it faces the wide pa rt of the "finger," for war[fare ] [If ] its [...] comes close to the tip of the "finger" [...] (lines 7-12 too broken for translation)

Niru, the "yoke," is almost certainly to be identified with the omasal impression on the liver, as is clear from the "orientation"- liver (RA 62 [1968] p. 5o), although the area of the "yoke" may have exceeded that of the omasal impression.' The "yoke" is attested in the extispicy texts from the OB period onward.' Other than that, niru omens are scattered, either individually or in small groups over the entire body of extispicy literat In the extispicy reports th niru is usually the last pa rt of the liver to be examined by the diviner, 4 although this order is sometimes interchangeable with that of sibtu (MAS), the papillary process. 5 The niru belongs to those parts of the liver known collectively as pan takalti, to which chapter 5 of the ban7tu is devoted. The parts of the pan takalti enumerated in KAR 423 ii 14-iii 9 are: mini pihr in (SAL.LA GAB IM), nasraptu (NUG TAB), KA.DÙG. GA, dananu (KAL), bab ekallim (MENT), lulmu (SILIM), (Si ( SiLIM), padan imitti marti (GfR is i5 ZÉ) padan lumél marli (Gilt 2.30

ZÉ), nidi kussi (SUB AS.TE), kak sibti (GIS.TUKUL MAS), lulum sibti (SILIM MAS), sibtu (MAS), nina. The fact that niru is the 15th tablet (the last in the canonical order) of the parts of the pan takalti (Text A rev. 15) raises a slight problem of arithmetic. If we add up all the parts of the pan takalti enumerated above (assuming the kak sibti and fulum sibti merited tablets in their own right. Denner did not include these two among the parts of the pan takalti listed in WZKM 41 [1934] p.188; however, l'ulum sibtim is evidently distinct from .fulrnu as sibtt nirim is from sibtu; cf YOS Io 35:7) then all told, the parts of the pan takalti are thirteen in number. We do know the numerical sequence of some of the parts of the pan takahi. The nasraptu, KA.DÙG GA, dananu, bab ekalli, hi/mu an d padan imitti marti comp ri se the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth an d seventh tablets in this series, respectively. For nasraptu see CT zo 33:i15 (catch- li ne). For KA.DÙG.GA see K.6z44 rev.6: iup pi 3-kam-ma ÉS.GÀR BE IGI.TÙN; for dananu, see Boissier DA 10 rev. 42; for bab ekallim, see ibid. 41 (catch-line); cf. Hunger SpTU I no. 80.102; for lulmu, see TCL 6 3 rev. 4o; for padan imitti martim, see ibid. rev. 41 (catch-line). It is certain that some of the parts of the pan takalti comprised more than one tablet. The "crucible" (nasraptu), for example, appears to have comprised two tablets, at least in the Neo-Assyrian bartItu (perhaps more in the Neo-Babyloman barütu), each with its own catch-line and Ashurbanipal colophon. CT 20 34-37 is tablet I of this pa rt of the liver, since its catch-line (CT 20 37:291.) is line I of CT 20 31, which must therefore be tablet 2, since its catch-line (CT 20 33:115) is line I of the following pa rt in the pan takalti (KA.DÙG.GA ) It should be noted, however, that nowhere is there an indication of the numerical sequence of CT 20 34-37 and ibid. 31-33 in the pan takalti. In fa ct, K.6244 rev 6, noted above, lists it as tablet 3 in this series. The sibtu (MAS) an d the niru may have comprised two tablets each. For the former, cf Nougayrol RA 4o p. 33. who assigns to it tablets i i an d 12 of the series. It is mo re likely that it compri ablets 12. an d 13, so that the sins may have comprised tablets 14 and 15 . at least in the Neo-Babylonian barütu.

9. BE MIN-ma MAS 4-bat SU. KÜ i-na KUR. G BE MIN-ma TAG.MES-6t Su-barSA KUR SUB-ut II. [B]E ni-na Z./di URU u a-fi-bu -hi 12. [BE] ni-ru ta -li! NUN KASKAL +KUR -su a-fal-l4-su [BE ina] ni-ri U SUB-ma !u-tab -nt SUB-ti ERIM-+â ina GiS TUKUL 4. [BE ina] ni-ri IGI-it MAS BAR-turn UR.GI 7.MES BAD.MES 15. [BE] ni-ru !i-ik -si DIEU MU kip-pi GIG MES TUK-fi 16. [BE] ni-ru ana MAS ka-pl-4 ZI -ut Su-bar-ti 17. [BE ina] SAG ni- ri UZU GIM ZA.NA.MTA GAR ail-

i 3.

lu-u; lib-hi ERIM -ni 18. [BE ina S]AG ni-ri 2.30 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma ni -ra US-di GIS.TUKUL bu -f4-ü !b KOR 19. [K]ÙR UGU NIG.SU-e-a NA-is DUG e-m uq-pars 20.

DUL-mu MAN-rum-ma BE-te SIPA.MES ana WIN PA.MES-lû-nu iL-ma S nu GUR.MES -ni Mani/ GIS.TUKUL IZi G

MUNI 21.

22.

[BE ina] SAG ni- ri 15 GIS.TUKUL GAR-rrur 2.30 SU.SI IGI UGU N1G.SU KÙR NA-is [B]E ina MORU ni -d 15 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma ni -ra US-d, KOR GU 4 .MES GIS. APIN.MES Ma ni

ri Li NUN GAB.MES 23 BE ina MURU ni-ri 1E5 GIS.TUKUL GAR-m]a JUS SU.SI IGI NUN GU 4 .MES GISAPIN.MES ina ni- ri KUR. GAB.MES 24. BE ina MORD ? ni -r(i 1 5? GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma 2.30? 13A IGI GIS.TUKUL LUGAL GI .NA

27. 28.

[..1 KAR -set ERIM-ni [...] GAB [...] BE ? US [ J GAR

1-1 4 C

9-25 B 11 -25

A + colophon

U SUB-di IÜ ?-I ma SA GIS.TUKUL IZ]I.GAR [BE KA-hi U [SUB-di an GIS.TUK]UL IZI.GAR. KAR-ut [BE [BE tua SAG ni-r]i IGI-it t 5-11i U SUS -d[i [BE GIS.TJUKUL IZI.GAR nia ERIM -(ni SUB-di U GIS],TVKUL IZI.GAR usa 2.30-iI 4. [BE U niri ina IS -ri [BE ,.. n]i SUB -di GIS.TUKUL IZI.GAR ma EGIR-14 U [BE] 5. -ni ERIM 4 GIS.TUKUL IZLGAR 2-ta IGi.IG14a [BE] A.$U GAB.MES ZI 6. KA GiM GIM -st MAS [BE ni-r]i IGI (BE G]IS,TUKUL IZL.GAR 2--na hi4 7. .A BURU5.Ui. 5 .UI BURU ut U SUB-di [ -lir-au GAMME bi TAG. KA iGi-it MAS GIM [BE] ni- ri IGI-it AZ]I KO ara Zl-am-ma 8. [BE G GAB.MES BURU5.UI.A TEXT A

2. 3. 4.

See Biggs RA 63 p. 166. For the location of the "yoke," osmarie Leiderer, Anatomie der Schafsleber im loab m 5. !rérioro1ei (t99o), p. 141. 2. E.g. YOS ,,o42ni5 o42nisof. of af 3. E.g. KAR 151:91%; 454 rev. 8ff.; KUB 4 66 ü 1-13. NU SUM-in .iZI.G. 4• For OB extispicy reports, see JCS 21 p. 220 B and C; ut SA Ôta 7.1-am-ma 6. Su-bar-ti' II p. 91 no. 8:15. ZI IGI KLTA GiS.TUKUL GUR 7. BE 'ti -ru ana GIS.TUKUL 5. E.g. JCS II p. 91 no. BISE sel NIM.MA. 8. BE TA SIG ni-ri GM

.

9.

iZI.G.. BE Gt&flTh L IZI.G (ht-a SA-bi t â

s.

A New Omen Text concerning the "Yoke" of the Liver

IVAN STARR

232

BE Ma MÙRU ni- ri 2.30 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma 8. If from the narrow pa rt of the "yoke" a desi gn GO BAR IGi IGI KUR KA.GAL [ nié-ma n]é-ma ma TUis drawn (towards) the "increment," an ub invasion of Subartu. 12. BE Ma MÙRU ni- ri 2.30 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma 9. If DITTO, an d it holds the "increment," there ME NI IGI ERiM ERIM iM KOR `I3A LA will be famine in th ld. d. Io If DITTO an d it is abnormal, Subartu will in13. BE ina MÙRU ni- ri 2.3o GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma KA. vade, (but) will suffer a defeat inside the GAL DUL-lib -[bi] IGI ku.- lid la ta-kal-li fb land. I I If the `'UR yoke" is missing, a city and its inhabitants 14. BE ina MORD ni- ri 2.3o GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma niwill perish. ra US-di ZI.GA LÙ IJAL 12. [If] the "yoke" is "suspended," the prince's auxt 5. BE ina MÙRU ni-n 2.30 GIS.TUKUL GAR-ma 2.3o iliary troops will prevail over him. SU.SI lG1 lG G1 LÙ I3AL MU SAL.SIG 5 TI-qi 1G1

Reve rse

I I.

'

16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

BE ina ni- ri di-bu SUB-di IM.SÈG ina KUR NUN GAL MES BE ina ni- ri di-bu SuB-di-ma u MI SU.KÙ ina KUR GAL-fi BE ina ni- ri di-bu SUB-di-ma u SIC 7 `NA4' SURnun BE ina ni-n BE GAR DAM LÙ ana MAN-ma e-rat BE ina nI-n GIS.UUR pâr-kat SU.KÙ ina KUR GALSri

BE ni-ri Ia- mit -ma ina SA -!4 U SUB -di URU LUGAL u ERIM-Iii SU KUR -4d 22. BE ni- ri 3'b- mit -ma ina SA -54 GIS.TUKUL GUB-iz BA-ut SAL.KÙ.dBa-4 SAL.KAS. TIN.NA 23. .fâ ZI-ma BAN MÙRU mub-ri 24 BE ni- ri ur-ru-ur EN.TE.NA dan- nu -tum CALMES 21.

25.

26 27. 28.

BE 7.F SUUUS MES -.fu i5 is GI.NA.MES 2.3o ZI.MES SUUUS ERIM.MU GI.NA.MES SUUUS ERIM KUR ZI ZE MES-ba I US 1-AM MU.DIDLI IM 15-KAM-ma BE IGI TON ki-ma la-bi-ri-fu fâ {i -ir ba-ri (up-pi "KI.' AMAR.UD-ba-la-tu A mS$-bi-na-a-.fiI'û

TRANSLATION 2. [If in the top of the "yok]e,' opposite the neck of the gill bladder there is a fissure, flight of the army 3. [If...] the "yoke" in the right side of the "yoke" there is a hole, downfall of the leader of the army. f the "yok]e," opposite of "increment" is serrated like the teeth ofa comb, invasion of locusts. e "yoke" opposite of "increment" is serrated like the teeth of a saw locusts will invade, but will not ravage (the l an d). 6. Subartu will invade, (but) will suffer a defeat inside the land. 7. If the "yoke" turns towards a "weapon' -mark and faces downward, invasion of Elam.

I 3.

[If] there is a hole [in] the "yoke" and it goes through, downfall of the army in battle. 14. [If in] the "yoke" opposite the "increment' there is a cross-shaped marking, dogs will become rabid. 15. [If] the "yoke" is filled with ulcerous(?) markings, dire calamities will occur during the year. 16. [If] the "yoke" is curled towards the "increment," an invasion of Subartu. 17. [If] there is flesh like a caterpillar in the top of the `yoke,' rejoicing of the army. 18. [If in the t]op of the "yoke," on the left, there is a "weapon"-mark, an d it follows the " yoke," it is a "weapon '-mark (predicting) ... of the enemy. 19. The enemy will encamp on my property. The housekeeper's storage jar will be covered up; another one will be opened. 20. Shepherds will raise their staffs toward the plain, but will return empty-handed. Secondly, its name is a nipbu 'weapon"-mark. 21. [Ifin] the top of the "yoke," on the right, there is a "weapon"-mark, an d it faces the left of the "finger," I will encamp on the enemy's property. 22 If in the middle of the " yoke," on the right, there is a "weapon"-mark, and it follows the "yoke," the enemy will free ploughoxen from the prince's yoke. 23. If in the middle of the "yoke," on the right, there is a ` weapon"-mark a]nd it faces the [ba]se of the "finger," the prince will free plough-oxen from the enemy's yoke. 24. If in the middle(?) of the "yoke," [on the nght(?), there is a "weapon' -mark(?) and] it faces the [lef]t(?) of the liver, it Is the weapon-mark of Sargon. 2 5.

1• . flight of the army.

[If] inside [the ni]pjju ["weapon"-mark there is a hole ..]. 2. [If] in the tip of the nipbu ["weapon"-ma]rk [there is] a hole [...]. 3• [If] in the right side of the nipbu ["weapon"m]ark there is a hole [...]. 4. [If] in the left side of the niphu ["we]apon"mark there is a hole [...]. 5. [If] in the rear of the nipbu ["we]apon"-mark there is a hole [...] 6. [If] there are 2 nipbu "weapon"-marks an d they face each other, the ene[my A. 7. [If] there are niphu "weapon"-marks an d between them there is a hole [...]. 8. [If] there are 2 [ni]pbu ["weapon"-marks] and they lie side by side, the army of the ene[my...]. 9. If there are 2 nipbu "weapon"-marks and they follow each other, rejoicing of the enemy's army]. I o If there are 2 nipbu "weapon"-marks and they " ri de" upon each other, your army [..]. I I If in the middle of the `yoke," on the left, there is a 'weapon"-mark and it faces the wind-pipe: the enemy will [ ] the gate an d will enter. 12 If in the middle of the "yoke," on the left, there is a "weapon"-mark an d it faces the "gat the palace": the enemy's army will take booty. I.

13. If in the middle of the "yoke," on the left, there is a "weapon"-mark an d it faces the posterior versa cava • "conquer, do not tarry," (referring to) the enemy. 14. If in the middle of the "yoke," on the left, there is a "weapon"-mark, and it follows the "yoke": departure of the diviner 15. If in the middle of the "yoke," on the left, there is a "weapon"-mark, an d it faces the left of the "finger": the diviner will acquire fame. 16. If there is a cyst in the "yoke": there will be in the prince's count ry . 17. If there is a cyst in the "yoke" and it is black: there will be famine in the land. 18. If there is a cyst in the "yoke" and it is yellow: it will hail. 19. If there is blood in the "yoke," the man's wife will become pregnant by another man. 20. If a design is drawn crosswise in the "yoke," there will be famine in the land.

2 33

If the "yoke" is tom and there is a hole inside it dIGi the city, the king, and his army will be captured. 22. If the "yoke" is torn an d a "weapon"-mark stands inside it: it is the omen of Kubaba, the tavern keeper 23. predicting an attack. "Receive the bow of battle" 24. If the "yoke" is grooved: there will be a severe frost.

21.

25. If the base of the gall bladder is firm on the right an d loose on the left: the discipline of my army will be firm the discipline of the enemy's army will collapse. 26. 61 omens; 15th tablet of (the se ri es) pan takalti; 27. written and collated according to its old o ri ginal 28. tablet of Itti-Marduk-baläçu son of SabinTh u.

COMMENTARY For the restoration of the protasis, see Boi sz) sier DA 225: 44.

Obv. 4) Obv. I I)

For the protasis, see RA 44 I3:3. For this omen, see RA 44 13:9. Cf. Leichty

Izbu 167:22. For the protasis, cf: KAR 151: 17; for the apodosis, cf AHw s.v.:tge H n08 B. Obv. 15) For the protasis, sec RA 44 13-1 for the apodosis, see TCL 6 I rev.15. OZE Obv. 18) For the promis, see KAR 151:I I. The apodosis is difficult. The meaning of bu-14-ti (vanant bu-14-a-turn, K 3988:6) escapes me. 29 122:17. A Iraq 19b) For this apodosis, cf. Bi a. Obv. duplicate of this omen, K.3988:7 has TÙM for

Obv.

14)

turn

Obv.

20b)

GIS.TUKUL IZLGAR in volves the difficult

nipbu, which is both a technical term in extispicy, Le. a feature on the exta which changes a predicinunreliable, as an tion into its opposite, as well decisive omen. Here most Likely the la tter is the case. Cf. kak rIfl, a "weapon"-mark. predicting help; kak lumun libbi, a "wea pon"-mark predicting grief kak ti, a ` weapon"-mark predicting confuweapon"-mark predicting rekak bartim, a " sion; prere Note also pi-(i-ir ni.ip-jçi, a fissu volt, etc. en, W.R. Mayer, Or. 5 6 ing an indec 247.28 ncertain. protasi restoration of the Olw. 24) The It is possible, but uncertain, that A:24=C:1.

Rev.

rid n"-marks placed either w xpo 8f) For 2-3 , another ► g one wu dil, i.e. side by side or foiio or re "

A New Omen Text concerning the "Yoke" of the Liver

IVAN STARR

2 34

Anatomie der Schafsteber im babylonischen Leberorakel, p. 78f. et passim.

respectively, see CT 3 t 1 5 K.2o92 ii 4 (with drawings); CT 3o 38 K.7269 2f.; cf. CT 31 9. Rev. 9)

Restored from SpTU II no. 45:6.

Rev. to) For this omen, see SpTU II no. 45:Io. The apodosis in the la tt er differs from the one here. Rev. 13) For the apodosis, see YOS w 46 ii 48, cf. ibid. 9:29: 53:24. For the identification of KA. GAL.DUL.SÀ (abut kutum libbi) with the posterior versa cava, see Biggs RA 63, p 167. Rev. 14) For the apodosis, cf. BRM 4 I2:Io, 25; KAR 427 rev. 3 1 f. Rev. 15) For the apodosis, cf. TCL 6 2:21; CT 28 43:I I; CT 31 to 9 (duplicate CT 3o 37 K.9815 9) Rev 16) For si(}/ju, "cyst," see Biggs op.cit., p. 163 note J. The presence of a si(Ibiu was commonly associated in apodoses with storms, rains, floods, etc. Cf. rev. 18. On siflbu see now Rosmarie Leiderer,

Rev. 18) For the apodosis, see the CAD s v zanânu A 42b, for examples. Rev. 19) For the apodosis, see BRM 4 12:35 = Boissier DA 221:13. Rev.

is not always possible to decide whether sramâtu in protases of omens refers to lamina I or sramâtu II listed in AHw s.v. p. 1155. See now the discussion in CAD 5/ I sramâtu p. 31o.

21) It

Rev. 22f.) For the apodosis, see Nougayrol RA 6o, p. 91; Starr JCS 29, p. 159f. See now Ulla Jeyes, Old Babylonian Extispicy (1989), p.165, which may suggest the cor re ct interpretation of this omen. Rev. 24) For this omen, see RA 44 13:12. For the protasis, see also YOS to 42 iii 52, an d K.182+ rev.i2 (CT 28 48), said of the gall bladder.

BM 68454+69328 (Text C)

A)

235

Obeservattons on the Sumerian Personal Names in

at the very end of the listi ng. The variants from TM 75.G.Io185 are noted in the respective commentaries

OBSERVATIONS ON THE SUMERIAN PERSONAL NAMES IN EBLA SOURCES AND ON THE ONOMASTICON OF MARI AND KISH

I. 2.

3. 4756 .

Piotr Steinkeller

Harvard University

. .

I.

two sources was recognized already by M.V. Tometti 2 an d A Archi, 3 although neither of them had realized that, as is shown by the comparison with TM 75.G.2649, in ARET i 7 the rubric NAR.TUR Ma-rib extends to three individuals who are listed m the immediately preceding section (rev. i 1-3). These persons are identical with the first three singen appearing in TM 75.G.2649; since in the la tter source these three men receive twice as many garments as the other singers, they undoubtedly represented supervisors or senior singen. Accordingly, when the three supervisors are included, the actual number of singers appearing in ARET i 7 Is twenty-seven. Yet another text that bears directly on the same group of singers is TM 75.G.io185 vii 9'-16 1 .4 This source records the garments issued to three named supervisors (Ur-sa-nu-ù-du , Gi-is-iii-s"u , and Lu-gi-natu-WA - two of whom can positively be identified with the supervisors appearing in the earlier two texts) and twenty-two unnamed junior singers (NAR.NAR.TUR) The total number of singers listed (twenty-five) is thus identical with that found in TM 7S G. 26 49. The comparison of the variant spellings appearing in ARET 1 7 and TM 75.G.2649, with further information provided by TM 75.G.1o185, makes it possible to arrive at improved readings an d an alyses of several of the names. At the same time, this sample of Mari names provides one with a representative and convenient body of evidence to reach some general conclusions about the onomasticon of Mari in Pre-Sargonic times. Offered below is a list of the names found hi ARET 17 (henceforth Source A), juxtaposed with the nameforms found in TM 75.G 2649 (henceforth Source B) The sequence is according to Source A; the numerical positions of names in Source B are indicated in parentheses. The names which appear only in Source B (or cannot be identified at present in Source A) were placed

in an article published in JAOS io8 (1988) 481-83, P. Man der studied a group of twenty-four personal names, borne by a contingent of 'junior singers" (NAR.TUR) from Mari, which are recorded in ABET 1 7 rev. i 4 - ii 4 (= TM 75.G.1828). Several of these names were recognized by Mander as being genuinely Sumerian The tablet in question has recently been republished by Mander in his Administrative Texts of the Archive L.2679, Matenali per it Vocabolario Sumerico i = MEE io (Rome, 199o), pp. 41-52 no. 14, with similar conclusions about the nature of the names in question (pp. 52, 244). However, M an der had missed the important point that the majority of the singen listed in ARET 1 7 appear also in TM 75.G.2649 x Off. i which records twentyfive NAR NAR Ma-nb. The connection between these Abbreviations used are those of th e Chicago Assyrian Dictionary and the Philadelphia Sumerian Dictionary with the following addi ti ons:

ARES ASJ ELTS

Anfiivi reali di Ebla, Stud' Acta Sun erologica (Japan) i J. Gelb, P. Steinkeller and R.M. Whiting, The Earliest Land Tenure Systems in the Near Fact: Ancient Kuduma, OIP 104 (Chicago, x991) Himrin F. Rasheed, The Ancient Inscriptions in Himrin Area (Baghdad 1981) Krebem'k, Personennamen Die Personennam en der Ebla-Texte (Berlin, 1988) MC Mesopotamian Civilizations Mélanges Kupper De la Babylonie d la Syrie, en passant par Mari: Mélanges offe rts a MontieurJ.-R. Kopper (Liège, 199o) OSP A. Westenholz, Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts in Philadelphia Chiefly from Nippur, volt (Malibu, CA x975). vol, 2 (Copenhagen, 1987) Pomponto, Prosopografw, F. Pomponio, La prosopografia dei testa presargonici di Fara (Rome, 1987) QS Quademi di Semitistica SEb Studi Eblaiti TSS R. Jestin, Tableurs sumériennes de Suruppak conservées au Musk de Stamboul (Paris, 937) Westenholz, ECT) A. Westenholz, Early Cuneiform Texts in Jena (Copenhagen, 1 975)

s.

2. QS is (1988) 84 n. 15, 86-89. 3. ARES t (Rome, 1988), pp. 283-84. 4, ARES 1, p..284. I am grateful to A. Arch' for bringing this text to my attention.

hy A. Archi in MAKI 4 (1985) 78 no. 126. Cited by

23 6

SOURCE A Ur-si-[Utu(?)] Lû-gi-na Gù -li-li A-si Nu-gal-zi-ga Ur-Na-zi-a(!) Da-da

SOURCE B

Ur-zu-Utu (i) Gi-gi-na (2) Ga-li-li (3) A-si (4) Nu-gal-zi-ga (5) Ur-Na-zi(wr. GI)-a (8) Da-da (7)

8. NE-na 9. Ma-za -lu ro. Lu-mai II. 0-du-ra(?),

NE-na (6)

Ma-u-lu -Hl (9) Lu-mu-tu (to) U-du-Nt-a 0 2)

12. Mu-mu 13.

0-nu-NE-NE

0-mu-NE (14)

14.

Sum-BAD - li

Sum-BAD-li (i7)

Ba -zi (15)

I5. Ba -zi 16. Lu -KASKAL-DU 17.

Bù-la- rlu'

18. Na-za Nu-gal-M-zi (i i) Ur-Nu-nu -na 08)

19.

Nu-gal-NI-zi

20.

Ur-Na-na

21.

NI-ri-NE -UD

22.

Ù-gû-NE-NE

23.

Nu-gal-mu-da-kâi

Ù-gû-NE-NE (22) 0-NE-NE (24)

24. 0-NE-NE 25. Si-la-mu-Utu 26. Ar-iè-a-hu 27 Ir-amca-bu

Si - li-mu-du (25)

(13) gi 28. Sâ--il-da 29. Nu-gal-A.S.DA 06) 3o. U9-la-nu (19) 31.

BAD-KUR.KI (20)

32. Li-lum (2t) 33. t3Al.-da-ba (23) As shown by the above listing, nineteen tares appear in both sources. It is interesting to note that these names are listed in much the same sequence in both sources, with the first eleven names following virtually the same order. Among the remaining names, eight seem to be found only in Source A, while s ix appear only in Source B. Assuming that no further matches between both sources a re possible, the combined total of names listed can be put at thirty-three.

Ebla Sources

2 37

Comments on individual nam es:

t. Ur-s$-[Ulu (?)] / Ur-zu-Utu. The name of the same senior singer is spelled Ur-sa-nu-ù-du in TM 75.G.10185 (see above). Without any doubt, we find here the Sumerian name Ur-sag-Ulu, which is wellknown from Fara (F. Pomponio Prosopografia, pp. 27577) an d Pre-Sargonic sources (OSP 1, p. to 74 to; ELTS p. 179) In other Ebla texts, the same name h alternatively written Ur-sag-da (ARET 3 526 ii 61 ; 7 I rev viii 7), Ur-sa-da (ARET 2 6 ii 6; SEb 4, p. 149 rev i 6 (both examples involving citizens of Mari]), and UrÉ(for SA?)-da (ABET 7 16 rev. viii 9). Cf. also the name Ur-sag, borne by a merchant (LO.KAR) from Ma ri , in ABET 8 525 xxi 14. For another name invoking Utu, see no. 25. 2. Ln-gi-na / Gi-gi-na. The name of the same senior singer is written Lu-gi-na-su-WA in TM 75.Gto185 (see above). In a personal communication A. Archi informs me that the la tt er name could alternatively be read as Lugi-na-WA-iu. If so, the name is very likely to be analyzed /lu-kinâ pile/. For the val ue pi of PI, c£ 1-ku-pi-DINGIR as /1u-kinâ /ikûn-pi-alum/, attested in ARET t 30 ix 9 (a man from Mari ), SEb 3, p. 15 rev viii 5 (a man from Mari), and MEE 2 35 rev. ii 2. 3. Gù-li-li. Almost certainly identical with Gu-li-li of MAD 5 65: i i an d Ku-h-li of HSS to 52 i 4, 51 i 5. This name is probably to be interpreted as kur/u, "dragonfly." Our Gû-li-li, a senior singer according to both sources, is very likely identical with Go-li-lu, a NAR.MAUI, who appears in ARET 1 5 rev. t 4, 6 rev. ii 15. The purpling thing is that Gû-li-li would be expected to be the same person as Gi-ii-W-sue, the remaining (third) senior singer listed in TM 75.G. 0185 (see above). However, e by rn for which compare Gi-is-ljl, the name bo dt-s'u, cannot be 9), 5 t, p. 138 no. (Eblaitica from Kish a m an readily connected with Ga-li-li/lu 4. A-si. This name, of uncertain affiliation, is also tested in the Pre-Sargomc and Sargonic sources from northern Babylonia (ELTS, p. 164). Cf. A-zi, a merchant (LU.KAR) from Ma ri (ABET 1 7 xi 16). 5. Nu-gal-zi-ga. The name contains the word lugal, an d thus is assuredly Sumerian. Cf. Mander, JAOS IDS, p. 482. However, since *Lugal-zi-ga is not documented In 3rd millennium Babylonian sources, the interpretation of -zi-ga remains uncertain. To be nuGi)-a Ur-Na-zi-a(!) / Ur-Na-zi(wr. 6. lyzed as Ur-Nazi-a(k) = Ur-Nanie-a(k). The possibility that this name invokes Nanshe was considered already by Mander, JAOS 1o8, p. 482, though with an i talion Ur-Nanie-(nin-)utv i 6, based on the the last sign in Source A as -lu (the . Our UrIX) o,pL ly a see the photograph in MEE p• 243•

238

PIOTR STEINKELLER

Nance cannot but bring to mind a senior singer (NAR. MAti) of the same name, the se rvan t of the king Ip lu s il, who dedicated his statues to the goddess INANNAxZA. ZA of Mari (I J. Gelb an d B. Kienast, FAOS 7, pp. 13-14 MP 14 an d MP i5). Whether the same person is meant m both instances depends on the immensely complicated questions concerning the royal sequences of Ebla and Mari,6 which have not yet been definitively resolved. 7. Da-da. Cf. Da-da, a man from Kish, who is documented in SEb 4, p. 78 no. 3. 7 This name is common in Babylonia, both in the south an d in the north, from the Fan through the Ur III period (Pomponio, Prosopografia, p. 63; MAD 5, p 96; ELTS, p. 166; H. Limet, Anthroponymie, p. 392). Its background is probably Sumerian, although a Semitic derivation is also possible (MAD 3, PP. 103-04)• 8. NE-na. Reading

and analysis uncertain.

9. Ma-za-lu / Ma-za-lu-dl. Cf. Ma-zu-ra-bu (ARET 8 529 xxi 2), and conceivably also Na-sa-ra-N , designating a man from Mari (ABET t 7 xi 2). This name may contain the root N$R, with a possible interpretation /mat;ar(u)-abi/. Cf ma-za-hum /maf;arum/, "guard," of Ebb economic texts (e.g., ABET i, pp. 2 94- 95), an d the naines Ma-za-ar-su (Gelb, OAIC 5:2), Ma-za-ir-su (UCP 9, p. 204 no. 83 ii 7 [collated]), Ma-za-ir-za (MVN 3 102:18) Na-as-ru-um, an d Na zi-it-i-li (MAD 3, p. 207) of Babylonian sources. to. Lu-mai / Lu-mu-s"u. Mander, JAOS io8, p. 482, assumes that Lu-mai is a Sumerian name, but the vanant spelling Lu-mu-iu raises a possibility that this name may in fact be Semitic. Cf. La-mu-sa (Himrin 4 ii 2; ELTS, p. 1 72 ) I I. 0-DU-ra(?) 1 / Ù-DU-NI-a . Reading an d analysis uncertain. 12. Mu-mu. This name, of uncertain

affiliation, is

common in Babylonian sources (HSS w, p. XXXV; FLTS, p. 174; MAD 5 66 vi 1, Himrin 3 iii 15; etc.). 13. 0-nu-NE-NE / 0-mu-NE-NE Possibly identical

with the Babylonian name U-mu-NI•NI (Westenholz, OSP I, p. too; ELTS, p. 178), if the latter name is to be read Ù-mu - ni-ni. Cf. the name NE.NE, identifying inchviduals from Mari (MARI 4, p. 76 nos. 63 an d 83). The same name is attested in the sources from Mari (MARI 5, p. 97; 6 , p. 247 nos. 38 ii 1 and 39 ii 2- under bi-bi) and Babylonia (JCS to [1956] 26 no. 2 iii 12; BIN 8 t t 4: ELTS nos 41 rev. ix 12 43 i ii). Cf. also NE-NEurn in Iraq so (1978) 114 no 531 ii 6 (Abu Salabikh). See also nos. 22 an d 24. rord#ng to Archl ABET 7, p. 79, Source A belongs to Ç _a ,

Ibrium or Ibbi-Zakir. On the other hand, Axhi, date 1p-lu r il before both Ibrium and Ibbi-zikir. identification of our Ur-Nance with the senior unlikely. p• 2 43•

Obeservations on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources

14. Sum-BAD-li Attested as sum-BAD in

MARI 4, p.

77 no. 98, where it identifies a Ma ri citizen, and in a Pre-

Sargonic votive insc ription from Ma ri (Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, p. 19 MP 24:1, 7). This name corresponds to the Babylonian Sum(u)-bEli, which is written gu4 mu-be-h in A 1087:2 (Sargonic) published by Zhi Yan g, A Study of the Sargonic Archive from Adab (Univ. of Chicago Diss., 1986), p. 397. Cf the name Sum- da-ar, borne by a Ma ri prince (MARI 4, p. 76 nos. 81 an d 84), which appears as Su-mu-da-4r an d Su-mu-tar in the sources from Babylonia (MAD 3, p. 274). For other examples of names with fumu, see MAD 3, p. 274, and ELTS, pp. 176-77, and further, note Su-mu-Es 4 târ (ARM 19 462:8) an d Su-mu-dDa-gan (ARM 19 283:3) of Ma ri srakkanakku sources.

15. Ba-zi. Attested also in MARI 4, p. 76 no. 84, where it identifies a man from Mari. 8 This name, which is documented in Babylonia from the Fara (Pomponio, Prosopografia, p. 57; Names and Professions List line 132 = SEb 4, p. 184) through the Ur III period (Limet, Anthroponymie, p 389), is very likely Sumerian. Cf. the name Z1-zi borne by a man from Ma ri (ARET t 7 rev. xi i; MARI 4, p. 78 no. 125), which is also found in the Names an d Professions List line 238 (SEb 4 p. 187) an d In the sources from Babylonia (Pomponio, Prosopografta, p. 279). Cf. also Zi-zi of iamazi (Rivista Biblica 25 [1 977] 240 iv lo, v 3). In this connection note that, according to the ms. of the Sumerian King List from Te ll Leilan,9 Ba-zi and Zi-zi were the names of two rulers of the Ma ri Dynasty. ,

16 Lu -KASKAL-DU. The name appears to be Sumerian (cf. Mander, JAOS 108, p. 482). Probably to be analyzed as Lu -kàs-Sa 4 = 16 kas4 a(k), for which compa re LCI.KAS 4 (ELTS no. 41 h 12) an d Ur-kas 4 -sâ (BIN 8 212:4). For the value kâs of KASKAL, see below under no. 23. The value sa 4 of DU is documented in the Pre-Sargonic sources from Lagash Q. Bauer, RA 64 [197o] 188; J.N. Postgate, MO 24 [ 1 973] 77). For Ebla, sec zit-ur ssa4 glossed as zu 'à-ar-ia, in VE 208 an d ous i (MEE 4, pp. 221 an d 358). -

17. Bù-la-9u'. The same name, spelled Bù-la-hum, is bo rn e by a merchant (LO.KAR) from Man (MARI 4, p• 76 no. 73). Probably to be analyzed as or Pû-tali, "Mouth-Of-Happiness." Cf. Bu/Bù-la-hum (MAD 3, p. 96) and Bù-la-li (ELTS na 23 x I; Zhi Yang A Study of the Sargontc Archive from Adab [Unie of Chicago Diss., 1986], p. 484). Cf. also La-li of Mari (MARI 4, p. 78 no. 1 37; 5, p. 98), La-li of Babylonia (F.I.TS Appendix to no.

32 vi 7, no. 4o A xiv 18), and A-ga-la-li of Mari (ARM 19 392:8, 404:1f) If this interpretation is correct, the name would be of Babylonian o ri gin, since laid is a Sumerian loanword in Akkadian (CAD L, p. 5ib)

18. Na•za. Affi li ation uncertain — no Babylonian parallels are available. Cf. the Ma ri name Za -na (ARET 7 16 vii 8).

19. Nu-gal-NI-zi. Assuredly a Sumerian name, because of the inclusion of the word lugal. However, Mander's assumption, JAOS 108, p. 482, that this name is to be analyzed as Lugal -i -zi is most unlikely (the name Inim-i -zi, which he cites as a parallel, in fact represents Inim-(a)- ni-zi). Among the possible analyses one might consider Lugal-e -si, -ezen, and -nig-zu, all listed in Pomponio, Prosopografia, sub voce. Cf. Ur-NI-zi, designating a Kishite visitor to Ebla (Eblattica 1, p. 138 no. 8), 10 an d Lugal-hi-zi / Nu-gal-hi-zi in ARET 5 24 iv 3 =25ivI. 2o. Ur-Na-na I Ur-Nu-nu -na. With Mander, JAOS io8, p. 483, this name very likely represents Ur-O )Nanna although the variant -Nu-nu -na leaves open the possibility that the divine element in question actually is Nu-nu, for which see below p. 243. Cf. the name UrNa-ni, which is attested, as the designation of an Ebla singer (NB), A in ARET 8 527 xv t, 531 xvi 21 an d also inOSPi 44:5. 21. NI-ri-NE-UD. The name may invoke Um or Sha-

mash, but the analysis is uncertain. 22 Ù-gû- NE -NE. Reading and analysis unce rtain. Cf. nos. 13 and 2 4. 23. Nu-gal-mu- da -kài(KASKAL). Undoubtedly the same name as the Pre-Sargonic Lugal-mu-da -kirs (e.g., HSS 3, p. 24; J. Bauer, Lagasch, p. 554; ELTS, p. 173), also attested in ARET 5 24 iii 5 = 25 üi 1 (Lugal-mu-clakiis / Nu-gal-me-gam su -ù). The value kIs of KASKAL is frequent in the Pre-Sargonic sources from Lagash, as a variant writing of kas, "beer" (Y. Rosengarten, Rfperfoire, p. 26 no. 116). The fact that Lugal-mu-da-kas does not seem to appear in Fara sources could be of importance for the date of the archaic Mari an d Ebb sources. 24. 0.-NE-NE. Attested also in MARI 4, p. 75 no. 54, p. 78 no 118, in both cases identifying a man from Mari an d in the sources from Abu Salabikh (OIP 99, p. 35). This name is possibly identical with the Babylonian 0NE-NE (ELTS no. 31 iv 3) and CJ-NI-NI (Gelb, MAD 5, p no; ELTS no. 4o B xii 8), if the latter names are to be nos. 13 and Cf. and 0-ni-ni respectively. read U -ne-ne ,

22. 8. The same Ba-ri is apparently also mentioned in SEh 3, p. t4 x 2, where he is associated with the well-known Man merchants Ib-gi-tum and Gul-la. For lb-gi-tam see below n. 3o; for Gul-b, see MARI 4. P. 75 no. 242p. 76 no 73. 9 A preliminary discussion of this source was offered by Claudine-Adrienne Vincente in a paper entitled "The Leilan Recension of the Sumerian King List," read at the AOS meeting in Cambridge lis-, April i942.

25. Si-la-mu-Ulu / Si-li-mu-du. The same name is written Si-la-mu-da in MARI 4, p. 76 no. 73, where it describes a merchant (LÛ.KAR) from Mari. Without any

to. CL

p..243 . .

239

doubt, the name hiding behind these variant the Sumerian Silim-DUtu (usually transUcerated as DiIdtUtu by Sumerologists), which is abundantly documented in Fara (Pomponio, Phosopografta • pp. 64-66), Abu Salabikh (OW 99, p. 35) an d Pre-Sargonic texts (e.g., Bauer, Iagasdc, p. 546; OSP t, p. So; ELTS, p. 166), an d which is also attested in Ebb sources (ARET 3 526 i 2; SEb 4, p. 144 rev. v 3, p. 145 iii 4 [appaently a citizen of Ma ri in each case]). Since all three spellings use the sign SI, it appears quite certain that the name was v ocalized Silim-Utu, an d not Salim-Utu; this is in agreement with the testimony of lexical texts, which give primary to the reading shim (see Proto-Ea 262). 26. Ar-iè-a-bu. Attested in Babylonia, Mari, and Ebla. See MAD 3, p. 236; Krebemtk, Personennamen, pp. 143-44. For the Ma ri evidence, see especially Ar-iè-abu, a merchant (LII.KAR) from Mari (MARI 4, p. 77 no. 104), an d Ar-k(!)-a-ba (Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, P. 21 MP 29:1). Cf. also A-ha-ar4i of Mari (MARI 4, p. 77 no. 94. P• 78 no 134). 27. Îr-am t -a-bu. The element Ir'am- is attested in names from Babylonia, Mari, an d Ebb (MAD 3, p. 23o; Krebemik, Pnsonrnnamen, p. 225), but the combination Ir'am-abu is represented only by this occurrence. 28. Si-gi-il-da. Possibly a Sumerian name Cf Sag3 and Sag-'En- W-da /Sag- lilil-da/ 467 iv r) bil-da 154 ii 6; OSPt, p. 97). (BIN 8" 29. Nu-gal-AS.DA. Probably a Sumerian name. Possibly to be read Nu-gal-iz-da and identified with Lugalâ-z-da (Pomponio Prosofgrafra, p. 153; etc. 3o. U 9-1a-nu. Undoubtedly a Semitic name, though the interpretation is uncertain. CE U 9 -1i-N1 (ABET 2 4 vii 4) and U9-Nl (MARI 4, p. 76 no 78) of Mai. 3I. BAD-MURK!. Attested as BAD-li-KUR in a PreSargonic tablet from Mari (MARI 5 p t t9 no at y 4). This name assuredly corresponds to the Babylonian BöMSAiTU (MAD 3, p. 264; ELTS, p. 165). Cf. A-bù•KvR..Ie1 -KURII 1 79 no. p. 55). A-ba4 76 no. 73, (MARI 4, p• (ARET 4 1 x 13), and A.MU-KURKI (ARET 8 S31 ix 2), 12 in all instances describing the same Mai merchant (LO.KAR), which corresponds to the Babylonian A-bù/ bi-SA.TU, once appearing as A-Iii-KUR (MAD 3, p. 264). Further, note the name KUR 10-1-hum, borne by a merchant (LII,KAR) from Ma ri (MARI 4, p. 77 which n clearly the same z the Babylonian SA.TU-DINGiR (JCS 28 [î976] 228 DINGIR-SA.TU (MAD 3, p. 264) and ). Although these examples establish that KUR.R1 least, KUR.KI that, in some instances at le is possib WA it

240

Pi0TR STEINKELLER

may actually stand for Dagan. This is suggested by the name Ir-am6-KUR.KI, borne by a cupbearer (SAGO from Mari (MARI 4, p. 78 no. 137), which finds a close parallel in Ir'am -Dagan of Babylonian sources (MAD 3, p. 230).

32. Li -hum. Collated by A. Archi (personal communication). In all probability, to be analyzed as li/lu, "fool, moron," which is documented as a PN in Sargonic an d later sources. For the Sargonic examples, see Li -lum (Gelb, OAIC 23:1; RTC 91 iii 16 1), Lu -lil-hum (CT 5o 56 :4 59:2 1 ; Grégoire, AAS 2.4), Lil-la (TuM 5 16:9), Ln -111-Ia (Boston Museum of Fine Arts, 669-86, unpublished Sargonic seal), an d Lu -lit-la (OSP 2, p. 196). For later occurrences, see CAD L p. 189b.

alogues between Mari and Babylonia, as the following, haphazardly collected sample will demonstrate: (I) Ad -da of Ma ri (MARI 6, p. 247 nos. 38 ii 4 and 39 i 4, p. 251 no. 41 ii V) an d Ad -da of Babylonian sources (Pomponio, Prosopografia, pp. 19-20; OSP 1, p. 77; 2, p. 195; ELTS, p. 164; etc.). (z) Ag-ga of Mari (MARI 4, p. 76 no. 63; MARI 5, p. Io3 nos 2 i 6 an d 3 iii 7, p. lo5 no. 4 üi 3') and Agga, the famous ruler of the First Dynasty of Kish. Cf. the divine(?) element A-ga, found in the Mari names of the fakkanakku period: A-ga-Li-li (ARM 19 392:8, 404:10, Is-mi-A-ga (ARM 19 424:1 1 ), and Ml-li-A-ga (ARM 19 319:6; Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, p 364 MS ro:4)• (3) A-ri -ik-BAD of Mari (MARI 4, p. 76 no. 78), as

33. Um -da -ba Reading and analysis uncertain. The same name designates a PA 4.SES priest of dNi- da-KUL in MEE 2 19 rev. vi t .

compared with A- ri -ik-i-li and Be-li-a-rI-ik of Babylonia (MAD 3, p 64).

H.

(4) Du-du of Mari CARET 8 542 x 7; MARI 5, p. 123 no. 31 iii 3) an d Du-du of Babylonia (Pomponio, Prosopografia, pp 66-67; MAD 5, p. 97; ELTS, p. 6o; etc.).

Within this group, nine names can be recognized as genuinely Sumerian (nos. t, 5, 6, 16, 19, 20, 23, 25, an d 29), while three other (nos. 7, 15, and 28) are possibly Sumerian. Twelve other names, either Semitic or of uncertain affiliation (nos. 3, 4, 12, 13, 14, 17, 22?, 24, 26, 27?, 31, and 32), are documented also in Babylonia. Among all these names, only three (nos. 26, 27?, and 33) seem to be represented also in the onomasticon of Ebla. As is suggested by this sample, Sumerian names were fairly common in Pre-Sargonic Ma ri . Although one could theoretically argue that the large concent ra tion of Sumerian names in our sample is due to the specialized occupational background of their bearers, the examples of Sumerian names designating Ma ri citizens other than singers, which were cited in the commentary above,' 3 show that this is not the case. On the other hand, we lack any certain examples of Sumerian names designating the citizens of Ebb an d other northern Syrian cities That such names, though common at Ma ri , were unknown or at least extreme rare at Ebla is not surprising, if one considers the simple fa ctor of geography and the fact that Ebb's contacts with Babylonia, unlike those of Man, appear to have been sporadic and generally of an indirect nature. It comes as a considerably bigger surprise to conclude that, even when the Sumerian names are excluded, the onomasticon of Pre-Sargonic Mari, as represented by the above sample an d the examples noted in the commentary, is very closely connected with that of Babylonia (including the Diyala Region), though it shows little affinity with Ebb and northern Syria in general. In fact, it is easy to cite numerous other examples of onomastic an -

(5) tg-bum of Mari (MARI 4, p. 79 no. 152; Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, p. 8 MP 5 . 2 [read as se-bum]) an d Ese bum (Gelb an d Kienast FAOS 7, p. 8o Manistiisu B 2:4) - also Is"-bù-um (HSS ro 135:5) or Is-bum (HSS Io 24:1 I, 146:14, 153 ii 19) - of Babylonia.

(6) Ga-rI-ù (MARI 4, p. 78 nos. 134 and 139; ABET 8 521 vii 2, 539 ii 15), also Ga- ri-u9 (MARI 4 p. 76 no. 62), of Mari and Ga-ri and Ga- ri-urn of Babylonia (MAD 3 p. 11 9; Himrin 6 iv 6 [Ga -ri-urn]). (7) Ib-bu-bu of Mari (MARI 6, p. 251 no. 4o iüx 8) an d lb-bu-bu ofBabylonia (OSP r 14:3, 129 iv 2 1 ; Gelb, OAIC 3:1i; HSS ro rob 14; Himrin ro ii 2, 18:5; ELTS nos. 4o B vi r, 41 1 II, 48 rev. iii 6) (8) Ip-lu s -il /iplus-il(um)/ of Ma ri (Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, p. 12 MP 12:1, p 13 MP 13:1, MP 14:1, p. 14 MP 15:1; Krebernik, Personennamen, p. 215) an d Ip-lu sil/DINGiR (MAD 3, p. 96) - also Ip-lu 5 -zi-DINGIR, Iplu-us-DINGIR, and Ip- lu -zi-DINGIR (SEL 1 [1984] II) ofBabylonia. Cf. Steinkeller, NABU 1988/49 n. 14e (9) lb-u9-mu-ud/du of Mari( ?) (Krebernik, Penonennamen, p. 216) an d lb-anl ß-mud (OIP 99, p. 35) or lbmud of Babylonia CELTS App. to nos. 22-23 i 3 , iii 7). The name is possibly to be analyzed as /ibû-mutu/ (Ebla examples) or /ibiii'-mutu/ (Abu Salabikh), cf. ibû at OB Mari, against ibà' in Babylonia (CAD B, p. 178b). For the possibility that Ib-u 9 -mu -ud/du was a Mari official, see especially ARET 7 3, 6, an d 7. (to) ir-ra-ra of Ma ri (ARET t 5 rev. xii 24) and 'rra -ra ofBabylonia (ELTS no. 4o A v 2; HSS Io 31:3, 153 iv 17; BIN 8 142:2; Himrin 2 iii 16).

Obeservations on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources

(i2) Ku-ku of Mari (MARI 5 p. 103 no. 2 iii 2; ARET t 5 rev. xiii 7; 4 24 il 13) and Ku-ku of Babylonia (MAD I, p. 2.11; 5, p. 1 to; OSP 1, p. 86; ELTS, p. 172; Himrin 6 iv 2; etc.). (t3) La-la of Mari (MARI 6, p. 251 no. 41 ii 4x) an d La-la of Babylonia (Pomponio Prosopografia, p. 142; Names an d Professions List line 24 [SEb 4, p 181]; Bau er, Lagasch p. 552; etc.). (t4) Mâm(SAL)-ma-bit•-sù /man-mâbirfu/ of Mari (Gelb and Kienast, FAOS 7 p. 13 MP 13:3) an d Ma-maW hir (OSP 1 47 iii) and Ma-ma-bir( -su) (MAD 3, p. 177) of Babylonia. Cf Mâm-ma-bir, designating a person from Gù-Ia-AN ki (localization unknown), in ARET 738ä r. (I5) Ma-âs-da-su /ma(n)-altâlu/ (MARI 4, p. 78 no. 125) of Mari an d Ma- an -is-tu-su of Babylonia (MAD 3, p. 8o). (16) Ma-si -gi-BAD-li of Mari (MARI 5, p. 113 no. 19 ii 5) and Ma-siki-be-li of Babylonia (ELTS Appendix to no. 32 vi 6). Cf. Ma-siki (Westenholz, ECTJ 28 ii 7, 35 ü 4) an d the feminine name variously written in Ebla sources as Ma- si-gi-ba-u4 (OA 18 [1979] 135 viii 26), Ma- sa-gi-ba-um (ARET 8 525 V r), Ma- si-gi-ii-ba-rum', Ma- sa-gi-rs-ba-um (P. Fronzaroh, CRRAI 33, p. 71), Ma- si-gi-sa-um (HSAO 2, p. 168 viii 27), and Ma-si-1i14 • si-ba CARET 9 43 iV 4) (17) Me-kisal of Mari (MARI 5, p. t t r no. 13 i 4) and Me-kisal-li of Babylonia (HSS 3 20 1V 13, 21 V I7• BIN 8 3459 1 ; etc.). (18) Me-me of Ma ri (ARET 4 19 rev. vi to) and Meme of Babylonia (MAD 1 7 if 13, 276:5'; HSS 3, p 25; TuM 36 1 6 Himrin 1 ii 13; etc.) - a feminine name in both instances. d Me-sar of an 5, p. 98) (MARI Ma ri Me-sar of (19)

Babylonia (HSS to 14:5 25 iii 12, 3o:8 14). no. 28 ill t; 121 5, p. (MARI ri Ma -wa of (20) Mi-su 6, p. 247 no. 38 iü 7) an d Mi -su 4 a of Babylonia (JCS 1 [ 1 947] 34 8 St. Louis t t:6; ELTS no. 4o C xv 12). The same name is alternatively written Mi su -ad (unpublished Pre-Sargonic Mari tablet in the Borowski Museum, Jerusalem - to be published by J.G. Westenholz), no. 63, p. 78 76 no. 44, Mi su -wa-du (MARI 4, p. 75 p. no. 131), Mi - su -wa-ti (ARET 8 529 viii 6), and Me-sidescribing 74 no. 15 in all instances a-du (MARI 4, p. individuals from Mari, and Mi -su4 -ad in the Fara and ProsopoPre-Sargonic texts from Babylonia (Pomponio, Mi also Cf. grafia, p. 177; Steinkeller, MC 4, p 28).' S 4. Because 2, 6, p 251 no. 4o ill' su4 of Mari in MARI of the element Ma- si -gi-s obscure Cf. per-

14. The pp 282,in-{i-kù), "prince" (CAD N/a haps Rai/Au/na{ 83). AB.s1 15. In view of tested in the Pre-Sargonic Mi-su 4-ad (against this author. MC 4, P. 1 .

Kir-ba-nt'im of Mari (MARI 5, p. 119 no. 25 ü 4) and Kir-ba-nûm of Babylonia (MAD r , p. 210; cf. also (I I)

Ur-é-gal. a

appearing in AREC 7 16 rev. 4, p. 152 rev. ix to. •

M C 4 no. 55:5).

;

24

of the use of the sign SU 4 in the spellings from Babylonia, this name is almost certainly to be analyzed as /mi(n)fu'ati/ "Why-Ijim?" 6 For the spelling su4-a as representing fu'at(i), see DUB su4-a an d similar examples listed in MAD 3, p. 248. For the disappearance of vocalic endings in Old Akkadian pronouns an d the examples of similar abbreviated writings, see Steinkeller, NABU 1988/ 49. (21) Pa4-ba 4 of Mari (Gelb an d Kienast, FAOS 7, p. 12 MP 12:2 MARI 5, p. los no 4 iv 4; F. Pomponio an d M G. Biga, NABU 1989/114) and P2 4 -p2 4 of BabyIonia (MAD I 163 li 25; MVN 3 too: it; BIN B 148 . 62, 152:87, 156:1; etc ) - a feminine name in both instanc-

es. (22) Puzur4 ra-sù-DÙG of Ma ri (MARI 4, p. 76 no. 73) and Puzur4-sù /su -DÙG ofBabylonia (ELTS no. 37 ü 3; MVN 3 27:2). C£ also the Mari name Zi -lu-su -DÙG /iillûfu-tab/ (MARI 4, p. 79 no 1 54)• (23) Ù- da -a-ba (MARI 4, p. 78 no. 131), also Ù-daa-bu (ARET 4 1 rev iii 17, MARI 4, p. 77 no. 99) and Ù -da-ab (ARET 4 2 vi 1), of Ma ri an d Ù -da-ab and Ùta-a-bi of Babylonia (MAD 3, p. 84. (24) The pronoun fuma, "he himself' (MAD 3, p. 248), seems to be found primarily in the names from Mari an d Babylonia. For the Mari examples, see Su-ma(ARET -dar Ai Su -ma-d p. 78 no. 134), 4, (MARI a-ba4 8 525 xx 16), an d Su -ma-LAGAB (MARI 5, p. 119 no. 25 v 2, p. 121 no. 27 i 4); for the Babylonian evidence, see Su -ma-a-ba 4 an d Su /Sù-ma-a-ba in the sources from Abu-Salabikh (OIP 99, p. 35), Su/Sit-ma-me-ru in the Names and Professions List line 256 (SEb 4, p. 188), and the examples listed in MAD 3, p. 248, and ELTS, p. 177. (25) The word muda, "knowing," is documented -a mu-da bu and Babylonian names. See AMari only in 4, p. 76 (MARI -ma-da -bu d A an 5 rev. xiii 3) (ARET 1 DINGERas compared with the Babylonian Mari, no. 78) of mu-da an d other examples collected in MAD 3, p. 18. Note that DINGIR-mu-da appears already in the Fara text TSS 150 i 2. though admittedly preliminary The observation - that the primary onontastïc affinities of Pre-Sargonic would obEbla were with Babylonia and not with Mari viot+sly be of great importance for the evaluation of the region in question prior to the the linguistic situation in Sargonic period. The existence of close onomastic links between Mari and Babylonia, coupled with the absence would force us to Ebla, and Mari of such links between Pre-Sarlanguage, too, in the sphere of consider that, was much closer related to (northern) BabyMari gonic lonia than to Ebb an d northern Syria. This is a new and a rather startling conclusion, which contradicts the position of I.J. Gelb, firmly and repeated-

PIOTR STEINKELLER

242

ly stated in his article "Mari an d the Kish Civilization,""

that "the native language of Mari is identical, but for insignificant local and temporal variations, with that of e Ebla."' While a thorough discussion of this complex issue is not possible here the sharp divergence between Gelb's and our position demonstrates, if nothing else, that the question of the language of Mari is far from settled, an d that a fresh evaluation of this problem is urgently needed. Such a new evaluation should of course be preceded by a systematic prosopographic study of the Mari personal names in Ebla sources, which would be of critical importance not only for the ma tt en of language but also for the broader questions of Mari's place in the geo-political picture of greater Mesopotamia in Early Dynastic times.

For the evaluation of the onomastic an d linguistic picture involving Mari, Babylonia, an d Ebb some aspects of which have just been discussed of considerable importance is a group of roughly thirty names bo rn e by the individuals who are identified in Ebb sources as coming from or being in various ways associated with the toponym I{iiki 19 Although it had been questioned, by at least two different scholars, 20 whether this toponym is in fact identical with Kish of northern Babylonia, any doubts that may have remained were subsequently removed by the treatment of this problem by Archi. 2 ' That Kist of Ebla is the Babylonian Kish was proved by Archi primarily, but not exclusively, through the demonstration that the names in question, while lacking any transparent connections with the onomasticon of Ebb, share various unique features with the names of northern Babylonia an d Mari. One was understandably surprised, therefore, to read a recent article by F. Pomponio, 22 who claims that the names studied by Archi do not show any characteristics that would link them securely with the northern Babylonian onomasticon, an d suggests that the toponym Kiski of Ebla sources was situated somewhere in the Uabur rer7.

Mari in Ran by G D. Young (Winona Lake, IN, 1992). pp. 121-202. it ibid., p. in. 1g. See Archi, Eblaitira 1, pp. 131 , 137-4o. To be added to this

fist is the name iL-kùn-Nu-nu, appearing in MARi 5. p. 45 TM 73.G.10o9t iii 5 Cf. Archi, ibid., p 46. There may also survive the name of a king or- Kish, as is suggested by the comparison of the following three pauagvx A.MU-sù EN Kïi'O (SEh 4, p. 87 no. 45). 'A'.MU LUGAL (Ki$') (Ebtait&y 1, p. 139 no. 28) and A-bi LUGAL Kifb (MARI 5. p. 45 iv 2-4). Based on that spellings. the name could be analyzed as /abilm/. For Amu n representing /abi/, see above n. ia. Cf. Arch-, MARI 5, pp. 46-47. u1. P. Michalowski, JAOS 105 ( 1 98 5) 2 97-18; E. Sonbetger , ARET 8, p. 46. EbJuitia. t (1987) 13S-40. Cf. already -dens SEb 4 (1981) 77,

gion. Pomponio bases the la tt er conclusion on three passages in which Kisk' is mentioned in conjunction with the toponym Nagar, which is generally believed to have been situated in the 1abur region, and on the fact that, with the exception of two occurrences of Adab's name, no other Babylonian city is ever mentioned in Ebla sources. Pompomo's treatment of the onomastic evidence is Er from objec ti ve, as he either ignores or obscures the importance of the names that are indica tive of the connections with the Babylonian onomasticon.^ 3 Instead, he concentrates on a few problematic names, forcing on them interpretations — either highly questionable or simply wrong — that could conceivably provide links with the onomasticon of Ebla. Thus, e.g. the difficult name Zi-NE-BAR 24 is connected by Pomponio with NE-BAR-, which is claimed (without any solid basis) to be "un elemento teoforo caratteristico di Ebla"; the element Ir-AN- becomes "una forma verbale largamente diffusa a Ebla, come a Ma ri " (this form actually represents it-am6- 1w am/, which of course is also documented in Babylonia); the element Dab 6, found in the name Dab6-si-ga (for which see below), is explained as ta-b; and so on This type of analysis brings Pomponio to the conclusion that "questi dati onomastici non sembrano giustificare in alcun modo mu localizzazione di KiS k' in Accad." To put this claim to rest, and to settle, once and for all , the ques ti on of Kiski at Ebla, I offer below, building on the earlier inves ti ga ti ons by Arch, a listing of the onomastic features that prove, beyond any reasonable doubt, the northern Babylonian background of the names in question:^ 5 (I) Dab6 -si-ga. Of all the Kishite names found in Ebla

sources, this is perhaps the single most important datum for the issue under discussion. For the reading and identification with the Pre-Sargonic an d Sargonic Dab 4 (DUB) - si-ga, see already Steinkeller, RA 78 (1984) 88. While the spelling Dab 4 si-ga is the most common (ELTS nos. 37 R.E. 15, 4o C vi 9, 17, 22, X I, 18, xi 24; UCP 9, p. 204 no. 83 iv 2 [collated]; AnOr 7 372 i 7t [collated by A. Westenholz]; HSS Io 145 iii 4, 15o:I2, 1 57 h 4; MAD 1 2S5 v 6, 32103 1 ; BIN 8 16o:12; Himrin 4 h 3; ASJ 4 [ 1 982] 43 no 13 iii 2; OSP 2 98 v 1), this name is also attested under the writings Tab-si-ga (Gelb, OAIC 3:2), Dab6(URUDU)-si-ga (CT 5o 172:49), and Tab-su-ga (MAD 5 9 iii 20; OSP 2 130 i i I). Disregarding whether or not we find here the word tuplIkku, `bas23.

Ibid., pp. 1 76-78.

24. Zi-NE-UAR is very likely identical with the Mari name izi-NE-yAR (ABET 1 5 xii to) I propose to read this name as I-isne-àr /41-nitrm/, for which interpretation ci the Man names Ni-wsa-Me-er (Gelb and Kienast, MOS 7, p 363 MS 8:1) and I-1i-dDagan (ibid•, p. 356 no. 8). Cc also the usage of nunni in Old Assyrian mama (CAD N/a, p. 2354 25. Cited after Atcha, Eblai 1 37 - 40.

Obeservations on the Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla Sources ket,s x6 which is a Sumerian loanword in Akkadian, Dab 4si-ga is a characteristically an d uniquely Babylonian name, and this point alone is sufficient to determine the identity of Kiski (2) The divine element Su'en, appearing in the names ir-am 6-Zu-i-nu and Du-NE-Zu-i-nu.^ 7 Su'en is not invoked in personal names outside of Babylonia, an d, as a matter of fact, these two examples, plus the occurrences in VE 799 (MEE 4, p. 289) and ARET 5 6 viii 5, seem to represent the only references to Su'en in the entire Ebla corpus. As convincingly argued by W.G. Lam28 bert, the cult of Su'en was unknown in northern Syria during the period in ques ti on, the name of the Syrian moon-god at that time apparently being Nl-da-kul. (3) The divine element Nu-nu, appearing in the names ir-gum-Nu-nu an d Is-kùn-Nu-nu.^ 9 The deity Nunu or Nuni is attested only in the sources from Babylonia and the srakkanakku texts from Ma ri . Cf. J J M. Robe rts, The Earliest Semitic Pantheon (Bal ti more, 1972), 46 n. 28. For the Babylonian 5, p. Archi, MARI 47; P. occurrences, see Dan-Nu-nu (MAD 1 98:4), Da-Nu-nu (MAD i 2 ui 8), Su-Nu-nu (ELTS no 4o A xv 17) Su 4Nu-nu (MDP 14 6 ii 3), Pii-Nu-nu (ELTS no. 38 1 5), and Puzur4 (d) Nu-m (ELTS no. 40 D iii 12; MAD 5 9 i 9). The Man examples are represented by the names Ami-ir-ANu - nu, I-din - d Nu-nu , [i] -h-dNu-nu, Is-ma-niNud Nu-nu, Ml-la-d Nu-nu Ni-id-at d Nu-nu, d nu-tâ-mur, d Nu-nu-da-ti, d Nu-nu-É, d Nu-nu-li-ti-a/ wa, an d d Nu-nu-um-iii (ARM 19, pp. 159-62). Cf. above p. 239 no. 20. (4) The use of sra(irpu in the names li-club- dSamai, Isdab 6-Ni, Is"-dub-bù, Is-du-bù, Is-du-bu, t (M), an d Ii-dubù-um As far as one can ascertain at this ti me, the usage of fa(npu in personal names h a feature unique to Babylonia an d Ma ri . For the Babylonian examples, see MAD KA. A 99, p. 35 (Is-dub3, p. 291; ELTS, pp. 171-72; OIP DI). For the Ma ri evidence, see Ii-dub-sar (OA 19 [198o] 239 v 3), li-dub-Ni, a merchant (LLI.KAR) from Mari no. 156 [= ABET d 5o, p. an 79 44 nos (MARI 4, p. 75 no. 24), Il-dub204 Mélanges Kupper, p. 8 534 xiii 3]; il, a merchant ([LO.KAR]) from Mari (MARI 4, p. 75 no. a smith 35, Mélanges Kupper, p. 207 no. 59),30 9), Ii-dubiv (SEb 4, p. 160 no. 9 (SiMUG) from Ma ri MS 5: 1 , p. d Kienast, FAOS 7, p. 361 an DiNGiR (Gelb merchant Is-du-bù(-um), a 362 MS 6:4, MS 7:1), and

26.

p.

1371.

(LLI.KAR) from Mari (MARI 4, p. 76 no. 73, p. 78 no 1 34). (5) The use of RGM in the name ir-gum-Nu-nu. The root RGM is otherwise documented only in the onomasticon of Babylonia. See it-gu-mu (Himrin 3 iv 15), RIig-mu - ui-alsu (CS 28 [1976] 228 i 12; Gelb and Kienast, FAOS 7, p. 104 Narirnsîn A 4:1), Ri-ig-mu-uii -dan (ZA 51 [1955] p1. 2 [after p. 74] iii 8 9), and Ri-ig-muum (MAD 1 21 5:37, 2 35:4. 3 1 7 i 3, 3 2 4 1 2 ; 5 9 w 1 4). (6) The use of fakiinu in the name li-kùn-Nu-nu. The verb lakiinu is documented only in the Babylonian onomasticon. See Is-kùn-DINGIR (ELTS no 4o A xiv 12), 11-ku-DINGIR (MAD 5 48.00 Is-ku-Ër-ra Orr 4 7449:5), Ii-ku-un- ( Da-gan (iTT I 1167, 1316:2; Limet, Documents 14 19; etc.), and the examples listed in MAD 3, p. 268. (7) Da-da. Dada, whose background may be Sumerian is a characteristically Babylonian name. Documented also at Ma ri . See above p. 238 no. 7. (8) Ur-Nl-zi. This is possibly a Sumerian name. Cf Lugal-Nl-zi of Mari, discussed above p. 239 no. 19. (9) Ur-ra-nu. This name is very likely identical with the Sumerian name Ur-ra-ni, which is attested in Westenholz, ECTJ 81:2. 84:2. Cf. also LJr(-ra)-ni (OSP 2, p. 1 99).

(w) Bù-su-sum. Almost certainly identical with die Babylonian name Bù-sa-ïum, which is attested in MAD 5

102:13

(Kish).

(II) Da-Ii-lulu. Although not Ionian sources, Da-li-lum is attested at rev. xiii 23). (I2) Gi-s -UI. Probably identical with the Mari 3. discussed above p. 237 no. Gi-ii-Ul-h1. The status of the remaining Kishite names elusive, although it is +t. ' cant that most of them, like 32 Sa-mu-nu / Su-mu-nu, 3 ' / I-ri-swn, 34 , find r with Ir-ani constructed and the names 33 and good parallels in Babylonian sources. Even more 30. Since in Mébriges K

204

no

P•

and ii-dub-il fl—club -Ni 3Y, MASIUM RAS.GA Du-du-lu b Ebtaties 1, p. 131), assumed Wens ofTund. However. it chew involvement in the trade b-il were Mari merchants is made ein MARIbp .75 1m•35: P 79 kiki its

inc 27. Th nterpretation the nam es ilui - NE-Drmu, (Krebemik, Ptisonen/tRCn, pp. 1 Pettinato. ea., G. ment is usually interpreted as Tù-bi- (see, i, p. 43), but this analysis a gram Y ARES ; Limit, 2 p. 35 (MAD t 233 Id itkil-Sseen/ EN.ZU vincing. CE the naine Du-kil-d K. have a reading NE may 3 ), which taises the posulbty that s8. OA 23 (1984) 43-44; RA 83 (1989) 96. 29. For this tame, we above n.. 19.

p

p• 74

ico,

p

7! now

RAS.GA Du-du 31. St

and 1/1-6-11

54)•

PIOTR STEINKELLER

244

icant is the fact that these names do not contain any linguistic or theophoric features that would ensure a connection with the northern Syrian onomasticon, to the exclusion of Babylonian affinities. It hardly needs stressing that the presence in this small sample of so many features that are shared also by the names of Babylonia, an d, though to a lesser extent, by the onomasucon of Mari cannot be accidental. The only feasible accounting for this situation is that the names in question originated in northern Babylonia. In tu rn , this means that the toponym Kiski, with which the bearers of those names are associated, stands for Kish of Babylonia. Turning now to the alleged connection between KisvO an d Nagar, which is Pomponio's other argument for rejecting the identification of Kiiki with the Babylonian Kish, we note that none of the passages cited by Pontponio even remotely su o. 3. Cf J -M. Du rand, MARI t (19821: 79-89: iekm, MARI 4 (1985]: 174, bottom. On West Semitictsrtu in Ma ri Akkadian cf., rag.. Link 154: 3.2.3.2.1; D. Chagrin and J.-M. Durand, MARI 4 1 1 98 51 310, n. 78. For forms which may be either Akkadian or Amonte cf below, s.vv ß-'-R, K-L-B/P, P-T-H. I-P-T and pass. The scribal tradition might have been responsible for the sporadic rendering of the sibilants of S-K-N, S-L-M, S-M. S-M `, S-Q -Y, S-B-e and SW/Y-M with U> which is the regular rendering of the sibilant of their Akkadian cognates Due to die urne reason, S-'-L is constantly OE perhaps '4-14-S. D-W/Y-Z H-R-S, P-S-T, Yspelled with S-R; and n. 7 below on the causative stem. 4. Fs. Tadmor, to4tl'.; cL A. Lerstaàe, MARI 4 [ 1 98 51: 549ß (sip. 550 with extensive ôtersture. .

316

On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia

RAN ZADOK

like to add more phonological and morphological evidence. The comparison between Amorite and Aramaic is necessarily largely based on a philological approach (phoneme reconstruction correspondences of morphemes an d lexical items). The absence of any texts in early Amonte does not enable the researcher to apply a modern linguistic approach viz. study of syntactic universals an d syntactic ch an ge (except for some types of compound names). Language typology is also very limited due to the nature of the Amorite corpus which is largely onomastic and is recorded only in a cuneiform sc ri pt foreign and unsuitable for any Semitic language. Methodologically, an Amorite-Old Aramaic comparison is necessarily between two largely unknown corpora as the Old Aramaic body of texts is very meager.s A. Lemaire pointed out (MARI 4 [ 1 985]: 556) that methodologically one has to compare the Ma ri Amorite material with the Ugaritic corpus in the first place (cp., e.g., the Ma ri correspondence with Ug. 'sr 'bird', below, s.v. '-$-R). A comparison of the Ma ri corpus with the material from MB Emar reveals a remarkable linguistic an d cultural continuity. My working hypothesis is that certain eastern members of the Amorite dialect cluster, which were spoken in the Jezireh an d on the fringe of the Syrian desert were the ancestors of Aramaic. Almost all the early Amorite lexical documentation originates from 18th century Mari, whereas most of the pertinent late-Amorite appellatives are recorded in the documen ts from Emar at the end of the Late Bronze Age. I point out 'pertinent' because the rich material from Uga ri t an d Alalab, which is from about the same period as that from Emar, does not — in my opinion — belong to the eastem Amorite dialect group seen as the possible ancestor of early Aramaic. This paper deals mostly with the early Amorite material. The late matenal is used here for comparative purposes only and is evaluated in a forthcoming article of mine. Amorite */d/ and */1/ are generally rendered in OB as and respectively, but few exceptions (OB , for /d/ and /1/ resp.) seem to occur. 6 On the fa ce of it, there seems to be some tendency towards the later, viz. Ugaritic and Aramaic shift /4/ > /d/ (not yet complete in Ug.), 7 but since the documents in question Cf E.Y. Kutscher in Th . A. Sebeok in South f4°'est Asia and North Africa (Current Trends in Hague: Mouton. 1970). 347ff (esp. 357) ad mf 7 (note, e.g. , Sore); penne R.A. Brauner, A Comparatiste Lexicon 9f Old Ar (doctoral dissertation Dropsie College. 1974; Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1983). 6. See Du ra nd, MARI 3 (1984). 167 with n. 35; £741. (but cf. Anbar, BiOr 43 [1986(: 111, bottom); J--R Kupper and E. Sollberger. !RSA 25o. AS at 2968 has not only Da-ra-um (Ur EII), Du-baba(-um). Ow-ba-ba-arm (fern.) !a/A -ad-4w-DINGIR, Ida-hi-non, Danee /irai -Haum and I-sl-da-r (-i) from Babylonia, but even Da-aq -ni-rum (fem.) frein Mari where */1[/ is always rerxlered by ci>. However, a least some of these naines are amenable to an alternative interpr ratios (e.l. the Da-ki-rum with the reading -q(- may derive from DQ-R and the last one with rb- can be tagtii of Q-N-Y 'get, acquire). p..,

were sent to Ma ri from the northern Jezireh (notably from Ilansura), one cannot rule out that the Human environment was involved here In addi ti on to the gentilic suffix -ayy(l' (cf. Fs. Tadmor, 11 4) there are also traces of nunation in the Ma ri material (see Durand, MARI 4 [1985]: 152, n. 3o; 170, n. 78; 172). 8 Note, for instance, the toponyms Ak-ka-dini (22, 328 ii 18.29), Da-gi-li-in, Du-um-taman/-te-en (Rip. géogr. 3 49.56 cf. Duran d, NABU 199o: 61, 82), Su-gagé-en (Rip. géogr. 3: 211; cf. WO 14 [1983]: 237), as well as, perhaps, Naga-(ab )bi-ni(-iAks , gent.?) an d Ru-ub-béen (Rip. giogr. 3: 172.197; cf below, s.vv. N-G-B, R-BB). The forms with -Vn may be considered as the forerunners of the Aramaic plural and dual suffixes in contradistinction to the forms with - Vm which are typical of the dialects of the West (Canaan and Uga rit) on the one hand and to East Semitic (notably Akkadian) on the other. Methodologically, this is not without difficulties: one cannot rule out a dialect va ria ti on in Amonte which included forms with mimation as well. 9 Again, one has to apply caution here as most examples are toponyms which are notoriously conservative if not fossilized. The word for 'king', which is of the gatl formation in Aramaic (*malk in contradistinction to Can. *milk), is first recorded in MB Alalatt and Uga ri t (along with *milk, cf. OLA 28: 54 with n 25; 65f). MB (Alalab) Mina-ab-ba-mu (cf. AOAT 214. 253, s.v. NUM; OLA 28: 125) may on the face of it be considered as a forerunner of the Aramaic D passive participle muqattal (to N-H-M 'console', cf Ling. 162: 3.3. 8 .3.7 [the other examples listed ibid. 1 59: 3.3.7.5.1 are dubious], but mu- > mi- is 7. Cf. Kutscher in Sebeok, 354f.; J. Blau in M. Black and G. Fohrer (ads), In Memoriam Paul Kahle (Beiheft zur Zeitschnft fiir die alltestamendiche Wissenschaft soi; Berlin: A. Töpelmann, 1968), 39, despite B. Isaksson (OrS 3 8 -39 [ 1 989-9o]: 61). Note the sporadic shift Ug..t > t (cf. Greenfield, Prot intl. conf tot). Are the examples listed ibid. 96, (f). cases of hyperconecnon? On causative with an initial sibilant in Ugaritic and Amorite see Greenfield, ibid. 97 (cf. C. Rabin, Eris 9 [1969J: 148ff. [esp. 1571J): The only just possible example with (for cf. n 3 above) is sa-af-b[a]-ru, sa-as-ba-ar-turn'progeny' (CAD S . 197b) Sa-an-qa-mu-um (AS zu 6 34, 5363) is doubtful as there is no causative stem of N-Q-M (except for the Heb. passive stem of the ca usa ti ve). Sa-ab-ba(ma?)-rum (23 337 4) is unexplained. Polel stem may be extant in Ia-ab-nr-ru-um = Ia-bu-ur-ru-um (to 6W/Y-R; differently Gelb, ling. 162: 3.3.8.5.l; idem, AS 21: 238E, s.v. 'RR) 8. fja-am-mi-za-(ru-4/um (APNM 187) interchanges with (Ija-)am-mi-za-Inc-un (22, 161 3, pons to D-K-Y 'be pure, innocent'; the spelling with -4 is presumably Akkadianized). Cp. perhaps Va-hc(un/um)-pi-IA-mu where -un interchanges with -um (differently APNM 93.196, s.v. IJLN; AS 21: 233, S v IN where tja-lu-un/nad ISKUR does not support such an interchange) and tab-tu-un (cf. ling. 16 4: 34417)4 9. There is only one hypothetical example of -im (mast. pl.), viz . $a-bi/pf n-ma (cf. WO t4 [1983): 239 The reading of Pa-a[IJ-Iimat (YOS 14, 2 49 7) and $a-ht-q(-ma(?) h dubious whereas -ma of Saar-ri-ma is probably not an integral put of of the toponym according to Charpin and Du ra nd, MARi 4 (1985): 314. It should be remembered that m. pl -in is extant not only in Aramaic, but also in Southwest Semitic and even in a penpheral southern Canaanite dialect, viz. Moabite in the first miflenmum. Note that S4-cia-qi-inki interchanges with S4-gb-gi-inM (at: 572a).

recorded only later, viz. in the 1st millennium, cf. WSB, 305: 1124335, n. 3). On the other hand, there are some noteworthy morphological differences between early Amorite and Aramaic. As in Akkadian preformative n- is common to words which are peculiar to OB Ma ri (e.g., namlakâtum, naqqabi, cf. below, s.vv. M-L-K N-Q-B) in contradistinction to m- in early weste rn dialects (cp Ug. mqb) an d Aramaic (except Samalian which has traces of n-) Amorite names from Babylonia (Me-ta-mu-ta/Mi-is-mudu) an d Ma ri (Mi-ia-na-su) begin with my 'who?' (AS 21: 321, s.v. MJ; cf. CAD M/2: 62f.; AOAT 214: 248), but mn, which has the same denotation, is more common in Amorite interrogative sentence names (cf. AS 21: 323f., s.v. MNN: Ma-na-ba-la through Ma-nu-sa-ma). Although the names with man(nu) might have been influenced by the resembling Akkadian onomastic patte rn (cf. A. Goetze, Language 17 [1941): 135 with n. 7o), the situation in Eastern Amorite is basically the same as in Ugaritic which has not only my (as in Canaanite), but possibly also mn (UT 432: 1468, cf. 434f : 1494. 1 504)• There is a rich inventory of verbal roots in the early Mesopotamian documenta ti on. However, it is impossible within the limited framework of this paper to present a comprehensive analysis of the rich inventory of Amorite verbal roots. The comparison of the distribudon of such roots in other Semitic languages, which is the natural sequel of this paper, must be left for a forthcoming publica tion. For the time being, suffice it to single out the occurrence in Amorite of certain forerunners of typical Aramaic roots, viz. madinatu (below s.v. D-W/ Y-N) an d nasiku (cf. Zadok, Fs. Tadmor, 114). The absence of a certain verbal root in the very limited corpus of Old Aramaic, which differs in certain poin ts from later Aramaic, 1O may not be significant. Adnuttedly there are very few Amorite lexical an d morphological items which appear later as typically Aramaic." For the time being, it is impossible to find a direct link between Amorite and Old Aramaic which appears several hundred years later. On the other hand, the Amorite material does not contain anything which would contradict the possibility of a potential development and transformation of a ce rtain group of Amorite dialects into some so rt of 'Proto-Aramaic'. Other considerations (notably geopolitical) an d further analysis, which cannot be undertaken here, might eventually corroborate my working hypothesis. Regarding compound name-types (esp. verbal sentences), early Amorite has qtl + subject (less common subject + 9tl), whereas the inverted order exists in late Amorite. In this case, late Amorite (notably Emar) resembles the situation in early Aramaic. The distribution ,

317

in Ugaritic names still resembles the situation of early Amorite (qtl +subj. more common than subj. + qtl), but contrary to early Amorite (and late Amorite Emar), qtlverbal sentences are more common at Uga ri t than ygtl ones. The type Subject + ygtl, which is common in early Aramaic, is totally absent in early Amorite, but extant in later Amorite, viz. at Emar an d Uga ri t. This may reflect an internal syntactic development within Amorite towards a situation which eventually emerges in early Aramaic. With all the reservation due to the very limited material, one cannot avoid the impression that the onomastics of Late Bronze Emar, although still of the Amorite type, approaches very slightly the onomastics of the Aramaic type from early ist millennium Mesopotamia (cf. WSB, pass.). The culture of the early Arameans was largely comprised of elements of the pre-Anmean culture of Syria and Mesopotamia thereby showing a large degree of continuity A noteworthy element of cultural discontinuity is the very marginal place of Dag an , who was the most popular deity in the Late Bronze Jezireh, 12 in the cult of the early Arameans. This may be due to the destruction of important cultic centers of Dagan, in the first place Tuttul.' 3 A certain continuity of West Semitic t ri bal organization (at least the persistence of the Rabbeans near the bend of the Euphrates) was demonstrated by M.C. Astour (SMS 2 [1978]: iff.; for Rabbeans in the Emar documents see my article m OLP 22 [1990 27-55. On the other hand, the almost total absence ofsedentary West Semites in the northern Jezireh may apply to the Babb region as well: the MA lists from Tall Sabi Abyad (13th century; R. Jas, Akkadica 67 [199o]; 33f.) do not contain any West Semitic names. The very scanty MA material was discussed by me in OLP 16 (1985): 6îf. The archive ofUrad-$eriia from the 13th century contains A(3u(PAP)-is-da-a (KAJ 91 = AUS La-ab-', 27), who is mentioned together with 541 an d iab(DU 1o)/jfi-bi-ni. The document is from ma-ia and the farmstead (dunnu) of E-ra-bu who belonged to the tribe of Sa-ra-s/za-IA-e according to Postgate (AUS 130 ad loc.) who compares this trib al name with B/Pu-ni-d/ to-ta of AUS 35, 1 1. The latter and perhaps the former may be West Semitic groups judging from their names. Sa-bal-la-ni was a livestock fattener (a profession which might suit a hypothetical semi-nomad) according to KAJ 255 = AUS 66, 5. The sons of la-ap-la-a4 are recorded in Bibles 9: 115 = AUS 49. The Akkadian patronym 1din dme-er (KAJ 116 = AUS 74 6) contains a form of a 12. This is based on a thorough theophorous names from MB Espar. For Mad 3 (1984 MARI Mari see Lackenbacher. MB deities of Pohl 6/2: is very rare im MA (C. Sapotett , Stadia other hand. Dagan 185, lista only Ka-pa-ides-gun 11x))' Chapin. t9 (1987]: r 22.143£159( W. Mayer, OF 13. Cf. NABU 1989: 16; G. Bucceliati, Mkt. Kupper, ssgff ):

to. Cf. n. 5 above. 11. CE Edzzrd, ZA • 93; P.-E Dion, La langue de Ya' tions SR, 1974), 1-

Greenfield, Prot. (Waterloo [Canada]:

318

On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia

RAN ZADOK

theophorous element which was current in liana (the genuine MA form is Ber, cf. Studia Pohl 6/2: 185). There is no reason to regard A/E-si-ni (cf. TCS 5: 219b, s.v.) an Amorite name (pace Gelb, AS 21: 239 s.v. 'SN). The verb b/gabàtu (AHw. 304b, s.v. babâtu IV), which occurs in the inscriptions of Tukulti-Ninurta I (1233-1197), is the only example where both the etymology and the fluctuation of the initial consonant lead one to suspect a foreign word, but CAD (Ah: 444 doubts the existence of such a form (perhaps merely an audial mistake). Regarding MA bu-ru-up-pa-a-te (see Durand, 26/I: I15, n. 68) and ff-it-f1-la (AHw. 1392b), it should be remembered that Assyrian had always intensive ties with Western dialects, and the rate of OA/MA - (Syrian) Western isoglosses seems higher than OB/MB - West Semitic ones. A case in point is kumru (CAD K: 534), cf. e.g., below, '-P-D. At any rate, buruppàte ('tents'), which occurs in the MA legal code, is pa rt of the seminomadic realia. MB bamâtu `help (AHw. 316a) occurs not only in an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar I (11251104), i.e. after the Arameans appeared on the scene, but also in an undated letter found at Nippur (PBS 1/2, 42), perhaps from the 14th-13th century. The horse name bagar/ga-ar-ra-nu/nr is also recorded at MB Nippur. Balkan (Kass. St., 29) connects it with Arab. alyanu an d a somewhat resembbng anthroponym from MB Nuzi. Von Soden (AHw. 96a) does not reject this etymology, but is more sceptical. MB Bu-li-ma-nu (to B-L-M, AHw. 137a) occurs in an unpublished text. A recently published late MA document contains "one of the earliest yet attested examples of the rendering of Aramaic personal names in cuneiform script" (R. Whiting, SAAB 2 (1988]: 99ff.). It cannot be ruled out that this undated small tablet is not earlier to the i tth century." The material is arranged alphabetically below by verbal roots with cross references. The forms of the roots are as in AS 21: 204-372 (hyphenated; peruse APNM, 1 53-2 73). Page references to AS 21 are given only If my form and/or interpretation differs from Gelb's largely ad hoc verbal roots. Each root is an entry. The arrangement of the material within each entry is according to the importance of each category, viz. (i) appellatives; (2) compound anthroponynu (those with the element in question occurring initially are listed first in alphabetical order); (3) non-compound anthmponyms; and (4) (mi cro-)toponyms. Dubious items are listed at the end. No entries are assigned below to Mesopotamian deines, viz. Hruxoe (M-$/Z-Y-) , Ian (d-R-$ , -K-B-R) . lskan (K-B-R, -N-P-S, W/Y-B-L-), Kubi (`-B-D-), Mer (DW/Y-D-), Nergal (`-B-D-), Sin (G-M-L-, H N N-, P-, -Q-W/ 1/4-, Y-$-R-) and deified notions (eretum,

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màtum, 'land': B-N- and `-T-Q, T-W/Y-R resp.; for larrum `king' cf. `-D-N), as well as to onomatopoeic and `atypical' divine names like Akka Alla (-1-W/Y-`), Ann V 2; cf. M-T? Pace Huffinon, -11.43-M2; K, -N-7-R, -R-H-M APNM Zoo, An -na is a deity - poss. a 'mother goddess' acc to Durand, MARI 4 [1985]: 408f. - and has nothing to do with 15-N-N), Kakka (-li-W/Y-V, Lalum (cf. Q-T-L as well as Li/ulu), Mam(m)a Nunu (H-N-N-), and Tab/pub /pu (-N-W/YR). Ea (Y-S-R -) and Sérum (S-M-) may be due to interpretatio Akkadica of West Semitic theophorous dements, viz. (FI)ayya an d Sahr respectively Several theophorous elements, viz Turan (S-M-) and Hu rr a (MT) are originally toponyms (such are many elements which follow mut-). Cf. N-W/Y-Y in fine (GN Siihu),

S-`-D '-B ' father': A-bi-da-an (23, 397 18; -D-W/Y-N); me-ki-in (26/2, 461 3; -K-W/Y-N); na-ka-ar (24, 58 6; N-K- R), -ra-ma-a (OBT Tell Haddad 492 4; -R-W/YM); -ta-qi-im (23, 554 34; -Q-W/Y-M); A- bu- um-la-a-bi (YOS 13, 2 45 17;'-I - -L'-); Aq-ba-a-bu-um (26/2: 553; `-Q-B-); dl3AR-a-bi-im , -bu-um (26/2: 557; S-G-R-); fia-ri-kum-a-bi (A. Goetze, JCS I I [1957]: 25: 13 2; `-RK-); la-ab-ru - ka-bum (Suleiman, Diss. 37 9; B-R- K-); Ia ap-ru-uf-a-bi (P-R-S); dNa-bu-la-a-bu (OBT Tell Haddad 496 4; N-B-'-, -L'-); ?La-bu-ka-a-bi (22, 12 r i 8; L', = -I^- , -K2 -). H. Ab-ba-ta-an (23: 599). 'Pb (DN, 'I + 'b): la-ab-bi-il-a-bo t (24, 227 13'; N-B-'-); Lsr bi- il-a-ba4 (23: 613a; (In 'stone', cf Charpin an d Durand, NABU 1987: 41f., 77f): H. Ab-na-na (MVN 7, 526; Ur III); Ab-nu-tum (UCP Io/1, too 8; also Akk.). '-B-Y 'be poor': a-bi-ia - na(-ku), a-bi-ia-tim (see W. von Soden, MIO 1 5 [1969]: 322ff.). '-D 'father' (see J. Sanmartin, UF 9 [1977]: 269-72) A-di-e-ra-ab (OBT Tell Rimah 244 üi 12'; -W/Y-R-13); A-du- da-ms (22, 170 r. 9, -'-M); A-ia-da (OBT Tell Rimah 321 i 6; -Y'-); Mu-u.- na-a-du (AS 21 325, Lv. MSN; M-W/YS-, -N-; or to H-D-D'). '-D-M The goddess Admu: fdAd-mu-ne-ma (23, 242 9'; -R-W/Y-M); fAd-mu-ba-al,sa (23, 236 31; -U-L-$); - utn-mi (23, 240 23'; -'-M-M). GN Ad-ma-tim (24, 32 r. 12), cp. Bibl. 'dmh 'ground, land' (also GN). Several names listed s.v. 'TM may belong here . '-D-R: A-di-rum ( 2 3, 51 3') ' mi gh ty '. '-D-N 'hear, listen' (cf OLA 28: 29.133): Uz-na-nu (VOS 13, 122 8); and perhaps A-zi-nim, A-zi-na-a[m] and A-zi-nu(AS 21: 239, s.v. 'SN). '/W/Y-13-1.D: ia-a-bu-di( - a-ku), -bu-di(-a-am) `simple(-minded?)' (Al-Iw.1565a); Ç one, u ni que'): Ia-ba-ad-lti]-inn (22, 164 I I, cf AS 2t: 602, 3 2 35; -L-'-M); Ia - ba-ad-ma-ra-as (23, 89 3; -M-R-9);

la- ba -ad-é-u-ur (Akk. pre dicate,. 211 394 3); So-at-riseba-ad (22, 40 ü' toe; `-T-R-). brother': 1 (21, Io 9; -8-W/Y-L 2), -na(Charpin, RA 73 [1974 124, 52 14; -N-K-R) im; A-bu-a-tar (23598; -T-K-M, W/Y-T-R); A- um- Ia -a-bi

B); la-qi-ra- (23, 554 8; W/Y-Q-R-), Ki-bi-it-a-bi (BIN to, 45 4; cf. MARI 3 [1984]: 266; K-B-R-); La-ab-ra-bu (L'- -R-B-Y); La-bu-ka-a-bi (L'-, -K 2-, -'-B). MA PAP:a-da-a (above, -Y-D-9; Ia-an-ti-sn-a-bu (23: 627b; N-TN-). 'bt `sister': H. (VA-ba-ta-ni ( 2 3: 59 8); cf. AS 21: 207, s.vv. ' 5N, 'IUR, 'tiW. '-U-R a-ba-ra-rim 'West' (cf. Durand, 26/I: 364 ad 18o); `farther bank' in G Buccellati's opinion (Tall al-Hamidiya 2: 94). '-L-M: almänum widower' (AHw 38a). '-M (highly hypothetical): mi-e pu-ub (Charpin and Durand, MARI 2 [1983]: 87 ad 198; -WIY-P-c); dA-mu-um-ma-lik (23, 86 27; -M-L-K); A-du da-mi ('-D-); A-mi-da-du (23, 85 5 -D-W/Y-D; a derivation of the initial component from `-M-M would be superflous if not contradictory in case the meaning of the second component is `uncle'). It is difficult to agree with Gelb (Ling. 16oî: 3.3.8.2.4) and Huffinon (APNM I66f.) that 00A-mV(-1 7m) renders bin (cf. U-M-Y) as WSem. /h/ is generally rendered by at OB Ma ri (cp., e.g., 13-N-N). It seems better, for the time being, to differentiate this theophorous element from hm. Is (d)A-m V(-Vin) connected with dA-mu of Uubsatum? (provided the la tt er is not identical with Nergal, cf Charpin and Duran d, MARI 4 [ 1 98 5]: 333)8 - M-M ('m Um-m[i]-dba-na-at `mother'):

-N);fAd - mu-um-mi speak, say': OB La-am-ra-tum (fern., AS 21: 315, s.v. LMR; Ltd). '-M-R2 (- DN Amurru): OB A-ki-in-a-mar (see Durand, MARI 5 [1987]: 607, n. 7, cf D. Charpin, Tall al-Hamidiya 2: 83; K-W/Y-N-). '-M-$ 'be stout, strong, bold, alert': OB A-mi-su/pl-um (OBT Te ll Rirnah 112-14); E-mi-;um/slim (Limet, Mél. Kupper, 5o: 9 6); alternatively to `-M-S/$. '-N-P ('rap 'nose; AS 21: 237, s.v. 'PP): OB A-pa-num (AS 21: 237, s.v. 'P; defective). '- N- S • Su-mu-bi-na-lu (AS 21: 288, s.v. BNS) is (22, 57B ii 21 e ;

apparently the Mesopotamian Amorite equivalent of Ug. Smbnl (UT 491: 2429; bnf = bu - nu-lu , UT, 373f ; bin interchanges with bun, see B-N; the form of -N-S here is slightly different), i.e. poss `man's offspring'. The names listed in AS 21: 328, s.v. N S may belong here as well (with due to to Akk. nilu/nßZ?). '-P-D: OA e pâ-da/t6-am (AHw. 222a, a so rt of petticoat, cf. Durand, MARI 6 [1990]: 661f.). '-R-U 'wander, travel, journey': ?MN 4-ra-bi-im (AHw.1427b). '-$-L `be chief; noble': H. A-;f/zi-lum (M. Mbar and M. Stol, RA 85 `Store('(u')fr 37: I I I; or to '-Z-L). '/W-$-R [1991]: house' > GN, cf. WO 14 [1983]: 240; differently AHw. 92b, s.v. azanim [CAD A/2: 355a render at ru/upiru 'yard']; apparently extant in OAkk.): (lex.) (l-ru-um, SB (lex.) il-ru/ru/ri, and perhaps Mari q-ru-[u]m 'small granary' (CAD I/J: 2042, s.v. isru D); Mu-tu-a-s/za-ra (YOS 14, 222 3; M-T- '-Z-R would be unexpl.). `come': H. Ur III Ib-a-ti-um (mar -tu, AUC 1' 3, 210 7). T-R (AS 21 241, LV. 'SR): DN (Asherah): Um-mi-a-fira (-M-M-) cf Q-D-S. '-W/Y-L 1 '1 'god : -li-ba-ta-an (OBT Tell Rimah 260a; 4--W/Y-R, - 13enu-ba-sm (Sdeii!IS°„ T-N); lea-na-ap

'-

319

39 22; -N `-M); DINGIR -ki-ib-ri (AUCT 1, 119 4; Ur III; -K-B-R) Gab-ri-lum (VOS 14, 92 6; G-B-R-); Sutu-i-lum (cf MAD 3. 29o, s.v. ST; Pre-Sar.; S-W/Y-T); Ia-ab-su/s4-ub- (VOS 14, 84b; H-S-B-); Ia-ab-zu-m:sr-il (RN, YOS 14: 85a; `-12-R-, -N 1/3-); laar-i-s[1(...)] (AS 21: 269, s.v J R; R-'-Y-); Za-ar-bi-il (MDP 22, 160 3; D-R-H-); Da - du-ma- (22: 568; D-W/ Y-D-, -M-); Da-ga-am-ma- (at, 3 12; D-G-N-, -M-); jja-lum-la- (OBT Tell Rimah 319 21; U-W/Y-L'- -S); tla-q4-ub-ns- (22 16; `-Q-B-, -N2/3 -); kfa-ta-ak pl- (n, 328 v 17; H-T-K'-, -P-); Ia-ab-bi- (Duran d, MARI 6 [1990]: 81, n. 207; N-13-Y-); Ia -ab-mi-Es /s- (OBT Tell Rimah 33 18; C/H/kJ-M-S/S/S); Ia-ab-su/sû-ub- (H-SB-); la-all-21-M- ( 2 3, 495 8; `-D-B-); Ia-arn-sa-bi- (M-S13-); la-an-;û-ur- (OBT Tell Rimah 244 ii 17'; N-z-R); la-ap-of-id- (P-Q-D-); la-as l;/z-li- (APNM 246; $/5-1,Y-); Ia-ds-qi--it- (25, 76o r. 7; S-Q-T-); la-di- (Charpin, MARI 2 [1983]* 63; Y-D-c); la-fi-ib- (W.W Ha ll o in B. Buchanan, Early Near Easte rn Seals in the Yale Babylonian Collection [New Haven an d London: Yale University, 1981], 127m W/Y-T-`-); Ia-wi-ki- (24. 234 1 Io; HW/Y-Y-, -K 2-); Is-me- (AS 21: 371, S.V. ZM'; S-M ç-); I4-um-ra-as- (OBT Tell Rimah 26ob; M-R-D-); La-absu-di- ( differently Gelb, AS 21: 240, s v SD; L2-, -H-SD-); La-di-in- (24, 234 iv Io; L 2 -, -D-W/Y-N-); La-buun- (22, 164 6; L 2 -, -H-N-N-); Na-ab-ni- (AS 21: 329, s.v. NIJN; N-W/Y c-, -N 3 -); Ra-ma-ma- (R-W/Y-M, -M-, but cf. R-M-M); Sa-mu- (Suleiman, Diss , 42 to; S-M-); $a - du-q1- ( 2 3, 593 I; $-D-Q-); Ta-ab-ti-in(FAOS t: 201b; T-H-T-; -N -); Ta-nu-ub-ma-DINGIR -M-); la-a-ab- ( se rv ant of dinar-tu, OIP 22, 262; W/Y-H-B-); la-ab-za-ir- (RN, YOS 14: 85a; `-DR-); la-4s-to-ab-di- (see C. Wilcke, RA 73 1 1 979]: 49b; S-`-D-); Ia -al/àz-ru-ub- (21, 543 with n. 51; ?D-R-H-); Sa-ra-ti/te-el Q-R-T-); Ab-di- (23, 241 7; `-BD-, -L'); A-kaut-la- (AS 21: 216, s v 'KK; K-W/Y-N, -L2-); Azra-ab-la- (2 3, 59 6 ii 18; D-R-H-, -L 2-); Bi-mu-ti-ma- (23, 446 62'; B-N-, -M-T-, -M-); la-ar-sa-ap-la- (R-S-P-, L2-); la-ms-i-la (AS 21 - 234, LV. 'M'; Y-M-M' ); Na-apsu -rla-i-fa (N - P -S-, -N'-); fja-ab-di-DINGIR -ma (22, 262 ii 5o; `-B-D-, -M); Mes-lik-c-Gm (OBT Tell Haddad 476 9; M-L-K). 'l'b ('-B) 'It (il-turn, [41-tim, see Durand, 21: 42f., n. 6) ' goddess': Ab-du-il-tum (OBT Tell Haddad 503, '9; `-B-D-). 'ly 'my god': i4t-ia-si-i-li (Charpin, MARI 2 [1983]: 68 ad woo; H-L-L-); La-wi-1i-1a (26/s, (2 3. 235 420 3; L-W/Y-Y-). 'Ih 'his god'. la-ri-i iii 29 R-W/Y-M-, -H). Cf. K-R-M. 'help' (AHw. 1565a). '-W/Y-R. (AS 21; 238, s.v. ti 'help' ' RN) 'be light, bright' (cf. OLA 28: 134 with n. 2): Lear rmu lu uk, -na-ap-su (AS sr: 3 11 4, s.v. L'R). The initial component of these forms may belong to the G stem (L2-; - M-L-K, -N-P-S) whereas the undoubtedly ed name La-ir-ns -iu-uk (25, 486 2.r. t) contains the causative stem. H. la-a-ru (AS 21: 269, S. J'RI: cp. Ug. ywrj ; L-Y-L(-Y) S n ?Ia-ki-in sii- ni-ma '

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RAN ZADOK

320

[19791: 126, 53 3.TL 15). 'gift' ('In, cp. Ug. Wit): H. HIna-nu (AS 21: 240, s.v. 'SN). '-W/Y-Y 'incline, desire' (AS 21: 207, S.V. 'W'); cp. perhaps H. Na- ia -tum (fe rn ., AS 21: 328; s.v. N'J) if it is related to Heb. n'(w)h 'desirable, beautiful'. '-Y 1 (AS 21: 208 S.V. 'J) 'where?': A-ada-du-um (Suleiman, Diss 47, 19 -D-W/Y-D; alternatively to '-Y 2); A -ia -da "Where is 'd?" (-'-D); A- ia-bamu (-H-M-Y, alternatively to '-Y 2?); ?Ia-IA -mu (AS 21: 270 S.V. ID "Where is Yawm?"(?). '-Y 2 (DN): JA-sasias -ba-ar (OBT Tell Rimah 83 4; -C-W/Y-R); ? dA-aar-ri (-H-R-R); cf -Y'. '-Y.-•L (cf. AS 21: 209, s.v. IL): a-ia-lu `deer, stag, buck' (referring to a zoomorphic figure, see Ph. Talon, 24: 182 ad 273): H. fill-ia-la-tunt 'hind'. '-Z-L'be gone' (cf. the forms without listed in AS 21: 267, S.V. CZL) cf. '-S-L. '-Z-R cf. '-S-R. c•B-B: bi-ib-bi (AHw. 3442); a-ba-ba/bu, e-bu-ba-tum 'wood, forest' (AHw. 2a.183b, Arab. Baba 'id.' derives from G-W/Y-B). c-B-D (cp. SB ab-du 'slave, servant'): Ab-di-a-fu-ub (24: 266; -W/Y-I-c); -la-i-la (L'-, Y-L'); Ab-du-ba-ab-la-di (21, 415 6; -B-c-L• poss. with assimilation, as the value -ti 4 cannot be safely established for OB Ma ri ), -il-turn (-'-W/Y-L'); -ku-bi (21: 579) ; ku-ul-lim (Joannès, MARI 6 [1990]: 122, 12; -K-L-L); ma-li-ki (VOS 13, 54 5; -M-L-K) -.lu-ri-1m (26/2, 370, -T-W/Y-R); bfa-ab-di-bu-mu-s141 (21, 59 1 9; CAR M-S/$/S), -DINGIR-ma (-'-W/Y-L'-, -M); .Ha-abdu-be-el (22, 328 ii 51, -ij-W/Y-L 2); -na-ar (24: 266; N-H-R), -du CUR. (22, 14 iii 16). H. A-ba-da (23: 599); cf. AS 21: 2541., S.V EJBD. iR may render this element (cf. -G-M-L, -S-W/Y-T -T-L-Y). a-B-R `go, walk along, pass through, cross': MN bi-bi-it-tim (a/e-bir r -tim, CAD E: 14b); cf. c-P-R; 1-j-B-R. a-D-D 'count, reckon' (AS 21: 214, s.v. 'DD); cf H-D-D. c-D-K/Q: ba-ad-ki/qf -im, ba-ad-qam(-ma, presumably a place without water, like a steppe, acc. to M. Birot, RA 72 [1978]:178; cf. D Charpin, 26/2: 215 ad 387 12); cp. perhaps DN Sa-ad/t-ku/qs+-um. The Ugantic DN 'tk (de Moor, UF 2 [1974 195, 180), which may be - with one of the alte rn ative readings - identical with the OB one, probably cannot be the source of NA an d LB DN Adgi (Aram 'dg-, pace Huffman, APNM 19of). a-DN- 'enrich, give abundance (see A.R. Millard, VT 34 [1984]: to4f.), 'luxuriate'. The first radical is hardly /g/ cp - with J.C. Greenfield Acta Iranica 23 (1984): 224 , n. 24, Ug 'dn, as well as NA (É-)A-di-ni (never with -) = Bibl. (130-Teden (Septuagint never with é-, cf. OLA 28: 66f.80. too). Most of the pertinent Amorite names are spelled with , but the interchange / 0 is extant in several cases, such as la-am-si/sf-(ba-)adnu(-u), + -H), LUGAL-ad-nu-, , La-ad-ns-ia (L') and perhaps I-tar-ad-an (T-W/Y-R-) and Ad-na-nu-um (H. ). Note Sa-ad-nu-to-nu-ba (OBT Tell Rimah 259a; N-W/Y-d) and fJa-li-ba-ad-nu (H-W/Y-L'-). H. Sada-an Sut., 23, 446 267; Sa-ad-ni-sa (OBT Tell Rimah 259a), a-D-Q cf `-D-K. c-D-B `rescue' (cf. Dietrich ,

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On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia

an d Loretz, UF 17 [1986]: 105-16): la-ab-zi-ib-il (-'-W/ Y-L'). H. ftju-zu-bi-im ( 2 3, 73 29; cp. Bibl. 'zwbh, OLA 28: IIo); ?ba-zi-i[b-ti]m, bu-zu-PA-at (see Durand, C -D-R 'help' (cf. nn. 129.134). MARI 6 [1990]: 631, CAD A/2 527a, s.v aziru; OLA 28 79L): Ia - ab-zs- ir-niil, la-ab- za- ir -el, la-ab-zi-ni :ir-il (-N 2/3 -, -'-W/Y-L'); la-ab-zu-ur-dda gan (23, 389 3; -D-G-N). e-Ip-D 'reap, lop trees with a reaping hook : H. A=s/za-du-um (AS 21: 252, S.V. HSD). e-G-L: bi-(ig-)ga -lu 'calf (refer ri ng to a zoomorphic vessel, see Talon, 24: 55 ad 91, 24; 103 r. 5; H. Limet, 25: 273 ad 47) 'Heifer' (+ -at, cf OLA 28: 66). c-G-N (AS 21: 216, s.v. 'GN) 'shut oneself in/off e -K-B-R (ckbr 'mouse', cf. (23, 242 23). fJJi-ig-ni-tum OLA 28: 1S3)• Ak -ba-ri (OLA 21, 59 1; provided it is not 'aqtal ofK-B-R). c-K-R `stir up, disturb, trouble': H Eka-ra (VOS 13, 191 23). C-L-Y'ascend : a-la-i-tum 'Haut Pays' (26/I, 208 a). Do Sa -lu -um pi-wA-mu, Ha -lu pfIA-mu (24, 233 i 22, -P-, -Y-W-M) belong here in view of A-lum pl-G-mu (rather than to H-W/Y-L')? cf. AS 21: 232, s.v. 'L'. c-M-D: 'u r-mu-da -ia bu-mu-da/di -ia 'footb ri dge' (for an assault tower, see Durand, 26/1: 212 ad 71 9). C-M-M: (ba -)am-m: 'people' (? < pate rn al kinsfolk? CAD A/2: 77a): Am-mi-pi-ra, Ia-am-milmus4-ri (OBT Te ll Rimah 257b.259a; -Z-W/Y-R); Haam-mr dISKUR (OBT Tell Rimah 322 ii 24e; -H-D-D); -e-.lu -ub (-W/Y-T 9), -ku-ni (-K-W/Y-N), -sa -gu-4 (-SG-Y), -sasdu-uq (23, 236 44; -S-D-Q); iJa-am-mu-ku-na (26/1, 422 3; 595; -K-W/Y-N); -sa-mar (26/1, 18 3; -SM-R); [Salam-mu-e -ba-al (OBT Te ll Rimah 322 ii 18; -W/Y-B-L)• Br-na-at-ba-mi-sm fBi-na-tu- ba(-am)-mi (22/2: 568; B-N-); la gi-sd- (OBT Tell Rimah 259b; GW/Y-D-); La-ab-wi- (OBT Tell Rimah 322 2I r ; L 2-, H-W/Y-Y-); Za-ku-ra- (OBT Te ll Rimah 138; D-KR-); Zi-im-ra- ba -am-mu (26/2, 370 30'; Il-M-R-); Zi1k-ri-am-mu (OBT Tell Haddad, 587 20; D-K-R-); Lari-im-ba-mu (L2 - R-W/Y-M-) H. Ha-mu -ia (Suleiman, Diss., 85 32); LJa-arn-ma-te (OBT Tell Rimah 318, cp. H-M-Y C-M-Q: ba-am-q1-im 'vall ey' (AHw. 318a). H. 1a-mu-qa-ni-im (23, 236 34) may denote 'strong' (cf. Greenfield, JCS 21 [1967, publ. 19691: 92). c-M-S 'load, carry'; cf '-M-S, c-M-S.- c-M-S 'press, close': H. Maab-ma-sum (D. Charpin, RA 73 [ 1 979]: 126: S3 TL 15; or to H-M-S 'be red'), cf. '/C-M-S/S. c-N (DN, +-t < c-N-Y 'answer'?): Ka-al-bu-, Um-m[i] dba-na-at (K-L-B, '-M-M-). Several names (esp. MB) listed s.v. 'TT may contain Anat with assimilation. A male counterpa rt of Mat (cp. Ug. "y provided it is not < *cyn 'source', cf. de Moor, UF 2 [1970]: 202 ad 195 148) may be extant in the second component of Bé-el -ba-nu (B-c-L-, but cp. Ta-ku-un -ba -ni [K-W/Y-N-1?). c-N-N 'cover'?: H. laab-nu-nim (25: 258). c-N-W/Y cf C-N. c-N-Z: ba -azza-am, ba -za-tum'goat' (AHw. 339b; cf. WO 1 4 [ 1 98 3]: 238). e-P-P cf H-P-P. C-Q-B protect, watch': Sa -griub-ni-il (-N 2/ 3 -, = -W/Y-L'). H. A-qh- ba-nu-[u]m (Anbar and Stol, RA 8$ [1991]: 44, 15 14) Aq -ba-ià (TCL 2, 5508 ii 9; Ur III); . la-ab-qu-bu-um (24, 224 ii1 45); E u-. ,

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uq-bi (Charpin, MARI 6 [1990]: 264); cf. H-K-M. c-QL cf H-K-L. e-Q-R-B (cp. SB [lex.] aq-ra-bu 'scorpion', CAD A/2: 2o7b): Aq-ra -ba (OBT Tell Rimah 319 7). e-R-K 'arrange' • EIa-ri-kum-a-bi (-'-B• cp. perhaps Ug. crk 'house, temple', UT 554: 1920a here as a theophorous elern.; or to H-R-K). e-$-R: Ia Se/ Mu-su- ra-tim(k') (23: 593) 'birds' (see Durand, 26/1: 212, n. 13; cp. Ug. cow 'bird' for which see Gordon, UT 460:1905). C-T-D: ha-tu-du-um 'he goat' (see Durand, 21: 14, n. 5; von Soden, OrNS 56 [1987]: I04). e/Cz-TM: ta-abla-ta-mu-um 'assembly' (see Durand Misc. Ebl. 2: 27ff.) e-T-Q 'move on; grow old': Ia-ab-ta-aq- (23, 43 2 1 23), Ia-ti-rq -li sim ( 2 5, 47 1 r. 2; -L-'-M); Ia-taqltaaq-ma-tum (fem., Dur and, MARI 4 [1985]: 388). H. Ur III At-qd-nu-um (differently Buccellati, Amor 135). CT-R'pray': fla-at-ri-e-ba-ad (-'/W/Y-H-D) H A-ta-rani (AS 21: 242, s.v. 'TR). e-T :Ta 'goddess' (also name nf a certain dei ty): fH4 -teir-na-sf-ir-ti (24, 15 30; -N-ZR), -ra-ab-mi (-R-13-M 2): Ka-al-bu- (K-L-B-} Ks-bi-ire14 -thr (26/1, 26 Ir; K-B-R-); Mi-il-ku- (OBT Tell Rimah 322 ii 17e; M-L-K-); Sa-pa-nu- (UET 5 269 13 S-P-N-); Sf-id-qlls (S-D-Q-), Sti-ra-ta-r18-târ (Suleiman, Diss. 47 23, S-W/Y-R); Tu-ta-ri-ri/rum-e14-tlrr (AS 2I • 368, s.v. TDR; W/Y-T-R-). H. A-at-ta-ra (OBT Tell Rimah 215; cf. APNM r?3 ad At-ta-ri- sa-du-uq) c-W/ Y-G 'draw a circle'e bu gu/gi (AHw.1562a). H. A-i-gaan, Ia-A gu s -um (AS 21 2561, s.v. cWQ). e-Y-N: dUTUbi/i-na -ia; A-r-ni-im/-na-amk' (Rép. géogr. 3: 6); bi-m-im (23, 590, 4, provided it is not the same locale as Hihnum) source, sp ri ng' (Dur an d, NABU 1987 60, 105). c-Y-12. OB ba-a-riFim), a-ia-ra-am ass' (AHw. 328b; see Durand, 26/1: I2If); ba- ia-ar-tim `she-ass' ( ?see Charpin, MARI 3 [1984J: 109). c-Z-Z: `be strong' (cf. OLA 28: 52 with n 20): H. A-az-za-ni-tum (VS 22, 12 4); Su-uzzu-4 (26/2, 459 28); fHu-za-tum (23, 236 13); Iz-za-azzi (OBT Tell Rimah 322 ii 12'). ,

B-'-R: dNIN bi-d-1m (e.g., 21. 343 7, cp. Bibl. belt b'r ['well']?); ?ba-a-ri (cf. 2 3: 557 ad 590 5). B-c-L (cp SB ba-'-u -lu, ba-'-li `p ri nce' [lex.]): Ba -ab-le- (23, 396 3), B lf-e-fu-ub (24, 230 5; sW/Y-T-c);_ffle-li-ka-ab-ra-at (-KB-R; with Cenuskongruenz?); Ba -ab-le-e-tar (22/2: 566 with refs; -W/Y-T-R), 13é-el-ba-nu (OBT Tell Haddad 5OI I I; -c-N), -ku-ul-la (VOS 13, 476 seal; -K-L-L);fAnnu-basabsli (21: 576a) la-ku-un- ba-ab-la (K-W/Y-N-); la-qum -ba-li (OBT Tell Rimait 282 4; Q-W/Y-M-); Ifma-ab-ba-al (Charpin, MARI 2 [1983J: 6 5 ad 45; S-M -c); dMa-ma- ba -ab-la (22, 16 3i); Na-ap-s4 -ba -al (N-P-S-); Ni -ir- (2 3, 2 35 i 39; N-W/Y-R-), Pu-zurs - ba-ab -li (24, 6 ii 9; Akk. p re dicate); .u-ubsma -ba -il (T-W/Y-'-, -M-) ; Ta-ab-bar-ba-al (see Durand, MARI I [1982]: 1 to ad 5; B-H-R-); Zu- ba-ab-li (2I: 131 n. 3: M 5476; fl-). ?H. Ba -ab-bu-lum (26/I 594, M 11374 6; 'strong' form of the above-mentioned SB appellative?). ('mistress', cp. SB Ba -'-la-tu): Ab-du- ba-ab-la-di (C-BsD-); Bu-nu- ba-ab-latr n (23, S96 i 27; B-N-) B-`-Rt (b'yr `beasts, cattle') H.

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Ba-i-rum (AS 21: 281, s.v. Bit), cp. Bibl. B'(w)r and Phoen. ben (a designation of the dominant class of Sam'al) B c-R 2 'bu rn ': bu-ub-ra-tim (see Durand, 26/1: 47 1 ad 23 5); cp. Ug. Ifr (UT 375: 495). B-D-D: ba-adda-am (a military rank, CAD B: 27a). H. Bi-id-da-a (23, 39 3). B-I:-N: ba-ba-num `watch-tower (cf. F. R. Kraus, AbB to: 135 ad I So 18; Kh. Nashef, AfO 27 [1980]: 168b), cf. AS 21: 319, s.v. M'N B-U-R (the names listed in AS 21: 338, s.v. PUR, except for the last one, can belong here) 'choose': be-eb-ri-im, be-hi-ir (`élite soldier' acc to Charpin, MARI 3 [1984]: ro8); Ta-abbar-ba-al (-B -c-L). H. Ia-ab/p-bu-ra-an (22, 75 6, alternatively to P-151-R, cf. AS 21 598, 3012). B-13-S 'search': ?H. Sarg Ba-ab-.lum (BIN 9, 491 9; cf. MAD 3: 95; AHw. 96b) or 'mix' (cf NA and SB appellative, AHw. 117b, s.v. bebâlu; cp. OB #tab-bi-il-tum see Dailey and Hawkins, OBT Tell Rimah, 151 ad 204 5) B-K-R 'be early (cf OLA 28: 107): ?[b]a(?)-ki!-ra-am early' (AHw. 97a). H. Bu-ku-ru-um (Suleiman, Diss., 38 22) B-N (bn [bin/un] 'son'): Bi-ni-fa-ki-im (OBT Tell Rimah seal 8, T-K-M); Bi-nu-ma dda gan (23, 87 24; -M-, -D-G-N); Bu-nu-ba-ab-la-tim ( B c L), -er-se-tim ( 2 3 , 377 4; the Akk. theoph elem. has a WSem. equivalent in Ug. ars, de Moor, UF 2 [1970]: 191 53); Bi-mu-ti-ma-i-Ia ( -M-T, -M-, -'-W/Y-L'); Bu-ra-ma-nim (gen., Suleiman Diss. 41 3; -R-M-M [like the preceding with assimilation to the following liquid/nasal]); DUMU ' a-am-ma-a (OLA 21, 73 seal; -Y-M-M'). Bitt 'daughter': Bi-na-at-ba-miim, fBi-na-tu-ha(-am)-mi (-' M-M); Bi-mu-ti-ma-:-la (M-T-, -M-, -'-W/Y-L') B/P-Q-c, cf. P-Q-H. B-QL (SB [lex.] ba-aq-lum, cp. with AHw.1o5a, Syr bql' 'sprout' Ug. bql 'groats): bi-iq-lam, poss. 'sprout, sprig, shoot' (of box[-tree], cf. Duran d, 26/1: 135 ad 2I it': pfig-lam); cp. P-Q-L. B-Q-R: bu-qâ-ru 'cattle' (AHw. 1392), ba-aq-ri-im (see Durand, MARI 5 [1987]: 210, n. 36). B-R-D 'be cold or 'be spotted e) (cf. OLA 28: 73): MA tribal name B/Pu-ru-d/(a-ia (above, or to P-RD/T). B-R-13 'be transparent, clear evident'; cp. Syr. brb' ' buck' : Ba-ar-ha-anki (23: 324 ad 427 iv 33'). B-RKl 'bless : la-ab-ru-ka-bum (-'-B). H. Ba-ri-ku-um (Sut., 23, 446 2I'); Ma-ab/p-ra-kam/-ku-um (26/I, 6 9.37; or to P-R-K). Bur-ru - kam/ga'm (BiMes 17, r27, Ki 1056 v 9) bi-ri-k[i]may alternatively belong to B-R-Q. im (of DN, see Durand, 21 26, n. 28; poss. a sacred pond, cp. Ug. brk(t), UT 376.550: 519), MB bi-ri-ki (of DN, Arnaud, Emar 6, 446 49'); poss. deified: dbi-ri-ki (Charpin, MARI 4 [1985]: 26o). B-R-Q (cf OLA 28: 99 n. 25): Ia-ab-ru-uk/q-an-du (23, 451 12), -a-ad-du (cf Durand, 26/1: 356 ad 256 9) may alternatively belong to B-R-K. H. Ia-ab-ru-q[u]-um (C.B.F. Walker ap. D. ColIon, CV/AS 3: 488). B-R•W/Y: be-t -ti `covenan t' (W.F Albright, BASOR I2I [1951]: 22 ad J. Better°, RA 44 [1950]: 11 21 I17). B$.k Ba-sa-ba-ium'mibtary outpost?' (see M. Anbar, OF 6 (1974]: 439£; G. Buced L iai1, Tall al-Hamidiya 2. 95, differendy Aflw S-1: A_SÀ bi-il-l,uin1 (23, 590 -

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B-S-R 'tell good news' has a rich documentation in several Akkad an dialects. Does the rendering of the sib ilant by instead of the expected `wood', cf. AHw. 311b; WO 14 [1983]: 238): I-din-dba-la-ab (26/2, 484 to; Akk. predicate). U-L-D• H. Hu-li-di-im (25, 740 3; cp. JAram. build' `mole?'). I3L-L: ba-al-lu 'vinegar' (see D Soubeyran, 2 3: 430 ad 494 9 also MB cf. Arnaud, Einar 6: 441 ad 4 60 33'). I3-L-$ draw off, rescue, despoil':fAd-mu-ba-al-sa ('-D-M-). UM-R 'ferment': bi-im-n 'a fermented drink' (see M.L. Burke, II: 133; AHw.1561: [`wine'?]). 13-N-N: °"•baan-na-nu/nim (an equid, Charpin, MARI 4 [ 1 98 5]: 45 8). I3-R-P: ba-ra-ap-nim `beginning of autumn' ba-ri pf 'lamb born in the autumn (see Durand, 26/I: 114 ad 14 19; 199 ad 55 to). U-R-S 'dig a cavity, cut into': p°SHuru-is/us-ir-ra (Rép. géogr. 3. 286; Akk DN). H. Hu-n-s/ za-nim, Hu-ru-s/za(copy A)-nu-um (OBT Tell Haddad 500 18.26). H-R-S be silent': ba-ri-is (see Dossin, RA 62 [1968]: 75f.; the value -is for IS is due to etymological considerations: the last radical ends with a sibilant rather than a rt interdental). t3-T-N `marry' (bin `son-in-law'): Î-If-ba-ta-an ('-W/Y-L'-) . l is dubious]): lean lay, suppo rt ' (cf. OLA 28: 23): Sa-am-ka-nu/ni/ num (OBT Tell Rimah 262a). S-M-Q cf. S-M-Q. S-NN 'be bright, shine': fern. names listed in AS zI: 359, s.v. SNN, cp. Heb. snwnyt, Ug. snnt (divine epithet, de Moor, OF 2 [1970]: 199); Aram. snwnyt', Akt sinuntu swallow'? H. Su-na-nu-um. S-N-Q cf eat, feed' (cf. UT 451: 1789): ?H. Ti-is/spa-(a )tum (fern., AS 21: 369, s.v. TSP; alternatively to $-P-Y) ST-R 'cover, protect': H. Sd-tu-ti (OBT Tell Rirnali 32o); Si-it-ra-an (22, 328 ii 7), Si-it-ra-tum (21: 583).

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$/Z c-Q `cry aloud': H. $/Za-i-qa-um (26/1, 156 5.21). $-B-' 'join, follow'. $-B-c 'point' and $-B-C `dip, dye' (AS 21: 3641.., S.V. SB , except for the names listed s.vv. D-B c; partly to S-B-W/Y) $-D-Q 'be right, just, reliable' (cf. OLA 28: 104): Sa-du-qI-11(-'-WI Y-Lr); Si-id-qa 1iig-tar (-c-T-T-R), $1-id-qum-ma -dar (' - M-M-). --W/Y; -R) Ha-am-mi-sa-du-3"24(c (22 /2 : 594;aD H. Sa- du-q -nu-um (OBT Tell Haddad S03 24)) . cf. n. 7 above. $-L-L 'filter clarify': Sa-li-lum/li (the other names listed in AS 21: 365, LV. SLL belong to ZL-L). $-L-Q `split': H. Sa-la-qa (YOS 12, 35 12 qa for GU is extant in OB from south Babylonia; the document (dated to 1749) originates from there, cf. Charpin, BiOr ch and ri 'pray' (cf. Diet 8 [1981]: s-L-Y 534•537). 3 Loretz, UF 5 [ 1 973]• 2 73 - 74): ?la-as/s/z-li-11 (-'-W/YLI; alternatively to S-L-Y). $/Z-M-M (cp. MHeb. prim 'confine; tie up, veil; squeeze in'?): si/zi-mu (poss. the person who apprehends fugitives or a travelling companion acc. to CAD S: 278a cf. P.-R. Berger, UPI [1969]: 209). $-M-Q 'shrink' (cf. UT 12, 211 .5a-am-mu-uq-qu (YOS : 2174): H. 6 475 55 3.seal); ?H. S/Zum-qâ-nu-um (AS 21: 357, s.v. SMK; or with the reading Sam -to S-M-Q 'be red'). $-M-R (cp. Heb smrt 'tree top'): BAD S/Za-mu-ri-lur k' (cf. DM-R). $-N-Q 'shut up; bind': H. S/Za-na-na-qum (Charpin, RA 74 [1980] 120: 45 21); cf. Fs. Loewenstamm, 175: 64 and Z-N-Q. $-P-N 'provide, sto re away, reserve, guards hide': Sa-pa-nu-if-tar H. $a-pa-an (24, 228 16). $-P-P (AS 21: 371, s.v. ZPP): Sa-ap-sa pu-um (A.K.A Ahmad, Old Babylonian Loan Contracts in the Iraq Museum from Tell ad-Diba'i [Baghdad 1964; neu transcribiert and mit neuen indices versehen von W Farber, Munich 1969, unpubl.], 17 6), may be related to Heb. spsph 'a kind of willow', cp. Zadok, B'Or 38 (1981): 658, n. 3 ad N/LB Sap-sap. $-P--Y 'look out, spy': Sa pa-atk' (24, t z)• La-sa-pa-tim (Birot, MARI 4 [1985]: 240 [S 115-26], B to; GN); cf. S-P-'. $-R-R (AS 21: 372, S.V ZRZR) .5a-tar-la-far (see Durand, 21: 98E, n. 2); cp. MHeb. and JAram. srsr 'cricket'. The form without mimation seems to strengthen the case for regarding sanar an originally non-Akkadian form; the genuine Akkadian form may be sasirum. $-W/Y-L (BHeb. swill 'abyss' deified in Old Aram. [m]slh): H. Sa-la-nu-um (AS 21: 371, S.V. ZLN . $-W/Y-R: ?Sa-ra-ta-life-tar T-T-R), perhaps 'ishtar's form, fashion'. (-^-

(unexpl., cf. APNM 265, s.v. S'; a comparison with -.1 of Bibl. Myl'1 would be a case of interpreting obscurum per obseurius): kla-lstrn-ia-DINGIR (I3-W/Y-L'-, -'W/Y-L') S-LL (AS 21: 348.362, s.vv. S'L, SWL) 'ask' (for gamuts-114m cp. Ia•Wi-turn /ie/iiturn/ [cf. Durand, MARI 4 [ 1 98 51: 407, n. 1 34) S-B-13 'praise; soothe' Sa-bi-bu-urn (23.: 6206). S-B-L (AS 21: 349,. s.v. SBL, cp. BReb. 1171, Aram. T}ryP, Arab. sabil 'way): H. Sa-ba-la (CWAS 3, 258); Sa-b/pu-loin . (OBT Tell Haddad 504 to; or to S-P-L). S-D-D 'make a raid, pursue:

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sa-da-di-im is-du-ud (AHw. 1586a; CAD S: rob; also 'booty', Bardet, 23: 681). H. Sa-di-du-um (AS 21• 349, s.v. S-D-D). S-G-R. (GN > DN Saggar [dtiAR]): dtjARa-bi-im, -bu-um (-'-B); I-ba-al-deAR (W/Y-B-L-). S-13D• labadu 'bestow' (CAD S/1 79). S-)j-L cf S-KB 'lie down'. The names listed in AS 21: 350, s.v. SKB may alternatively derive from S-G -B (the last one with gus); cf. CAD M /r: 370a ad 3, 16 24. S-K-U 'find' (cf. WSB 127): H. &I-kw-bid-um (TIM 7, 81 7); ?S4-kahi-ia (VOS 5, 213 5); ?Mi-ts-ki-fji (AS 21: 624: 4706; cp. Ug. nikb [UT 49o: 2412] in which case it may belong to a homonymous root). S-K-K 'be appeased': H. Sa-akki-im (23, 349 2). S-K-N (AS 21: 350, s.v. SKN) 'dwell, settle down' (cp. S-K-N): Sa-ak-na-ttmki (22, 62 6; with due to Akk.. lakânum 'set, place', CAD S/1: 11611). S-L-u (AS 21: 350, S.V. SLi i) 'send (off)': ?OB Se-la-bura-bu-ti (Suleiman, Dist 42 6; DN Slh, cf. M. Tsevat, VT 4 [ 1 954]: 41ff.: god of the infernal ri ver; UT 49o: 2421? or rather Zlb, cp. Ug. DN Ilbh, viz. `marriage gift', one of the Kit-goddesses, de Moor, OF 2 [1970]: 197 231b? -R-B-Y). S-L-M (AS 21: 351, s.v. SLM) `be well' (cf. Edzard, ZA 75 [1985]: 125, top): la-ku-un-sa•Jim (K-W/ Y-N-, DN Salim). H. Ia-as-la-mu-urn (23, 596 iii 4); ? Tiis-lu-mu (fern.). S-L-Y 'rest, stay quiet', cf. $-L-Y S-M (AS 21: 351f., s.vv. SM, SMT [except for A-bi-sa-ma-ta)) name; scion, posterity': Sa-mu-il (-'-W/Y-L'); Sa-muSu-mu dturan(DUR.ÙL, same person; OBT Te ll Haddad 491 a I; r8); Su-mu-le-rum (OBT Tell Rimah 231 8; -SH -R [Akkadianized]); Su-um - na-dlSKUR (-N'- -H-DD); Su-mu-bi-na-lu (-B-N , -'-N -S); - i-ha-al (Sut.; 2 3, 446 28' W/Y-B-L-); I gu-ur r(AZ)-suum (G-W/Y -R-). Su-mi/mu-is-ma-am (-Y- M-M 3). Setti-mi-im S4-4-mi (H.; AS 21: 370, s V Z'M) may belong here as well in view of Sa-id-su-û-mu(-4, H). If Sa-am-me-tar (etc. AS 21: 357, s.v. SMM) is Semitic then it may belong either here or to S-M -Y. Cf. SM-M, S-W/Y-M. S-M -c (AS 21: 3561, s.v. SMc) hen': Si-im-flee-a-ra-ab (24. 224 ii 12; -W/Y -R-H); Is! ma-ab-ba-al (-B-c-L); I1-me-e-ra -4 (OBT Tell Rimah 305 5; alß-, CAD A/2: 428f., s.v. alibu). The form with y-preformative is not Akkadian, but typically West Semitic. The interchange `Sutean'] like DN-GN/ethnonym Amurru, dMar-tu; cp. DN Sutitu, Tallqvist, Götterepitheta, 151): Pre-Sar. Su-tu1-turn (-'-W/Y-L'; the predicative elem. can be Akt; the same applies to the following name); ht-sû-tint (BIN 7, 66, 19.case); ?I-la-ab/p-su-tim (UET 5, 6o5, 7; W/YT-B- `sit', cf AS 2I: 277, s.v. JSB?). S-W/Y Y: sa-we-e level plain' (AHw. 1033b referring to a flat wasteland; less likely J D Safren [RA 81 [1987]: 191] who compares BHeb. 1w' 'empty, uninhabited [land]'). . -

g-e-R `be hairy': H. Sa-e-ra-turn/tim (fern., AS 21: 34 8 , s.v. S'R); ?sà-flir-tum ('a cereal', CAD S• 59a). S-Be: la-bi-flu-um `satisfied, sated person' (CAD S/ r: rib; due to Akk. leba). S-B-M 'be high, lofty' (see J. Barr, JSS 18 [1973]: 17ff., but note the reservations of W.W. Muller ap. Dietrich an d Loretz, OF 1411982]: 78, n. 2o): H. JSà-ab-ma-rum (cf. 25: 279 ad 203 5). S-B-R ' inspect; hope': H. Sa-bi-ne-um, Sa-bi-ra-tum (AS 21: 359, s.v. SPR.; alternatively to S-P-R 'be beautiful, fair'). SG-B 'be high' (cf S-K-B). S-G-Y `grow, increase': H. -a-rate- um, Sa gu-ti, ?Ua-am-mi-sûgu-4 (AS 21: 34 8 .369, s.W. S'Q, Z'G; e-M-M-). S-K-K `shadow';. H. JSti/Zu-klré-rek/q-tins (2 3, 349 2 or to Z-Q-Q 'refine, ;

purify'); Ma-as-ka-kum (Charpin, RA 73 [1979]: 12 4:5 2, Io). S-M-M cf. S-M-M. S-N-Y `one who hates': ?[la]na-i(-sru, CAD S/i: 388b). S-P-Q (cp. Bibl. Heb. Ipq sufficiency, plenty'): Sd pu-uq (Durand MARI 5 [1987]: 190 ad 5, 35; alternatively to Z-B-G). S-Q-Q (fq, sragqu(m) 'a cloth', CAD Sir: 168f) Durand (MARI 6 [199o): 661) reads sakkum (to S-K-K - S-K-K) in view of Ug. sk; or to S-N-Q 'be in need of? S-T-Y 'turn aside : H. Sà-ti-is-tum (fern , AS 21: 348, s.v. Sr). S-W/ Y-M (AS 21: 349, s.v SJM; spellings with mod. Yariin); la-ra-a-nu (S. Lackenbacher Md. Birot,1 55 , 1 3 ). W/Y-R-D 'descend': Ia-a-er/ir-du-ié (UET 5, 481 is). W/Y-R-EI 'moon, lunar month': Adi-e-ra-ah ('-D-); Ha-41-e-ra-ab (H-W/Y-Y-); Is-me-, Ki/ (K-B-S/Q-B-D-, S-M-c-); U-qe-e-ra-ab (W/Y-Q-Y-). H. ?Ur III Ia-ar-ba (MVN 12, 237 S). W/Y-S-R ?si-ir, si-ra-am (a kind of imposed payment, see Dur an d, MARI 6 [199o]: 6of.) W/Y2$-B set, station; be firm : H. Ur III la8-sf-b/pu-um (mar-tu, AUCT 3, 210 6). W/Y-5-L 'arrive' (cp. MHeb yswl > Pal Ara b. yalûl 'handle of a plough'?)* ?Tu-sa-lum (AS 21 369, s.v. TZL). W/Y-T-N 'perpetuate'(?): H. la-atnu (cf. OLA 28: 53.55, n. 13). W/Y-T-R 'be surpassing : la- tar-kab-ka-ab (-K-B-B); A-bu-a-tar ('-:-); Da-de(D-W/Y-D-), (B-c-L-), Ki/Ql-ib-sf/sI- (K-BS/Q-B-D-), Sa -am -si-e-tar (s-M-S-); ?Tu-ta-ri-ri/rumeS'4 -tar (-c-T-T-R). W/Y-T-c (AS 2E 2761., S.V. JS c) 'deliver, help': OB la- li-i(I-II (-'-W/Y-L'); ^ii il-a -ba4 (-'-W/Y-L -, -'-B)• -la -ba -an (-L-B-N); Ab-di-e- .lu -ub (c-B-D-); dISKUR-e- lu -[u(t] (H-D-D-); Ba -ab-le-, Be-ll(BHa-am-mi- (c-M-M-); Ha-le-e-sru-ub (U-W/YL'-). H. Ia -a-Ii-bu (Charpin and Durand, MARI I [1982J: 100, bo tt om); Ia - ta-al-ba(-tum, fem . ., Duran d, MARI 4 [1985]: 428 k 41. W/Y-T-B cf. S-W/Y-T. Y-B-S (AS 21: 271, s.v. JBS) 'be d ry ': H. la-bi-su-um (22, I I to; cf. WO 14 [1983]: 238). Y-D (AS 21: 271; par tl y atypical; yd 'hand, st re ngth') Y-D c 'know': ladi-il (-'-W/Y-L'); Ha-ma-ma-ia-da-ba (H-M-Y- , -M-). Y-M-M 1 : ammiiju "(ku -sa )ia-(a-)mi (' algae'? AHw. 514a); Ia-mi-i-la (-'-W/Y-L'); Ia -ku-un- (K-W/Y-N-), Ha-la-pl- EA -mu, Ha-lu-pic a-[mu] (24: 266; r-L-Y, -P-; do the names with -IA -mu alternatively belong to Y-WM?) DUMU -da-am-ma-a (B-N-). Y-M-M 2 (cp. Arab. fem. yamâmat 'dove' (ferv ] Bibl. Ymymh?): H.fla-ma-ama (26/2, 402 17); cf. OLA 28: S5. Has Su-mi/mu- ia-maam (AS 21: 273, S.V. JMM) anything to do with the Uga ri tic DN Ymm? Differently de Moor, UF 2 (1970): 193 119. Y-M-N ' ri ght, South': ?Ti-ma-na-a-a (AS 21: 368, s.v. TMN). Y-Q-Q: H. Ia- (')-q4-um (AS 21: q4 272, s.v. JKK; cp. "ia-a-qu-qa-nu, a plant, CAD I/J: 325a). Y-S-N 'be strong, hard': ?H. A-st-nu-(um AS 21: 240., s.v. 'SN; cp Bibl. Yin?). Y-S-R (AS 21: 2411, s.v. 'SR [partly to '-T-R] but cf. APNM 216) 'be straight , up ri ght' (c f. OLA 28: 68 with n. 59): ?la-sru-ur-ak-ka, dda gar, -f-a (22: 6031). A de ri vation of Mu-la-ra-an, Tufa-mm (H; AS 21: 325.369, s.vv. MSR TSR) from Y-SR. is not straightforward Y-T-M 'be alone, orphan': H. Me-et-mi-iu-um (24, 23 ii 18). Y-T-N 'give : la-ta-nu-um (YOS 14, 121 17); ?I-tt - li-im (-L-'-M; cf. N-T-N). YW-M 'daylight' (also DR cf. de Moor, OF 2 ( t97o]: 201 ad i17)• Ha-lu-p1-1A-mu A-lum-pl-4-mu, Ha- lu -umWA-mu (c-L-Y-, -P-); Ia -a/-vvi-ié-mu , -wi-mu , Ia-al-té-mu (see Durand, 21: 96, n. r ad 83 20); Ra- ba -ab-du-WA-mu,

-du-4-mu (R-B-c/H- , -D-); tJ-mu-sra-ici -im (-T-K-M); ?Ia-iA-mu ('-Y'); cf. Y-M-MT Z-c-Q cf. S-c-Q Z-B-G H. Za-bu-ug (24, 187 2), Cp. Aram. Zbg' (R. Degen JEOL 23 [1973]: 413 ad 2 49), Leb. GN Zabbiiga lizard'; alternatively to S-P-Q Z-BL (cf. above) Z=B-N 'gain : Za- bi-nim (22/2: 6o4);fZabi-na (23, 236 40); Za- bi-in-nu-4-a (VOS 14, 310 12). ZD-Y: za- da-nim (Artzi, Kutscher Mem., xxixf., compares Heb. zdh 'breach'). Z-K-K 'be clear': "a+za-ku-ki-tim "'glass"-stone' (Groneberg, MARI 6 [199o]:173.18o; c f. AHw. 15o3b, s.v. zakakeitu/zakukiitu [SB]); MHeb zkzk `make clear : H. Za-aklq-za-kulq4-um (R. al-Hashimi, Some Old Babylonian Documents in the Iraq Museum [Baghdad 1964; neu transcribiert und mit Indices versehen von W. Farber, Munich 1969, unpubl.], 49 4, cf. CAD Z: 65b) Z-M-M 'muzzle': H. Za-am-ma-a-nu-um (VOS 5, 122 3.28); cf. OLA 28:151 with n. 7 Z-N-Q c f. S-NQ Z-Q-Q cf. S-K-K, Z-K-K rafts cf. D-R-'. ZW/Y-N (AS 21: 37o, s.v. ZJN) `support, nourish': ?H. A- zu-na -an (AS 21 239, s.v. 'SN). Z-W/Y-R 'wound': H. Ma- zu -ra-turn (OLA 21: 32a, if not to Akk. mazûru A or B, CAD M/1: 440a).

Z-B-Y. H. fSa-bi- ia-tum `gazelle' (cf. OLA 28: 84 with n. 239). i-L-M: H. Ur III Sa -al-ma-nu-um (Owen, JCS 33 [1981]: 2S1; cp. Bibl. Salmôn, OLA 28: 68.74). é -M-Y 'be thirs ty ': H. Sa -ma-a-a-tum (AS 21 371, S.V. ZM'). z-W/Y-R (AS 21: 364, s.v. SWR) 'rock, mountain': Sté-ri dISKUR (-H-D-D); Sû-ri-la-ri-im (-L 2-, - R.W/Y-M); Am-mi-sû-ra Ha-am-mi/mu-s4-ri (c-M.M.) ; Ha a-ià-sû-ni (H-W/Y-Y-); I - la-sét-ur ('-W/Y-L'-). H. .54-ra-taman (26/i, 43, 5; 557). ,

-

Abbreviations as in CAD and PSD, except for the following: Amor. = G. Buccellati, The Amorites of the Ur III Period (Pubblicazioni del Seminario di Semitistica, ncerche I; Naples: Istituto orientale di Napoli, 1966); APNM = H B Huffmon, Amorite Personal Names in the Man Texts: A Structural and Lexical Study (Baltimore. Johns Hopkins Universi ty , 1965); AUS = J.N. Postgate, The Archive of Urad -Perla and His Family: a Middle Assyrian Household in Government Service (Pubblicazioni del progetto "A nalisi elettronica del cuneforme," Corpus medio-assiro; Rome* Demcola, 1988); BHeb. = Biblical Hebrew; CTMMA t = I. Sp ar , "Tablets, Cones and B ri cks of the Third and Second Millennia B.C.' (Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art 1; New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1988); CWAS 3 = D. Collon, Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the British Museum. Cylinder Seals III:

(London: and Old Babylonian Periods -Larsa Isin B ri tish Museum Pub li cations, 1986) Fs. Loewenstamm = Y. Avishur and J. Blau (eds), Studies in Bible and Ancient Near East Presented to Samuel E. Loewenstamm on His Seventieth Birthday (Jerusalem: Rubinstein, 1978); Fs. Tadmor = M. Cogan and I. Eph'al (eds), Ah, Assyria ... Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor (Scripta Hierosolymitana 33; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1991); H = hypocoristicon (used here ad hoc for any non-cornpound name); JAram. = Jewish Aramaic; Kutscher Mem. = G B Sarfatti et al. (eels), Studies in Hebrew and Semitic Languages Dedicated to the Memory of Eduard Yechezkel Kutscher (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan Universi ty , 198o); Ling. = I J. Gelb, La lingua degli Amoriti (Academia Nazionale dei Lincei. Rendiconti morali, serie 8, vol. 13, fasc. 3-4; Rome. 1958); Mél. Kupper = O. Tunca (ed.), De la Babylonie à la Sy rie, en passant par Man. Mélanges offerts à Monsieur J. -R. Kupper à l'occasion de son 71 anniversaire (Liége: Université de Liége, 199o); MHeb. = Middle Hebrew; Misc Ebl. 2 = P. Fronzaroli (ed.), Miscellanea Eblaitica 2. Quaderne di Seminstica 16 (Firenze Dipanimento di Linguistica, Università di Firenze, 1989); MN = month name, OBO = Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis;

333

OBT Tell Haddad = A.K. Mohammed, Studies on Unpublished Cuneiform Texts from the Diyala Region - Tall Haddad (M A thesis, Universi ty of Baghdad 1985 [in Arab.]); Proc. intl. conf. = Proceed ngs of the international conference on Semitic studies held in Jerusalem 19-23 July 1965 (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1969); Suleiman, Diss. = A. Suleiman, A Study of Land Tenure in the Old Babylonian Period with Special Reference to the Diyala Region, Based on Published and Unpublished Texts (doctoral thesis, SOAS, Universi ty of London, 1966); Sut = Sutean; Tall al-Hamidiya 2 = S. Eichler, M. Wäler and D. Warburton (eels), Tall al-Hamidiya 2. Symposion: Recent Excavations in the Upper Khabur Region, Berne, December 9-I 1986. Vorbe ri cht 1985-1987 (OBO, Series Archaeologica 6; Freiburg [Schweiz]: Universitätsverlag and Göttingen Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht 1990) ; UT = C.H. Gordon, Ugantic Textbook (AnOr 38; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1965); WSB = R Zadok, On West Semites in Babylonia during the Chaldean and Achaemenian Periods: An Onomastic Study (2nd ed., Jerusalem. Wanaarta, 1978).26/I, (e.g., The abbreviation ARM(T) has been omitted are OB unforms 3 = ARMT 26/I, 422 3) All the 422 less otherwise stated; the dates (except in the bibliographical references) and time designations (millennia, centu ri es, etc.) are B.C.E. Wherever forms are given without reference the source is AS 2I.