BLACKING & KEALIINOHOMOKU The Performing Arts - Music and Dance (2010, de Gruyter Mouton) PDF [PDF]

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The Performin g Art s

World Anthropolog y

General Editor

SOL TA X Patrons

CLAUDE LEVI-STRAUS S MARGARET MEAD f LAILA SHUKR Y EL HAMAMSY M. N . SRINIVAS

MOUTON PUBLISHER S · TH E HAGU E · PARI S · NE W YORK

The Performin g Art s Music and Dance

Editors

JOHN BLACKIN G JOANN W . KEALIINOHOMOKU

MOUTON PUBLISHER S · TH E H A G UE · PARI S · NE W YORK

Copyright© 1979 by Mouton Publishers . Al l rights reserved. No par t o f this publication may b e reproduced , stored i n a retrieva l system, or transmitted , in an y for m o r b y an y means , electronic , mechanical , photocopying, recordin g o r otherwis e withou t the written permissio n o f Mouto n Publishers , The Hagu e ISBN 90-279-7870-0 (Mouton ) Indexes b y Society o f Indexers , Grea t Britai n Jacket phot o courtes y o f UP I Cover an d jacket desig n b y Jurriaan Schrofe r Phototypeset i n V.I.P. Times b y Western Printin g Service s Ltd, Bristol Printed i n Great Britai n

General Editor's Preface

Expressive behavior in the huma n species, which also provides aesthetic satisfaction, must have been important to human adaptation from earlies t times, enabling us to posit that even then there existed "performing arts." Later cam e th e attachmen t of th e art s t o specifi c cultura l or symboli c patterns a s describe d b y Professo r Blackin g in hi s Introduction to thi s volume. H e develop s a theor y o f musi c which ma y indee d g o beyon d music an d eve n th e art s t o al l expressive behavior s whic h ar e sociall y disciplined. This book i s the positiv e resul t of a venture originating with its senior editor i n collaboration wit h Dr . Justin e Cordwell , edito r o f a companion volume on Th e visual arts. Her boo k include s a ful l descrip tion of their joint conference on "Art an d Anthropology." That conference preceded th e IXth International Congress, whic h included a major segment on Affectiv e Respons e in Man, which produced other books in this series on world views and cosmology, religion, shamanism, myths and folklore, an d languag e as well as these on th e visua l and the performing arts. Th e Congres s itsel f brough t togethe r peopl e o f culture s from al l continents t o loo k afres h at anthropology . Like mos t contemporar y sciences , anthropolog y i s a produc t o f th e European tradition . Som e argu e that it is a product of colonialism, with one small and self-interested part of the specie s dominating the stud y of the whole. If we are to understand the species, our science needs substantial input from scholars who represent a variety of the world's cultures. It was a deliberat e purpos e o f th e IXt h Internationa l Congres s o f Anthropological an d Ethnologica l Science s t o provid e impetu s i n this direction. Th e World Anthropology volumes , therefor e offe r a firs t glimpse of a human science which members from all societies have played an active role. Each of the books is designed to be self-contained; each is an attemp t t o updat e it s particular sector of scientific knowledge and is

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Editor's Preface

written by specialists from all parts of the world. Each volume should be read an d reviewe d individuall y a s a separat e volum e on it s own given subject. Th e se t a s a whole wil l indicat e what changes ar e i n stor e fo r anthropology as scholars fro m th e developin g countries join in studying the specie s o f whic h w e ar e al l a part . The IXth Congress was planned from the beginning not only to include as many of the scholars from every part of the world as possible, but als o with a view toward the eventual publication of the papers in high-quality volumes. At previou s Congresses scholar s wer e invite d to brin g paper s which were then rea d ou t loud . They were necessarily limited in length; many were only summarized; there was little time for discussion; and the sparse discussio n could only be in one language . The IXt h Congress wa s an experimen t aime d a t changin g this. Paper s wer e writte n wit h th e intention of exchanging them before th e Congress, particularl y in extensive pre-Congress sessions; they were not intended to be read aloud at the Congress, tha t tim e bein g devote d t o discussion s — discussion s whic h were simultaneousl y and professionall y translated int o fiv e languages . The method fo r eliciting the papers wa s structured to make as represen tative a sampl e a s wa s allowabl e whe n scholarl y creativit y — henc e self-selection — was criticall y important. Scholar s wer e aske d bot h t o propose paper s o f thei r ow n an d t o sugges t topic s fo r session s o f th e Congress whic h they might edit into volumes. All were then informed of the suggestion s an d encourage d t o rethin k thei r ow n paper s an d th e topics. Th e process , therefore , wa s a continuou s one o f feedbac k an d exchange and it has continued to be so even after the Congress. Th e som e two thousan d paper s comprisin g World Anthropology certainl y the n offer a substantia l sample o f world anthropology . I t ha s bee n sai d tha t anthropology is at a turning point; i f this is so, these volume s will be th e historical direction-markers. As might have been foresee n i n the firs t post-colonia l generation , th e large majorit y o f th e Congres s paper s (8 2 percent ) ar e th e wor k o f scholars identified with the industrialized world which fathered our traditional discipline and the institution of the Congress itself : Eastern Europ e (15 percent) ; Wester n Europ e (1 6 percent) ; Nort h Americ a (4 7 per cent); Japan , Sout h Africa , Australia , an d Ne w Zealan d ( 4 percent) . Only 1 8 percen t o f th e paper s ar e fro m developin g areas : Afric a ( 4 percent); Asia-Oceani a ( 9 percent) ; Lati n Americ a ( 5 percent). Asid e from th e substantial representation fro m the U.S.S.R. and the nations of Eastern Europe , a significan t differenc e between thi s corpus o f written material an d tha t o f other Congresse s i s the additio n o f th e larg e pro portion o f contributions from Africa, Asia, and Latin America. "Only 1 8 percent" i s tw o t o fou r time s a s grea t a proportio n a s tha t o f othe r Congresses; moreover, 1 8 percent of 2,000 papers is 360 papers, 1 0 times the numbe r of 'Third World" papers presente d a t previous Congresses.

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In fact, these 36 0 papers ar e mor e tha n the total o f all papers published after th e las t Internationa l Congres s o f Anthropological an d Ethnologi cal Sciences whic h was held i n the Unite d State s (Philadelphia , 1956) . The significance of the increas e i s not simply quantitative. The inpu t of scholars from area s which have until recently been n o more than subject matter for anthropology represents bot h feedbac k an d also long-awaited theoretical contributions from the perspective s o f very different cultural, social, an d historica l traditions. Many who attended th e IXt h Congres s were convince d that anthropolog y woul d not b e the sam e i n the future. The fac t tha t the Xth Congres s (India , 1978 ) wa s our firs t i n the "Thir d World" ma y be symbolic of the change . Meanwhile, sober consideratio n of the present se t of books wil l show how much, and just where and how, our disciplin e i s being revolutionized . As indicate d i n th e firs t paragrap h above , ther e ar e i n thi s serie s a number of books on human affective respons e which are likely to interes t readers o f thi s volume a s wel l as it s companion volum e edite d b y Dr . Cordwell. No t mentione d abov e bu t als o o f relevanc e t o th e topic s treated her e ar e book s bearin g o n primatologica l an d archaeologica l beginnings as well as on descriptions o f cultural forms in various parts of the world . Chicago, Illinois SO July 7, 1979

L TA X

Table of Contents

General Editor' s Prefac e v Introduction by John Blacking xi

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PART ONE : MUSI C AN D DANC E I N SOCIETY : GENERA L PERSPECTIVE S The Stud y of Ma n a s Music-Make r 3 by John Blacking Toward a Cross-Cultura l Conceptualizatio n o f Danc e an d Som e Correlate Consideration s 1 by Judith Lynne Hanna

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Culture Change : Functiona l an d Dysfunctiona l Expression s o f Dance, a Form o f Affectiv e Cultur e 4 by Joann W . Kealiinohomoku

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PART TWO : CAS E STUDIE S I N DANC E

Totemic Dance s o f Armenia 6 by E. Kh. Petrosian

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Kolo n a Kolu: Th e Roun d upo n Roun d i n Yugoslavia 7 by Olivera Mladenovic

3

Table of Contents

The Study of Folk Dancing in the Soviet Union: Its State and Tasks 7 by M. la . Zhornitskaia

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PART THREE : CROSS-CULTURA L STUDIE S O F TH E PERFORMIN G ART S Continuity an d Discontinuit y i n Son g Styles : A n Ordina l Cross Cultural Classificatio n 9 by S. Le e Seaton an d Karen Ann Watson

3

Rice-Planting Musi c of Chindo (Korea ) an d the Chügok u Regio n (Japan) 10 by Ruriko Uchida

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The Statu s of Women i n the Performin g Arts of India and Iberia : Cross-Cultural Perspectives from Historica l Account s an d Fiel d Reports 11 by Bonnie C . Wade an d Ann M . Pescatello

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PART FOUR : CAS E STUDIE S I N MUSI C AN D FOLKLOR E FRO M ASI A AN D EASTERN EUROP E The Function s of Fol k Song s in Vietna m 14 by Cong-Huyen-Ton-Nu Nha-Trang

1

The Aborigina l Musi c of Taiwan 15 by Midori D . Himeno

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Contemporary Musi c of th e Macla y Coast 15 by B . N . Putilov

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Rituals and Song s of Weathe r i n Georgian Poeti c Folklor e 16 by Ksenia Sikharulidze

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On th e Hungaria n Variants of South Slavi c Folk Song s and Tales 17 7 by Madeleine V . Andjelic The Rumania n Folklore Calenda r an d It s Age Categorie s 18 by Emilia Compel

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PART FIVE : ASPECT S O F TH E MUSICA L PROCESS The Role of Songs for Children in the Formation of Musical Perception 20 by Ghizela Sulifeanu

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Pattern Perceptio n an d Recognitio n i n African Musi c 22 by Gerhard Kubik

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Tactility a s an Aestheti c Consideratio n i n African Musi c 25 by Robert Kauffinan

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Stress Behavio r i n Musicolinguistics 25 by Anoop C . Chandola

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PART SIX : MUSI C AN D DANC E I N AFRIC A AN D TH E NE W WORL D

Igen Ututu: A n Igb o Folk Requie m Musi c Dance Ritua l 26 by C . O . Okoreaffia

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Ngoma Musi c Among th e Zul u 27 by Elkin Thamsanqa Sithole

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The Possibilit y of Objective Rhythmi c Evidence fo r African Influ ence i n Afro-America n Musi c 28 by Hewitt Pantaleoni

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Music and Danc e as Expressions o f Religious Worship in Jamaica 29 by Joseph G. Moore

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Space Rock : Musi c and Danc e o f the Electroni c Er a 31 by Gertrude P . Kurath

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Biographical Note s 33

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Index o f Name s 33

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Index o f Subject s 33

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Introduction

JOHN BLACKIN G

The papers in this volume were submitted to the sessions on the performing arts at the IXt h International Congres s o f Anthropological an d Eth nological Sciences , held i n Chicago i n August-September 1973 . No t al l the paper s wer e rea d an d discussed , an d no t al l authors were present . No attempt ha s been mad e to select papers whic h illustrate a particular theme or theoretical framework, because earlier plans to organize a gathering o f scholar s to discus s specific issue s i n theory an d metho d ha d bee n thwarted when financial support proved meagre and several of those invited were unable to attend. Although I had been appointe d edito r o f the pro ceedings, there were not eve n funds availabl e for my own journey to th e Congress! I have therefore ha d to rel y upo n th e writte n versions o f the papers and tape recordings of the meetings, in preparing this volume with Joann Kealiinohomoku . Unfortunately, the tape recordings of the discussions neither provide d a them e o r theme s wit h which t o lin k the papers , nor wer e the y suffi ciently integrate d t o b e publishe d as part o f the volume . Nevertheless , what the volum e lacks in thematic unity it gains in diversity, as it reflects the differen t interest s an d approaches o f twenty-fou r scholar s fro m Austria, India , Ireland , Japan , Nigeria , Rumania , Sout h Africa , USA , USSR, Vietnam, an d Yugoslavia . Some papers had to be translated int o English, and in a number of cases authors coul d no t be contacted o r did not respond t o editorial requests . The bul k of the cop y editing has been done by Martin B ay ley and Karen Tkach, with the dance papers initially edited by Joann Kealiinohomoku. I am most grateful for their assistance, but take responsibility for any errors or textual misinterpretations tha t may have crept in . I am also grateful to Barbara Krader for checking some of the East European place names and references.

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In spite of the diversity of approach and content of the papers, there ar e some recurren t theme s tha t transcen d eve n th e si x genera l heading s under which I have grouped them. For example, a common interest in the role o f musi c and danc e i n societ y i s expressed bot h i n th e conten t o f theoretically oriented paper s and case studies, an d in the ai m of severa l contributors to record traditions that provide evidence of popular creativity an d ancien t national cultura l identity. Most authors agree that the forms and meanings of the performing arts cannot be understood withou t referring to their social contex t an d func tions. Cong-Huyen-Ton-N u Nha-Tran g discusse s th e functio n of Viet namese fol k song s a s a medium for communicating political, economic , and emotiona l issues. C.O . Okoreaffi a describes th e use s of musi c and dance by the Igbo of Nigeria to honor a dead person. The cost of the ritual ensures that the surplus material wealth of the deceased is consumed and a degree o f equality is restored i n a competitive society, while its display and commemorativ e aspects ensur e tha t what is really important abou t the deceased, hi s spiritual essence an d the record of his human career, ar e remembered. Wherea s the Igb o Igen Ututu musi c and danc e ritua l lays the dead person to rest, the Cumina cult of Jamaica uses music and dance to socializ e trance an d hel p cal l up the spirit s of deceased ancestors , o r zombies. Possessio n b y zombies is manifested in the danc e movements . Joseph Moore compares the Cumina cults, which are "African wit h New World negr o inventions " (p . 305 ) wit h th e Reviva l cults , whic h ar e syncretistic an d blen d Africa n an d Europea n Christia n elements an d traditions. A s migh t be expected , i n Reviva l groups th e bodie s o f th e faithful ar e possesse d b y the Hol y Ghost , th e archangel s and prophets , some o f the disciples , and th e spirit s of former members o f the Revival flock wh o hav e died. Social context and function therefor e illuminate the meanin g of music and dance, bu t the y do not explai n their styles and forms , except i n the very general sense that hoeing, weeding, threshing, pounding, and canoeing, song s must differ systematicall y according t o the work that they are designed t o accompany . Thus , althoug h th e functio n o f rice-plantin g music and it s technological correlates ar e th e sam e i n Chindo Island, off the southwestern Korean coast, and in the Chügoku region of the Japan ese mainland , as indee d the y ar e i n mos t othe r part s o f easter n an d southeastern Asi a wher e ric e plantin g ceremonie s ar e held , Rurik o Uchida show s that their musi c differs considerably . Similarly , although the musi c an d th e movement s o f th e Cumin a an d Reviva l cult s var y according to th e differen t purpose s an d agent s of possession, the socia l uses and function s o f th e musi c and danc e d o no t explai n the differen t styles, an y mor e tha n a sociologica l analysi s of Vietnames e folksong s necessarily explain s why particular mode s an d interval s are chosen . Social context, an d social use and function, are, like musical traditions,

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conventional frameworks for the play of social interaction, or, in the cas e of social function, the construct s of anthropologists. Indeed , i f music is a cultural phenomeno n an d a social fact , a s most author s see m t o agree, musical and cultura l forms shoul d be homologous ; an d Midor i Himen o observes tha t "considerin g th e Taiwa n aborigines as a whole . . . there are a s man y musica l differences between th e tribe s a s there ar e othe r cultural differences" (p. 157) . Bu t to say that musical and cultural forms are homologous does not explain musical variety any more than cultural variety. Nor ar e argument s about historica l accretion o r environmental influences convincing as explanations of cultural variety, because historical an d environmenta l influence s ar e effectiv e onl y insofa r a s huma n beings choose to make them so in the cours e o f their social interaction . Explanations of differences i n styles of music and dance must therefore begin with an account of the choices tha t musicians and dancers mak e in the course o f performance—choices abou t pattern s o f sound an d move ment, that are inevitably related t o decisions made in the course of social interaction i n othe r fields . Fo r th e decision s tha t peopl e mak e abou t musical an d choreographi c processe s ar e mad e wit h th e sam e mind s as the decision s that ar e mad e abou t socia l interaction ; an d th e decision s that actors make as human beings generally precede those that they make in thei r capacit y a s music-maker s and dancers . I n thei r paper , Bonni e Wade and Ann Pescatell o sho w how the status of women in the performing art s i n Indi a an d Iberi a "i s linke d firs t t o th e statu s o f wome n i n general in those cultures, and second t o the status of the particular art in which the y perform " (p . 135) . There are , however , man y problem s tha t aris e whe n th e source s o f cultural forms are sough t i n patterns of social relations , an d nowher e i s this more apparen t tha n i n analyses of music, dance, an d other type s of ritual activity. It comes ou t i n some o f the papers by East European an d Russian authors , wh o sho w concer n abou t a dilemm a whic h faces an y anthropologist who believes that new social relations shoul d give rise t o new cultural forms. On the one hand , they observe, a s does Petrosian i n his study of the totemi c dance s o f Armenia, tha t cultura l forms change with changing social conditions , o r when they ar e transmitted fro m on e area to another, as Olivera Mladenovic and Madeleine Andjeli c point out respectively i n their account s o f the Kolo n a kolu danc e i n Yugoslavia, and o f Hungaria n variant s of Sout h Slavi c folksongs an d tales . O n th e other hand , Putilo v reports tha t there ha s been n o change in the musical instruments of Bongu village in New Guinea, which was studied a century ago b y th e Russia n anthropologis t Muklukho-Maklai , althoug h ther e have been socia l change s an d most o f their neighbor s hav e adopted th e modern instrument s that are popular throughout Oceania. Petrosia n als o argues tha t "despit e al l th e change s i n th e pattern s an d content s o f dances, the y hav e preserve d thei r origina l roots" (p. 72) .

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Petrosian's notio n o f "origina l roots " als o appear s i n Kseni a Sikharulidze's and Emilia Comi§el's papers on Georgian ritual s and songs of weathe r an d th e Rumania n folklor e calendar . I n othe r words , com munities hav e a culture tha t ca n transcend changin g socia l formations . Although culture exists only insofar as individuals invoke and reinvent it in the course of social interaction, som e systems of significant symbols do persist over time (see my paper, p. 3), and although in the course of more than two thousand years of history, "complex customs" may "have lost at least some of their old meanings through conditions created by technical, economic, an d socia l revolution , the y remai n a s fol k manifestation s of great artisti c value " (Comi§el, p . 200). Thu s analysi s of the Rumania n folklore calenda r help s Comi§e l t o discove r mor e abou t th e ancien t culture o f th e Rumania n peopl e an d t o prove "th e continuit y o f th e Rumanians' presenc e i n thi s region " (p . 200) . A n importan t ai m o f folklore researc h i s therefore t o gathe r materia l tha t ma y b e use d t o enrich th e educatio n o f the youn g an d th e recreatio n o f adults , an d t o reinforce a sense of national identity . The theoretica l implication s of this kind of use of traditional perform ing arts ar e briefl y discusse d fo r music on p. 4, and elaborated in Joann Kealiinohomoku's paper comparing the functions of traditional dances in Balinese and Hawai'ian societies. Her point is that the notion of culture as "original roots " is too vague: it is not culture in general that can transcend changing social formations, bu t very specifically, affective culture - which is, of course, the topi c o f this volume. Thus If a society experiences radical changes, such as Hawai'ian society did, in its living patterns, i n it s socia l organization , ther e i s littl e lef t o f th e origina l unless it s affective cultur e ca n maintai n its viability (p . 62) .

"Hawai'ian affectiv e cultur e is not viable through syncretism as Balinese affectiv e cultur e is", becaus e i t was functionally interrelate d t o th e old religion, the old technology, the old hierarchical political system, and many other features of precontact Hawai'i which Hawai'ians do not wish to revive. But it has become viabl e again through a reinterpretation of the hula whic h fulfil s th e Hawai'ia n nee d t o maintai n a sens e o f cultura l identity i n th e contex t o f contemporar y Hawai'ia n society . Thu s th e affective cultur e of the Hawai'ian s has transcended changin g social formations, an d althoug h its forms ar e no t a reflection of ne w needs , ne w functions an d ne w social formations, its meanings and its social contexts have changed . Affective cultur e can remai n formally stati c while being socially an d emotionally dynamic, so that there need not be a contradiction betwee n the development (dynamic) of a nation and the preservation (static) of its artistic forms. Moreover, a n unavoidabl e feature of musi c and danc e i s that no two performances can ever be the same in terms of their meanings

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to participants, even if they may sound or look identical to the ears of the tape recorder and sonagram and the eye of the camera. It is the combination of cultural continuity and social change in the performance event that helps t o mak e affectiv e cultur e a crucia l element i n th e socia l lif e o f communities; and , not surprisingly , it comes t o hav e considerable rele vance in countries where there are ethnic minorities. If Comi§el's work on the Rumania n folklore calenda r justifie s Rumanians ' claim s to Ruma nian territory, wha t is the statu s of American Indian s i n the US A o r of Armenians an d Yakut s i n th e USSR ? Perhap s thi s proble m partiall y accounts for the emphasi s that Russia n scholars see m t o place on struc tural studies of dance an d music, and the ric h variety of dance notation s that they have developed. M. Zhornitskaia acknowledges the importance of ethni c variations in Soviet affectiv e culture , but argue s that th e rela tions betwee n th e dance s o f th e Sovie t peopl e ar e greate r tha n th e differences: The availabl e data show that Russian, Belorussian, an d Ukrainia n folk dance s have a common origin, and folk dances in the Transcaucasus have common stable specific elements . The sam e i s true o f fol k dance s in th e extrem e northeast of Siberia, an d s o on (p . 85) .

Thus the uniqueness of the affectiv e cultur e of any single Soviet ethnic group is explained by the specifi c geographical and historica l conditions in whic h it exists ; bu t a t th e sam e tim e n o ethni c grou p stand s alon e outside an y of the "choreographi c complexes " that can be identifie d i n the Sovie t Union , and so any one group's sense of cultural identity must include cooperation an d identificatio n with othe r ethnic groups . The concer n fo r identifyin g cluster s o f feature s b y which a musi c or dance styl e ca n b e identifie d an d relate d t o other s prompt s severa l authors t o cal l fo r greate r uniformit y i n method s o f recordin g an d i n terminology, s o that exchang e o f experienc e an d cross-cultura l studies may be more easily undertaken (e.g. p . 86). Joseph Moore' s diagrams of the characteristic movements of Cumina dances (pp. 301-304) are easier for the average anthropologist than Laban, Benesh, or Lisitsian notation, but I wonde r i f suc h gros s distinction s of th e subtletie s of movemen t variation ar e adequat e for effectiv e analysis , and t o wha t extent anthropologists mus t defe r t o peopl e wit h year s o f experienc e i n musi c o r dance notation. The trouble is that experts in those fields are often rather deficient i n thei r analyse s of socia l relations , an d s o w e ar e bac k i n a position wher e the connection s between socia l relation s an d musi c and dance form s canno t b e precisel y demonstrated . One solution to the problem is for closer cooperation betwee n anthropologists, musicologists , an d choreologists , an d fo r mor e rigorou s anthropological training for the latter—sinc e technical training in music and dance generally takes much longer. Another solution is that of Alan

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Lomax, who has reduced the parameters of song and dance styles to terms that most anthropologist s ca n manage, an d ha s argued tha t thes e gros s categories ar e adequat e fo r identifyin g th e salien t feature s of a style: i n fact, h e claim s that a sampl e o f onl y ten song s i s enough to establis h a style. M y worrie s abou t Lomax' s importan t pioneerin g wor k i n can tometrics and choreometrics ar e directed no t so much at the generality of his variables and th e fac t tha t man y of the societie s studie d hav e mor e music and dance styles than those selected for the cross-cultural survey, as at the usefulnes s of cross-cultural studies that examine th e cultural products rathe r tha n th e socia l an d cognitiv e processes by which they ar e constituted. I t can, of course, b e argue d i n some case s tha t a particular musical result can only be obtained in one way, so that a description of the product is at the same time an analysis of the social and cognitive process. Hewitt Pantaleoni' s compariso n o f rhythmi c patterns i n Africa n an d Afro-American musi c is one suc h case. Because I am more concerned wit h "musical" processes than musical products, what interests me most about Seaton an d Watson's pape r is not the ordinal scaling and clustering of world song styles (p. 99 ff) , which, as they say, corresponds t o the culture regions of Murdock's Ethnographic atlas, and might therefore be described a s a self-fulfilling prophec y generated by the evolutionary models of anthropology. Much more interesting is the ordina l scalin g and clusterin g o f cantometric variables : fo r eve n if thi s als o fulfill s Lomax' s anthropologica l prophec y o f "contrastive " models fo r son g performanc e ("th e highl y individualize d and group dominating" Mode l A , an d "th e highl y cohesive , group-involving " Model B), at least it draws attention to clusters of variables which constitute varieties of the musical process. And when we know what, if any, are the crucial parameters that make social interaction "musical " and which of thes e "musical " feature s tend t o cluster , then we shall be i n a bette r position t o relat e th e "musical " processes t o othe r socia l an d cognitive processes of the people wh o make the music, and so go some way toward explaining the variety of music and dance styles in terms of the varieties of social relations an d cognitive processes brought to bear on the invention and reinventio n of culture. In th e circulate d Congres s draf t o f m y ow n paper , I urge d tha t th e biological foundations of music should be established, as part of the goal of identifyin g a purel y "musical " proces s an d revealin g th e natur e of music as a primary modeling system. I was particularly attracted b y the evidence o f righ t an d lef t cerebra l dominanc e fo r musi c an d verba l language in cases of amusia and aphasia , and of early musical abilities of children, an d I ha d recentl y written a paper i n which I argue d tha t th e evolutionary sequenc e o f huma n communicatio n ha d bee n dance music-verbal language (Blacking 1976). Sinc e the n I have come t o th e view tha t althoug h musi c is , lik e verba l language , fundamentall y a

Introduction

species-specific behavio r an d no t a huma n invention , an d tha t ther e i s much to be gained fro m studyin g it as a unique code, or system of signs, the searc h fo r a n innat e "musical " process is more usefu l a s a heuristi c device tha n a s a legitimat e mean s t o a n attainabl e scientifi c goal . I t concentrates attentio n o n th e cluster s o f element s tha t distinguis h th e essentially musica l fro m othe r form s o f communication ; bu t i t i s mos t unlikely t o revea l element s tha t ar e purely "musical. " Similarly , Eri c Lenneberg (1967) demonstrated tha t verbal language is not just a special adaptation o f organs for eating and breathing, an d that parts of the body evolved specifically for language; but at the same time other capabilitie s and behavior s ar e necessar y fo r th e developmen t o f languag e i n indi vidual organisms, such as hearing and social interactio n a t certain stage s of growth. Again, in seeking to identify th e basic, necessary component s of an y "dance " activit y and construc t a genera l mode l o f th e choreo graphic process , Judit h Hann a point s ou t tha t suc h activitie s mus t b e studied i n the contex t o f the socia l relation s o f a specific community of dance participant s an d observers . Okoreaffia's pape r als o reminds us that i n most part s of Africa music and dance can never be isolated, since they are intelligible only as parts of multimedia events . Severa l othe r authors , suc h a s Josep h Moor e an d Gertrude Kurath , explicitl y or implicit y maintain that musi c and danc e are complementar y mode s o f nonverba l communicatio n tha t mus t b e analyzed interdependently . Sithole' s an d Kurath' s paper s sho w speci fically ho w performers an d audience s conceive bot h musica l expression and musica l experience i n multimedia terms, an d Kubi k presents mor e evidence to confirm a point that has been made by a number of writers on African music : namely , that ther e ar e clos e link s between movemen t patterns and music-makin g in processes o f enculturation and learning, of execution, o f perception, an d o f aestheti c appreciation . Although Kubi k claims to b e "treatin g th e relevan t processes exclu sively in their musical context" an d avoidin g "extramusical implications or associations with sound complexes" (p . 221), it seems to me from what follows tha t h e i s doing nothing of the sort ! H e appear s t o b e definin g "music" in African terms as part o f a multimedia event, and his paper i s devoted t o describing movement patterns, tunin g systems, and th e per ception of "inherent patterns" of rhythm and melody through the percep tions and concept s used b y practicing African musicians. This inevitably involves him in "extramusical" data , although the focu s of his analysis is the sound complexes themselves, the products of the musical processes. I would g o further an d sugges t tha t th e appreciatio n o f music as a multimedia event i s present i n European notion s of "music", no les s tha n in African. Mos t analyse s o f musi c sound , eve n thos e tha t clai m t o b e phenomenological, ar e ful l o f metaphors, similes , and general ideas that invoke extramusical associations. An d those tha t explicitly seek t o avoid

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extramusical associations , suc h a s Han s Keller' s wordles s functiona l analyses, can hardly eliminate them altogether, sinc e the perception an d recognition o f musica l patterns b y composer , performer , listener , an d analyst, ar e alway s par t o f socia l processe s withi n give n cultura l frameworks. Another crucia l point tha t arise s fro m th e evidenc e i n Kubik's pape r and i n Kauffman's pape r o n th e importanc e of tactility in African music, and refers back to the issue of biological capabilities, is: to what extent are the perceptiv e an d performin g abilities o f musician s and audience s i n Africa develope d throug h enculturatio n an d learnin g within particular musical traditions, and to what extent are they generally available, innate propensities tha t som e musi c traditions hav e take n u p an d other s neglected? For example, might Europeans pic k out "inherent patterns " (see pp. 231-240 ) i n music , i f they ha d no t bee n traine d t o d o otherwise ? Perhaps the y do , i n an y case , an d thi s migh t be a n importan t facto r i n explaining people's different perceptions o f the sam e work . (Contradic tions in analyses of a Mozart pian o concerto, fo r instance, might be due to perceptive flexibility , rathe r tha n righ t or wrong perceptions o f musica l structures. I n man y African musica l systems, the diversit y of "inheren t patterns" availabl e t o performer s an d listener s woul d b e take n a s a measure o f th e aestheti c valu e o f th e piece , an d no t a s evidenc e o f ignorance o r conceptua l confusion) . Was th e potentia l developmen t o f children's musica l expressio n inhibite d b y th e availabl e interval s an d rhythms o f th e song s fo r childre n discusse d b y Ghizel a Sulijean u (pp. 205-219)? Wer e Vend a childre n i n Sout h Afric a i n 1956-195 8 mor e "advanced" musically (see Blacking 1967, especially pp. 28-30) becaus e they wer e expecte d t o us e a wide r rang e o f interval s an d scale s a t a n earlier ag e tha n i s considered norma l i n many Europea n societies ? M y own research int o the performance s o f small children suggests tha t the y can perceiv e an d sin g mor e "complex " melodie s tha n developmenta l theory allow s them, and tha t whe n they do not, they ar e more likel y t o have been constrained b y environment than by innate disabilities. However, I doub t i f ther e i s an y wa y i n whic h th e musica l potentia l o f two-year-olds ca n b e measure d accurately , becaus e th e rapi d develop ment o f verba l languag e fro m eightee n month s onward , and th e widespread us e of verbal language as a major means o f communication, motivate th e developmen t o f th e verba l rathe r tha n nonverba l mode s o f communication. A simila r difficulty arise s whe n assessing th e influenc e of verbal language on music structures, and vice versa, as Anoop Chandola illustrate s in hi s comparison o f th e commo n phenomeno n o f stres s i n pattern s o f musical rhythm and phrases and sentences o f verbal language. The safes t course is to avoid regarding either language or music as the primary model ing system , eve n thoug h verba l languag e play s a leadin g rol e i n th e

Introduction xx

i

formation an d transmissio n of cultura l systems, an d t o trea t eac h a s a primary modelin g system (and dance would be another ) fo r pattern s of thought and socia l interaction. The notio n o f several primary, but interdependent, modeling systems is not a contradictio n i n term s an y mor e than the idea of several primary organs of the body; and it is more usefu l than seeking one primary modeling system such as verbal language, from which others are derived, or constructing a general model of communication and then applying it to dance, music, language, social interaction, or any other fiel d o f human behavior. The forme r ignores the variety of the models that different societie s have chosen i n creating their social, musical, and choreographic forms , an d th e latte r runs the ris k of ironing out the important qualitative differences of human experience, and hence the features that matter most when individuals choose to invoke one mode or combination o f modes o f communicatio n rather tha n another . A society' s affectiv e cultur e i s enriche d b y th e variet y o f primary modeling system s that peopl e ca n invok e to expres s an d educat e thei r emotions. Richard Strauss' opera Capriccio portrays a situation in which a poet and a composer compete fo r the affectio n o f the heroine in words and music, and much of the dialogue is devoted to a debate on the relative merits of these tw o modes of communication. The heroine' s inabilit y t o decide wh o move s he r mor e assure s he r o f continue d attentio n an d pleasure! Although music and dance cannot be completely isolated, even for analytica l purposes, fro m othe r social and artisti c activities, it is their intrinsic qualitie s as mode s o f nonverba l communicatio n an d symboli c expression tha t elici t affectiv e respons e i n ma n an d ensur e tha t on e system i s not absorbe d b y the other ; and i t is the identificatio n of thes e intrinsic elements that most concern th e authors of the papers. Nevertheless, their field experienc e may have convinced them, as it does me, that one o f the mos t valuabl e consequences o f studying the anthropolog y of the performing arts is to find ways of bringing together again all the arts in performance situation s in which all members o f the communit y participate fully . Since the practic e of the performing arts can be an important factor in social change, study of the anthropolog y o f the performin g arts can, and in m y opinio n should , b e directe d towar d changing , a s wel l a s under standing, the world . If any of the data or analyses in this book serv e th e purpose o f releasing more human potential through practice o f the per forming arts , o r mak e some corne r o f the worl d a better place, then it s publication wil l b e full y justified.

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REFERENCES BLACKING, JOH N

1967 Venda children's songs: a study in ethnomusicological analysis. Johan nesburg: Universit y o f th e Witwatersran d Press. 1976 "Dance , conceptua l though t an d productio n i n th e archaeologica l record," i n Problems i n economic an d social archaeology. Edite d b y G. de G. Sieveking, I. H. Longworth and K. E. Wilson, 3-13. London : Duckworth.

LENNEBERG, ERI C

1967 Biological

foundations o f language. Ne w York : Wiley.

PART ON E

Music and Dance in Society: General Perspectives

The Study of Man as Music-Maker

JOHN BLACKIN G

The stud y of musi c and music-makin g can b e usefu l a s a model fo r th e more genera l anthropologica l stud y of culture, "the organize d systems of significant symbols " (Geertz 1975:46) that persis t i n communities over time. Strictly speaking, music can only be produced b y performance, an d its meaning is the sens e tha t individual s make o f it ; similarly , culture is invoked an d reinvente d b y socia l interaction . Thu s musi c an d othe r cultural phenomen a ca n b e sai d t o hav e n o intrinsi c meanings, an d i t ought t o b e possibl e t o assig n t o the m an y meaning. And yet the decision to invoke a system of symbols in a particular social situation, which is itself constrained b y other symbo l systems, can exer t further constraints on behavior and action. In other words, the invocation of an organized sequenc e o f symbols can restrict th e decision-makin g of the ver y individuals who freel y invente d them, i f only by requiring that the sequence , onc e begun , shoul d b e complete d i n a specifie d way. One may ask why people should choose to invent and invoke systems of action tha t se t limit s to thei r freedo m o f choice . I n th e productio n o f material goods or of sentences i n a language, for example, the advantages are obvious: th e constraint s of a specific technical proces s and o f syntax can generat e greate r freedom , throug h increase s i n th e contro l o f th e environment an d in the rang e o f communication an d thought. The con sumption o f music , however , doe s no t hav e obvious socia l advantages , except insofa r a s performanc e ma y b e use d fo r purpose s tha t ar e no t essentially musical: for instance, focu s of attention o n the productio n o f sound ma y bring together an d consolidate th e idea s and relationships of people wh o shar e nominall y commo n political , social , o r religiou s allegiances. As such, the constraints on free decision-making imposed by the performanc e o f musi c can b e justifie d b y a n expecte d increas e i n political, social , o r religiou s commitment or activity.

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If thi s were th e onl y consequenc e o f music-making , there woul d b e nothing of particular anthropological o r sociological interes t abou t musical behavior an d action : i t could b e studie d a s any other social activity, and it s symbols could b e treated in much the sam e wa y as the rule s of a game. Anthropologists an d sociologists would not need to concern them selves with the musi c so much as with the use s to which it is put an d th e values attache d t o i t i n th e cours e o f socia l interaction . Musi c woul d therefore b e anthropologicall y an d sociologicall y neutral , or , a s Nade l suggested, a n "actio n autonomous " (Nade l 1951:87) . There need b e no lin k betwee n grou p organizatio n and , say , paintin g i n oils , perspectiv e i n drawing, ornamenta l design s i n sculptur e rathe r tha n naturalisti c ones, blan k verse rathe r tha n rhyme , polyphon y rathe r tha n homophon y i n music. . . . The style i n art, then, exists in its own right, entailing and presupposing n o determinate social relationship s (Nade l 1951:88 . Italic s i n original).

This is in line with the argumen t of Max Weber, wh o maintained that modern European musi c was rationalized within the tone system (1968), and tha t onc e thi s developmen t ha d take n place , influence d b y th e scientific attitud e tha t emerge d a t th e tim e o f th e Renaissance , th e musical syste m pursue d a n almos t inevitabl e logic o f it s own . This approach t o the study of music and music-making is sociologically legitimate; but i f music is to have any theoretical interes t t o anthropolo gists, it will be necessary to assume that its importance extends beyond its often arbitrary use in a variety of contexts for different socia l purposes, t o its reciprocal influenc e on huma n behavio r an d action . Ultimately , th e music i s th e mos t significan t aspect o f musica l activities , no t onl y fo r anyone who studies them but also for those who participate in them, and it i s the specia l characte r o f musica l activities that i s sociologically an d anthropologically problematic, rathe r than characteristics that they have in common with other socia l activities. Man makes music as a patterne d event i n a system of social interaction , as part o f a process o f consciou s decision-making; bu t ther e i s also a sens e i n which music makes man , releasing creative energy, expanding consciousness an d influencing subsequent decision-makin g an d cultura l invention . Th e anthropologica l study of music and music-makin g must therefore b e concerned wit h th e products of man as music-maker, and the processes by which feelings and ideas ar e expresse d i n pattern s o f sound , an d pattern s o f soun d evok e feelings and ideas. The symbolic load assigned to music, often arbitrarily, may b e relevan t i n this enquiry, and performers ' an d listeners ' views of music an d musica l experience ar e crucia l dat a i n th e identificatio n of significant musica l parameters and th e analysi s of musical meaning. But the stud y o f th e symboli c loa d o f musi c itself , an d especiall y o f th e effectiveness o f musical symbols, is its most challenging aspect, becaus e music i s a mediato r betwee n natur e an d culture , between feelin g an d

The Study of Man as Music-Maker 5

form, a link between th e innate, generalized automati c complexity of the body (all human bodies: no t a few specifically "gifted" bodies) , an d th e particular cultura l arrangement s o f bodie s tha t hav e bee n achieve d through th e mediu m of socia l interaction . Music is therefore a n ideal field fo r the study of relationships betwee n patterns o f social interactio n an d th e inventio n of cultural forms. Nadel and others of like mind may be correct i n arguing that such relationship s do no t an d nee d no t exist , bu t thei r cas e ha s been neithe r prove d no r disproved. Th e explanatio n o f cultural forms remains a key problem i n the social sciences, an d the stud y of music and music-making can contribute muc h to it s solution . This view has been well expressed b y Levi-Strauss, and especially in the Introduction to The raw and the cooked (1969) . In comparing the specia l resemblance o f music to myth in both freezing time and unfolding in time, Levi-Strauss emphasize s it s rol e i n relatin g th e inne r experienc e o f organic rhythms to the external rhythms of the music , and he claims that "music is the supreme mystery of the science of man, a mystery that all the various discipline s com e u p agains t an d whic h hold s th e ke y t o thei r progress" (Levi-Strauss 1969:18) . Insofar as music is a mediator betwee n nature and culture, I can agree her e with Levi-Strauss (and with his claim (1969:18) that "musical inventio n depends on special gifts , which can be developed onl y where the y ar e innate") . But i f an understanding of music and music-makin g is to provide clues to further knowledge in the science of man, it must be assumed that, as in language, th e powe r o f musica l invention i s possessed a s muc h by th e receivers o f musi c as b y it s creators an d performers , an d tha t i f certain "musical" capabilitie s are innate , they are innat e for all members of the species an d no t onl y a tin y minority. If th e stud y of musi c i s to revea l anything of interest t o the genera l study of man, we must begin with th e assumption (whic h may , of course , ultimatel y prove t o b e false ) tha t music-making is derived fro m certai n biologicall y given capabilities that are genera l t o th e huma n species, o r a t leas t tha t musica l composition must have some corporate meanin g to other people, beyond the separat e meanings assigned b y the creato r an d eac h differen t listener . I n eithe r case, some, i f not all , of the mental processes involved in composition ar e also require d fo r intelligen t listening. The compositio n o f musi c has alway s required it s re-composition b y performers and audiences , i f it is to mov e out o f the privat e mind of th e individual composer ; an d i t i s th e ordinary qualit y of som e music , its ability to transcend time , place, an d social class, that makes a compose r like Mozar t s o extraordinary. In othe r words , i t i s what Mozart ha s i n common an d ca n shar e wit h other s tha t distinguishe s his music, rathe r than what is unique about him . There is, after all , nothing extraordinary about uniqueness : all individuals, except identica l twins, are biologically

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unique, an d al l become sociall y unique . Wha t make s cultura l achievements possible i s the ability of people to share feelings and thoughts, and particularly to share with a commitment that springs from understandin g and assimilation . There i s evidence, especiall y i n the report s o f ethno musicologists, that "ordinary" peopl e liste n intelligently to music as well as they listen and respond t o language. Furthermore, composer s are not always aware of the intelligenc e that they employ in creating their music (cf. Schoenber g 1951 : ch . 5) , becaus e thi s intelligenc e i s par t o f th e mechanism of the huma n body. Sinc e composers value , and their critics endorse, musical intuition, it seems hardly fair to question the intelligence of listeners who use that same intuition to re-create th e music and mak e sense o f it s code . Whether or no t ther e ar e biologica l foundation s of music-making , as there ar e o f language , music itself is not natural . Musical intervals are social facts and not always founded on the laws of acoustics, as Alexander John Ellis pointed ou t i n 1885 , whe n he measured th e musica l scales of several societie s an d concluded : The musical scale is not one, no t "natural", no r even founded necessarily on the laws of the constitution of musical sound so beautifully worked out by Helmholtz, but ver y diverse , very artificial , an d ver y capriciou s (Ellis 1885:526) .

Music differs fro m painting in its relationship to nature, as Levi-Strauss argued, bu t no t i n it s closenes s t o nature . Levi-Straus s claime d tha t painting is closer to nature than music because "natur e offers man models of al l colors" but fo r music , nature produce s onl y noises, s o that "ma n would be unacquainted with musical sounds if he had not invented them" (Levi-Strauss 1969:22) . Musi c i s i n fac t n o les s clos e t o natur e tha n painting, becaus e th e mode l fo r musi c i s man's ow n natur e an d muc h music is therefore discovered rathe r than invented. The area of discovery is not so much the external world of sound as the internal world of human feelings. Th e creatio n o f musi c can b e describe d a s a sharin g of inne r feelings i n a socia l contex t throug h extension s o f bod y movement , i n which certai n species-specifi c capabilitie s ar e modifie d an d extende d through socia l an d cultura l experience. Musi c i s a metapho r o f feeling that draws on man's own nature for many of its forms. It is because o f this that i t i s ofte n "intelligible " an d a t th e sam e tim e "untranslatable " (Levi-Strauss 1969:18), in the sense that any meanings can be assigned to it as a sequence o f symbols, and yet it may have only one meaning at th e time i t i s experienced . Music i s no t intelligibl e unles s i t i s "grammatical" ; it s cod e i s it s message, an d i t is incoherent a s music unless it is logically structured. (I n this respect, a s in many others, music differs from verbal language, where both ungrammatica l sens e an d grammatica l nonsense, a s in Lewis Car -

The Study of Man as Music-Maker 7

roll, are possible. ) An d ye t musica l structures seem t o sprin g from feel ings as often as they evoke them. The point is that human feelings are also structured an d i n th e transformatio n of feeling s int o pattern s o f soun d and vice versa the innate structures of the body play a part in creation and interpretation, a s well as th e musica l convention s of differen t societie s and th e differen t musica l experiences o f individuals . I hav e argue d tha t musica l system s ar e no t autonomous , an d tha t th e study of music and music-makin g therefore provide s an excellent mode l for analyzing the inventio n and use of cultural forms. Relations betwee n systems of ideas about social and musical organization can, for example, be seen in the music of the Vend a of South Africa (Blacking 1967,1970, 1973), and connections between pattern s of social interaction and musical variation can b e observed (e.g . Blackin g 1973:71). In every performance situatio n socia l an d musica l decision-makin g i s carrie d ou t i n relation to the more general body of cultural knowledge, but the musical product o f eac h situatio n ca n b e "frozen " fo r analysis , b y mean s o f tape-recordings an d films , an d th e detail s o f the associate d pattern s o f social interaction can be related to them, provided that a careful record of behavior ha s been made . There ar e therefor e tw o levels a t whic h relationships between musi c and societ y ca n b e expected : a t th e leve l o f idea s an d a t th e leve l of interaction in which ideas are invoked. There are also two areas of action that ar e involve d i n ever y performanc e situation : th e musica l an d th e social. Neither ideas nor musical action can be understood without reference to patterns of social interaction; for ideas and music, like everything cultural, ar e firstl y socia l facts . This doe s no t mean , however , tha t al l idea s an d musi c mus t b e epiphenomena o f th e social , althoug h i t i s clear tha t the y ca n onl y b e expressed an d shared throug h the medium of social interaction, an d that their form s ar e profoundl y influence d b y socia l experience . Thes e ar e elements i n the formatio n of ideas, an d especiall y of musical structures, that sugges t the y ar e irreducibl e phenomena , i n th e sam e wa y a s language. Although verbal language s cannot be learned properl y withou t a long period in which they are used in social situations, and their forms are affected b y variations in culture and social class, language systems are not merely reflections of social phenomena; they have biological foundation s (cf. Lenneberg 1967) . For this reason, an d in particular because i t is the most extensivel y used channe l o f communication in the transmissio n of culture, language has been called the primary modeling system. Since the capacities fo r verbal languag e seem t o hav e develope d relativel y lat e in human evolution , an d th e uniformit y an d continuit y of th e Acheulea n stone cultures of Homo erectus could hardl y have been achieved without sophisticated mode s o f communication, such as gestural "language " (cf.

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Hewes 1973) , ther e i s no good reaso n t o claim sole primac y for verbal language. Besides , languag e presupposes mor e fundamenta l cognitive processes, suc h a s categorization , transformation , an d particularl y th e symbolic transformatio n of experience (cf . Langer 1948:35) . The secon d phas e of my argument is therefore tha t music , like verbal language, i s a primar y modeling system, and tha t what makes it s study sociologically an d anthropologicall y interestin g ar e th e feature s that it does not hav e in common with other socia l activities, and the fac t tha t it constrains socia l interactio n whe n i t i s invoked . I t i s thos e essentiall y musical features which provide the common denominator for musical and social action, both at the levels of ideas and interaction and in the areas of the musica l and th e social . That i s to say, general relationship s between music an d society , an d relationship s betwee n th e musica l an d socia l elements in musical performance, are made possibl e b y the extension of the primar y musical modeling system int o specifi c social contexts . Music appears t o b e organized very differently fro m verbal language. Nicolas Ruwet, for instance, has argued (1972 ) that repetition an d symmetry are basic features of the syntax of music: since musical meaning and communication depen d o n th e us e an d perceptio n o f repetition , th e essential proble m i n analyse s o f musi c i s to identif y differen t kind s of repetition an d t o asses s thei r semanti c significance . Anothe r specia l feature o f musi c is the us e of mirro r forms . There is a logical sequence from the observation o f mirror forms in nature to the use of mirror forms in design , but no t t o their us e in music. If, however, mirro r transformations are a structure o f the "mind" , initially realized i n musical perfor mance, thi s could accoun t fo r thei r bein g applie d t o an y creativ e fiel d without prio r observatio n o r experience . What I a m suggestin g i s that music-makin g may b e a special wa y of organizing huma n bodies which is most commonly , but no t necessarily , manifested i n a variet y o f activitie s tha t ar e classe d a s "musical" . I n seeking to understand the elementary structures of human thought, music is in fact more appropriat e tha n verbal language for revealin g the purely structural requirement s fo r a symbo l system, a s Susann e Lange r ha s pointed ou t (Lange r 1948:185) . But music is more than a mediator between natura l and cultural forms. As a metaphor of feeling, it can both reflect and generate a special kind of social experience. Thus , th e transcendenta l potentia l o f musical perfor mance provide a further answe r to the question raise d a t the beginning of this paper. People choose to invent and invoke music , rathe r tha n other systems o f actio n tha t ma y pu t fewe r restriction s o n thei r freedo m o f choice, because music-makin g offers a n intensity of feeling and quality of experience tha t i s more highl y valued tha n som e othe r social activities . This is not my private dogma, but a view of music that has been frequently reported fro m man y part s o f the worl d (e.g . Blacking 1973:50-51) .

The Study of Man as Music-Maker 9

Depth o f feeling and quality of experience ar e also critical factors in the processes of decision-making that affect th e invention and use of cultural forms; an d this is an importan t reaso n wh y the anthropologica l stud y of music coul d provid e a mode l fo r mor e genera l studie s o f cultur e an d society. People' s feelings about other s an d about situation s and institutions must be taken into account when analyzing their decisions. I t is not enough t o analyz e structura l an d normativ e feature s o f socia l system s which refe r onl y in passin g t o th e qualit y of interactio n a s "warm" o r "close-knit", particularly when such observations ar e based o n quantitative data, such as the number of times that certain people meet . We have to devis e som e wa y of measuring and evaluatin g compassion an d affec tion, fo r i t i s ultimatel y thes e qualitie s whic h mos t deepl y affec t decision-making, an d henc e th e us e o f cultura l knowledg e i n socia l interaction an d th e distillatio n of social experience i n cultural tradition: one particular meeting with a friend, or one musical experience, may more deeply affect a person andchange the course of his/her action than a hundred meetings with the same or another friend, or a hundred other performance s of th e sam e music . This i s why processes o f interaction generally reveal more abou t huma n action tha n thei r product s (cf . Blacking 1969), an d why anthropologica l analyse s of differen t performance s of "th e same " music may reveal mor e abou t ma n a s music-maker than comparisons of many differen t music s as musi c — a point t o which I shall return later . The importance of feelings in social life in general and musical activities in particular , raises agai n the proble m o f meaning. How can feelings be incorporated int o sociologica l analysi s excep t o n th e basi s o f people' s statements abou t them ? An d sinc e i n mos t societie s feeling s are ver y poorly labeled, ho w reliable ca n statements be , when they are inevitably expressed i n metaphor and simile or by analogy — that is, in language that is not derived from or directly related to the feeling state? I f music is both "intelligible" an d "untranslatable" , a s Levi-Straus s ha s describe d it , how ca n analysi s of it s effect s o n socia l lif e b e measure d excep t b y reference t o statement s abou t an d observation s o f its nonmusical attributes? Numerou s musician s hav e insiste d tha t "musi c ca n revea l th e nature of feelings with a detail and truth that language cannot approach " (Langer 1948:191) , and that if feelings could be expressed i n words they would not need music (Blacking 1973:61 ff). Thus music is intelligible in terms o f the feeling s it evokes, but i t is untranslatable a s music. It does not represen t anything but itself : i t is "form i n tonal motion" (Hanslic k 1891). As soon a s it is translated int o words tha t describe a feeling or a scene from social life , w e are no longer referrin g to the music but t o the feeling or the event from social life; we can no longer be sure that we are discussing the effect s o f music and music-makin g on socia l life, sinc e we may in reality be talking about the effects of the event s to which we have said tha t th e musi c refers .

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The problem o f analysis is similar to that faced by ethologists, wh o can only infe r wha t i s going on i n animals' mind s from what they thin k th e animal woul d b e meanin g b y it s behavio r i f it were human . Fo r many musicologists, the solution to this problem i s to analyze and compare th e structures o f "soni c objects " i n term s o f parameter s suc h a s rhythm , melodic movement , tonality , harmony, timber, intensity and form. Similarly, the effectivenes s of music a s a symbol system, as distinct from th e effectiveness o f all the meanings that may be attributed t o it, can only be measured i n term s o f th e reactio n o f huma n bodie s t o for m i n tona l motion. Thus , th e onl y reliabl e indicator s o f th e effect s o f music ar e changes in pulse rate, blood pressure, alph a and beta rhythms, and so on. Even i f such measurements wer e carrie d ou t withou t any distortion o f a performance situation , whic h i s probabl y impossible , ther e ca n b e n o guarantee tha t the y indicat e response s t o musica l phenomena , rathe r than t o som e socia l aspect s o f the performanc e o r t o association s tha t have com e t o b e mad e wit h familiar pattern s o f sound . Supposing i t were possible to measure th e effects of music with precision in the way I have described, woul d the results tell me anything that I do no t alread y know ? Woul d the y tel l m e anythin g important abou t music! I kno w ver y well tha t som e piece s o f music , an d som e bar s i n certain piece s affec t m e mor e tha n others , an d I d o no t thin k i t really matters how much my blood pressure rise s or my pulse quickens. I know that some performance s of music that I like move me more tha n others . What I want to know is how I have come t o discriminate certain musica l parameters i n the firs t place , an d wh y and whe n som e musi c and som e performances mov e m e mor e tha n others . I als o wan t t o kno w wha t musical features of certain piece s affec t m e most; ho w and why I choos e to interpre t thes e musica l experience s i n nonmusica l terms ; an d wha t effects the y have on m y social lif e i n general. I n othe r words , I want to know how and why nonreferential symbols can be specifically effective in areas o f socia l lif e t o whic h they canno t possibl y refe r directly. The mai n task of ef/momusicology i s to explain music and music-making with reference to the social, but in terms of the musical, factors involved in performance an d appreciation . Thu s music-makin g ca n usefull y b e regarded a s a primar y modelin g system , a specia l wa y o f organizin g human bodies , whos e social applications may take on a variety of form s and whose ideal aims are ritualistic and transcendental. The effectiveness of music as music, however, can only be described accuratel y in terms of musical parameters an d associate d physiologica l response s of the body . And yet common-sense knowledg e proclaims that these responses ar e of minor significanc e compare d t o th e dept h o f feeling s an d qualit y o f experience evoke d b y music . How , then , ar e th e importan t question s about musi c to b e answered ?

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The methods of ethnomusicology, as a branch of anthropology, see m to provide the most fruitful way forward in the study of man as music-maker. Context-sensitive analyse s o f the dee p an d surfac e structures o f music and music-makin g will enabl e u s t o measur e wit h a hig h degre e o f precision processe s tha t hav e hithert o belonge d t o th e real m o f th e mysterious, o r bee n attribute d t o th e possessio n of "special gifts" . Th e precision require s careful recordings o f musical performances, togethe r with description s o f associate d socia l interactio n an d bot h actors ' an d audience's analyse s of the musi c and it s effects o n them. No work of art (or single performance) can do justice to the whole complexity of reality. Every work of art is a simplification based on a convention. The convention itsel f emphasizes " a particula r aspect o f nature i n accordance with the interest s o f the particula r social grou p or clas s tha t ha s created it " (Berger 1972:215) . Every human response t o a question abou t meaning is also a simplification based o n a convention, an d so to get closer t o th e reality w e mus t try t o accoun t fo r th e multiplicit y of responses . I t i s a truism o f moder n socia l anthropolog y tha t th e attributio n o f meanin g tends t o correlat e wit h membershi p o f socia l grou p o r class . Wha t we think and what we do depends very much on who we are socially, so that the essenc e o f a sig n or symbo l rests no t i n the object , th e product , s o much as in the creativ e processes o f making it and usin g it. (Listening to music, like comprehending verbal language, is as much a creative act as making it.) Nevertheless, the ai m of ethnomusicological analysis is to reveal what is peculiar to th e proces s o f makin g and appreciatin g music , as distinct from othe r socia l activities . And, a s I discussed earlier , th e assumptio n that al l huma n being s ar e a s capabl e o f makin g music a s the y ar e o f speaking a language is necessary if the results of enquiry are to be useful : the stud y of ma n a s music-make r would be o f ver y limite d interest t o anthropologists and sociologist s i f it were t o be foun d that true musical ability wa s a s geneticall y rare a s som e heritabl e diseas e o r deformity. Thus, the analysis of who makes music and in what social contexts is only a firs t ste p towards finding ou t ho w they make it and ho w they describe what they make, which is the crucial part of the enquiry. Careful study of the socia l backgroun d of music and music-makin g allows the analys t to sift ou t actio n that can b e described a s political, economic, o r religious, from that which cannot be placed in any other category than "musical". It is not that the nonmusical areas are of less importance: it is simply that the aim of analysis is to revea l modes of behavior and actio n that cannot b e reduced t o an y other typ e of behavior. The secon d phas e o f analysis , which is concerned wit h ho w musi c is made, appreciated, and described, mus t focus on the performance situation, and i n particular on variations between one performanc e situation and another . Technica l description s o f th e soni c parameter s o f th e

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musical product an d o f the physiologica l responses of the bod y mus t b e extended t o incorporat e multipl e "ethnic " perception s o f musi c an d music-making. Ethnomusicological researc h has shown that people in all societies an d wit h greater o r lesse r degree s o f forma l musica l training comprehend musica l parameters ver y well and discriminat e clearly be tween one performance an d another, but they do not always have suitable labels with which to describe wha t they hear. Leon Crickmore (1968) also concluded afte r a carefull y researche d analysi s of musica l appreciatio n that music structures can be comprehended independentl y of personality, measured intellectua l capacity, and musica l intelligence a s assesse d b y the Win g test . Th e tas k o f th e ethnomusicologis t i s t o fin d ou t ho w different peopl e perceive , describe , an d reac t t o differen t element s o f musical performance, in the hope tha t a repertoire o f essentially musical values wil l emerge . On e exampl e o f thi s fro m th e fiel d o f Europea n classical music is the emphasi s that i s placed o n tempo an d regularit y of beat whe n comparin g differen t performance s o f the sam e scores . This approach als o circumvents the old argument s about what is or is not art, what is music, and what are the proper units for analysis. The "ar t object" b y itself is neither art nor nonart; it only becomes one or the othe r because of the attitude s and feelings of human beings toward it. Art lives in men and women, to be brought out into the open by special processe s of interaction . Sinc e musica l symbol s hav e n o meanin g unti l the y ar e shared, th e processe s o f sharing are a s crucial to musica l analysis as the sonic produc t whic h provides th e focu s fo r analysis. Similarly, even though the mullahs in an Islamic country may condem n instrumental music and insist that Koranic chant is not music, there i s no problem about includin g it as a type of music for analysis, provided tha t there are people who think that it is, such as local instrumental musicians and th e visitin g ethnomusicologist . I n fac t th e reason s tha t differen t people giv e fo r classifyin g organize d soun d a s musi c or nonmusi c can indicate whic h ar e th e critica l parameter s fo r analysis . In tw o Vend a children's "songs", one (Tshidula tsha Musingadil) sound s lik e spoke n verse, and the other (Inwihaee Nyamudzungal) sound s like a melody (see Blacking 1973:28 and 70). Bu t for the Venda, the former is more musical than th e latter , because it s monotone i s further remove d fro m th e pat terns of speech-ton e o f th e spoke n words . Again, analyses of different orders of structure must begin with classifications tha t ar e sociall y accepted , eve n thoug h these conflic t with th e analyst's idea of what he is supposed t o be studying or seem to have little to d o wit h th e music . Thus, mos t Vend a categorie s o f music (Blacking 1973:38 ff and 77) refer to their social or ritual functions, and at first I was inclined to think that people mad e judgments about music without much attention to musical parameters. I soon found that social terminology was often use d t o tal k abou t perceive d musica l phenomen a fo r whic h ther e

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was no special vocabulary. An analysis of Venda children's songs in terms of Vend a classification s an d thei r socia l functio n reveale d structura l coherence tha t wa s no t apparen t i f one viewe d the m i n terms o f para meters that might apply in Western Europea n musi c (see Blackin g 1967). Moreover, th e Venda system focused on the performance situation as the basic uni t of analysis. The analysi s of multiple perceptions o f musical performance i s similar to Levi-Strauss' scheme (1963 : 267 ff ) for studying all different versions of a myt h in order t o arriv e a t th e essentia l myth-makin g process. It is therefore curiou s that when Levi-Strauss turns to the structural analysis of Ravel' s Bolero (Levi-Straus s 1971) , he does not appl y hi s own rules. He use s the analog y of the orchestra l scor e i n describing hi s method o f analyzing myth, but in basing his analysis of Ravel's musi c on the orches tral score h e i s relying on onl y one versio n o f the work , rathe r tha n th e different perception s o f it s man y performers . H e eve n dismisse s th e explanations o f Pousseur an d o f Rave l himself , and s o concentrates o n what he implicitly defines as the "ar t object" , rathe r tha n on the artisti c process. The surest way to understand music and discover what is unique about it is , ideally , t o incorporat e al l "ethnic " perception s o f al l availabl e musics, and to find ou t on what points they agree. Thi s should reveal th e essentials of a musical process, whic h generates th e creation an d percep tion of products that are classified as music by some but not by others, an d may consis t o f organized nonsound , suc h as Cage's silence, a s much as sound. I f th e sam e performanc e o r th e sam e scor e ca n b e understoo d differently, al l perceptions mus t b e treate d a s valid data i n finding ou t more abou t th e musical process. Th e nonmusical , or extramusical, components of the musica l process mus t be distinguished from thos e that are irreducibly musical , but obviousl y member s o f on e clas s ca n describ e another class ' musi c a s nonmusic ; thei r reason s fo r sayin g s o shoul d expose what , for them, are essential feature s of the musical process, an d these sam e reason s ma y b e give n b y th e othe r clas s fo r callin g thei r performance "music" . The fact tha t one class considers certain elements to be present i n the musical product, an d the other consider s them to be absent, is of secondary importance beside th e consensus tha t both classe s express abou t basi c component s o f the musica l process . Ethnomusicological researc h ha s inevitabl y emphasized th e nee d t o study multiple performances and perceptions of the same music, because ethnomusicologists have rarely had a musical score available . They have had t o buil d thei r "model s fo r performance " o n perscriptiv e transcriptions, fro m observatio n an d analysi s of multipl e performances an d th e differences betwee n them , and they have had their perception o f signifi cant musical parameters sharpened by the musicians' explanations, which often differe d fro m th e approac h t o whic h they ha d bee n accustomed .

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These same methods can be applied to written music, so that the differen t remakings an d differen t perception s o f a Sonat a becom e a par t o f th e Sonata, just as its original creation depended o n pianistic tradition and a cultural environment . If w e hav e ful l detail s o f th e contrast s i n socia l circumstances, difference s betwee n performance s ca n revea l muc h of importance abou t musi c a s a huma n experience , an d henc e abou t music-making and th e choic e o f structures with which to communicate. A focus on musical process requires two different but complementar y procedures. On the one hand, detailed analyse s of single creative events may be made, on the reasonable assumptio n there can only be one set of explanations for eac h occurrence , sinc e eac h decisio n i n the proces s of creation involve d a choic e betwee n alternatives . O n th e othe r hand , quasistatistical analyse s o f th e differences between performance s o f a given mode l shoul d revea l wha t feature s o f musi c discours e attrac t people's attention in their quest for meaning, and hence are most peculiar to music . In orde r t o reduc e th e numbe r of variables , the firs t kin d of analysis i s best achieve d wit h orall y transmitted musi c and th e secon d with versions of written scores. Both are based on the empirical evidence of performance , an d s o the primar y concern i s for ma n a s music-maker rather than the musi c that man ha s made. There are als o many psychological, physiological, and neurological element s tha t must ultimately be considered fo r a more complete understandin g o f the musica l process . But until more is known about music and music-making as a special kind of intentional , meaningfu l human action, i t will not b e easy t o stud y its behavioral aspects , sinc e we shall not kno w precisely wha t to look for. An ethnomusicologica l approach , roote d i n the disciplin e of anthro pology, therefor e offer s th e mos t promisin g way forward in unraveling some o f th e mysterie s of music-making . At th e sam e time , by studying man a s music-maker, and not only some men and women as musicians in particular societies, w e should understand better the interaction of structure and sentiment, feeling and rationality, affect an d commitment, ideas and socia l relations, an d cultur e and natur e in all human activities. The analysis o f ma n a s music-make r can tel l u s abou t th e structure s o f th e body an d th e mind , and of bodies and mind s in social interaction ; i t can perhaps reveal the process by which feelings are crystallized in conceptual thought and cultural forms, and so provide the key to further progress in the Scienc e o f Man .

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REFERENCES BERGER,JOHN

1972 "Problem s of socialist art," in Radical perspectives in the arts. Edited by Lee Baxandall , 209-224. Harmondsworth : Penguin .

BLACKING, JOH N

1967 Venda children's songs: a study i n ethnomusicological analysis. Johan nesburg: Universit y of th e Witwatersran d Press . 1969 Process and product i n human society. Johannesburg : University of the Witwatersrand Press . 1970 Tona l organizatio n i n th e musi c o f tw o Vend a initiatio n schools . Ethnomusicology 14(1) : 1-54 . 1973 Ho w musical i s man? Seattle : Universit y of Washingto n Press .

CRICKMORE, LEO N

1968 A n approac h t o th e measuremen t o f musi c appreciation. Journal o f Research i n Music Education 16( 3 an d 4):239-253 , 291-301.

ELLIS, ALEXANDE R JOH N

1885 O n th e musica l scales of various nations. Journal o f th e Society of Arts 33:485-527.

GEERTZ, CLIFFOR D

1975 Th e interpretation o f cultures. London : Hutchinson .

HANSLICK, EDUAR D

1891 Th e beautiful i n music. [Vo m Musikalisch-Schönen ] Translate d b y Gustav Cohen . London . Originall y publishe d 1854 .

HEWES, GORDO N W .

1973 Primat e communicatio n and th e gestura l origi n o f language . Current Anthropology 14(l-2):5-24 .

LANGER, SUSANN E

1948 Philosophy

LENNEBERG, ERI C

1967 Biological

i n a new key. Ne w York: Mentor . foundations o f language. Ne w York : Wiley .

LEVI-STRAUSS, CLAUD E

1963 Structural anthropology, Ne w York: Basi c Books . 1969 Th e raw and the cooked. Translated b y John an d Doreen Weightman. New York : Harpe r Torchbook . 1971 "Bolero " de Mauric e Ravel . L'Homme 11(4):5-14 .

NADEL, S . N .

1951 Th e foundations o f social anthropology. London : Cohe n an d West .

RUWET, NICOLA S

1972 Langage,

musique, poesie. Paris: Seuil .

SCHOENBERG, ARNOL D

1951 Style

WEBER, MA X

an d idea. London : William s and Norgate .

1968 Th e rational and social foundations o f music. Translated an d edited b y Don Martindale , Johanne s Riede l an d Gertrud e Neuwirth . Carbon dale: Souther n Illinoi s Universit y Press .

Toward a Cross-Cultural Conceptualization of Dance and Some Correlate Considerations

JUDITH LYNN E HANN A

There i s obviousl y a nee d t o "define " or , usin g Kaplan' s phrase , t o "specify th e meanin g of'1 a behavior befor e explorin g its ramifications, the complexities of its whys and hows. For the anthropologist wh o strives to identify, describe, and explain phenomena withi n a cross-cultural pers pective, it is essential to use a definition that indicates the sets of features which ar e referent s fo r a concept an d that attempt s t o avoi d foreclosing empirical issues . O f course , ou r choic e o f conceptua l apparatus , ou r working distinctions, nee d constan t refinement , and we must be alert t o indications that something may be escaping us because ou r approach ha s blind spots. This paper attempt s t o define dance usin g these guidelines . The importanc e o f danc e a s a phenomenon t o stud y derives fro m it s near universality ; its possible biologica l and evolutionary significanc e as innately derived behavio r wit h survival value (Norbeck 1976 ; Blacking , this volume; Kreitle r an d Kreitle r 1972:330) ; its stylistic endurance; it s episodic nature , which is in some sens e repeate d b y other actors , mallea bility an d transformability , apparen t recor d i n antiquity , interrelatio n I am once again grateful for William John Hanna's insightful suggestions. I owe much to him and to Alan P. Merriam, both of whom have given me continual support i n my work in the anthropology o f dance . Alexande r Alland , Jr . an d Conra d Arensberg , wit h thei r broad , overarching perspectives o n huma n behavior an d the arts , provide d me with new ways of thinking, for which I thank them. I am most appreciative of the comment s of Judy Hendin, Barbara Burnham , Jan e Tyler , Pamel a Squires , Joan n Kealiinohomoku , Suzann e Youngerman, Gertrude P . Kurath, Adelaida Reyes-Schramm, Manjusri Chaki-Sircar, Dina Miraglia, Sharon Leigh Clark, Allegra Fulle r Snyder, Gloria Strauss, Selma Jeanne Cohen , and Dri d William s on earlier version s of this paper whic h was originally prepared fo r th e Pre-Congress Researc h Sessio n o n Ar t an d Anthropology : Theor y an d Metho d i n Com parative Aesthetics , Augus t 28-31, 1973 , Chicago . 1 Kapla n points ou t tha t definition s ar e th e outcom e o f th e processe s o f inquir y an d communication; specification of meaning is processive, hypothetical , and provisional, and it undergoes modificatio n as inquiry proceeds (1955:527) .

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with other behavioral an d sociocultural phenomena , an d accessibility to empirical observation an d film recordin g (Collie r 1967 ; Sorenson 1967 ; Prost 1975 ; Sorenso n an d Jablonk o 1975) ; an d th e relativ e lac k o f systematic stud y b y an y o f th e socia l scienc e discipline s — se e Royc e (1974), Merriam (1974) , Youngerman (1970) , and Williams (1972) on approaches t o th e stud y o f dance . Thus , danc e a s recurrin g huma n behavior constitute s a legitimat e cultura l fiel d o f inquiry. Some peopl e believ e the y hav e a n intuitiv e understanding o f dance . Lay people , socia l scientists , an d eve n dancers , ofte n us e th e ter m "dance" with the vagu e an d uncritica l connotations o f ordinary speech . After havin g danced intermittentl y for more tha n two decades, I had an intuitive sense abou t dance without being able to articulate the necessar y and sufficien t criteri a of its manifestation. Many definitions are accepte d commonly in both th e danc e an d socia l scienc e literatur e — see Kraus e (1969), Kealiinohomoku (1970) , Kurat h (1960), Merriam (1974) , and Langer (1953) , wh o provid e a discussio n o f these definitions . Kurath , Kealiinohomoku, Loma x (1968) , an d William s (1978) hav e develope d definitions whic h incorporate anthropologica l perspectives . However , I think anothe r attemp t t o clarif y th e meanin g o f danc e i s no w appro priate.2 A decad e ag o I began, a s observer, participant , and fiel d researcher , t o examine danc e form s rangin g fro m classica l theate r balle t t o popula r dance, Latin American, Caribbean, African , and dance forms from other parts of the world. Over time , I began t o as k myself, can we find charac teristics in common about th e kind s of phenomena differen t peopl e cal l dance (o r wha t Westerner s woul d generall y categoriz e a s dance) ? Examining danc e cross-culturall y i n order t o formulat e hypotheses , t o establish th e rang e o f variatio n o f danc e phenomen a an d thei r com monalities, an d to demonstrat e relationship s amon g differen t aspects of culture o r socia l organization, I wa s force d t o wor k o n a n overarchin g analytic definition . Suc h a definitio n should, I thought , transcen d par ticipants' concepts (whic h undoubtedly includ e some criteri a tha t othe r groups exclude, an d deba r som e the y encompass) an d involve behavio r which appears to be dance, but which for the participants concerned i s not dance because the y have no such concept. I have observed or read about a number o f group s wh o seemingl y have quit e different way s of concep tualizing wha t I thin k o f a s dance . Fo r th e Ubakal a o f Nigeria , drum accompaniment i s a necessar y par t o f dance : th e wor d denotin g danc e denoting als o a drum an d a play. Yet man y African groups do not hav e drum accompaniment for dance, and some even denigrate users of drums. 2

Hopefully , the result will help the investigator to learn, in the words of Cohen an d Naroll, "something usefu l abou t the theoretica l problem he is investigating through the us e of th e category a s a par t o f hi s research design " (1973:15) .

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Among the Tiv of Nigeria, the word for dance als o encompasses activities we exclud e fro m th e performin g arts : game s an d gambling . The Hop i Pueblo Indian s o f Nort h Americ a cal l danc e thei r wor k (Kealiinohomoku, persona l communication) . Similarl y amon g th e Kuma of New Guinea, me n regar d dancin g as a "duty" and a s "work." Reay points out, however, that these terms also denote the business of the moment, tha t is the most pressing demand on a person's time (1959:17). Among th e Australia n aborigine s o f northeaster n Arnhe m Land , th e term tha t comes closest to a word for "dance" — the word "bongol" — has both a larger and a smalle r reference tha n ou r ter m "dance. " Bongol include s music as wel l a s dancing, and at the same time it does no t include the patterned step s and bodily movements performed in some o f the sacre d ceremonie s or certai n activities of the children' s age grou p tha t we certaiill y characteriz e as dancin g (Waterman 1962:47).

These an d othe r example s o f cross-cultura l difference s constituted m y challenge. For researc h purposes , abstrac t term s mus t eventuall y hav e (provi sional) empirical indicators. The followin g conceptualization o f dance is an eti c concept , a researcher' s abstractio n partiall y generate d fro m analyzing emic, native , definitions . This conceptualizatio n wa s reache d through empirical observation, a surve y of literatur e relevant t o dance , consideration o f danc e movemen t element s an d th e huma n bod y (th e instrument o f dance ) i n motion , an d throug h adherin g t o a holisti c approach (se e Hann a 1965a , 1965b , 1968 , 1970 , 1973 , 1975 , 1976 , 1977a, 1977b , 1977c , 1978 , 1979a , 1979b) . Holis m doe s no t mea n an attempt t o kno w everything , but i t assume s tha t danc e i s essentially meaningful i n it s sociocultura l context . I t implie s functiona l relation s within a system but doe s not assume tota l interrelatednes s no r relation ships o f equal importance . Dance movemen t element s ar e thos e basic s generall y accepte d b y movement analyst s a s intrinsi c to motion : space , rhyth m (time) , an d dynamics (force, effort an d quality). It is implicit that dance exists in time and space an d is affected b y its physical environment (light, precipitation, heat, topography, and so on) as are other motor phenomena . The instrument o f danc e i s th e huma n body , an d it s analysi s i s dependen t o n kinesiology. Dance, i n my opinion, can be most usefull y define d as human behavior composed, fro m th e dancer' s perspective , o f (1 ) purposeful , (2) inten tionally rhythmical , and (3 ) culturall y patterne d sequence s o f (4 ) non verbal body movements other than ordinary motor activities , the motion having inherent and "aesthetic" value — aesthetic referring to notions of appropriateness an d competenc y hel d by the dancer' s referenc e group s

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which act as a frame of reference fo r self-evaluation and attitud e formation to guide th e dancer's actions. Withi n this conceptualization, huma n behavior mus t mee t eac h o f thes e criteri a i n orde r t o b e classifie d a s "dance." That i s to say , each behaviora l characteristi c i s necessary an d the set of four constitutes sufficiency; th e combination of all these factor s must exist. Fo r example , intentiona l rhyth m as a n indicato r of danc e i s necessary. However, a n activity with this property does not mean that it is therefore dance . Weigh t is merely added t o the assumption. Some o f the indicators may have mor e significanc e than others i n different sociocul tural contexts . At this point, it may be useful for conceptual an d historical perspectiv e to present th e definitions of dance proposed b y Kurath, Kealiinohomoku, Lomax, and William s — all of which are relevan t to th e anthropologica l study of dance — and to indicate some key points of disagreement within the conceptualizatio n I propose . Kurat h writes : What identifies "dance," which uses the same physica l equipment and follows the same law s of weight , balance, an d dynamic s as d o walking , working, playing, emotional expression, o r communication? The border line has not been precisely drawn. Ou t o f ordinar y moto r activitie s dance selects , heighten s o r subdues , juggles, gesture s an d step s t o achiev e a pattern , an d doe s thi s wit h a purpos e transcending utilit y (1960:234-235) .

It i s not clea r fro m thi s definitio n whethe r dance i s considered onl y a s human behavio r o r i f i t include s anima l ritualizatio n whic h i s ofte n referred t o a s "dance, " a concep t whic h I accep t onl y metaphoricall y (Hanna 1977b) . Dance ma y not always require "a purpose transcending utility." Som e deitie s ar e believe d t o lov e dance , an d thei r devotee s perform for the sole purpose o f appeasing them. Dances are often used in training an d a s motivatio n i n work activities . In a numbe r of cultures, dance an d "aesthetics " ar e instrumentall y motivated an d used . Inten tional rhythm , nonverba l bod y movements , an d th e importanc e o f motion having inherent value are absen t in Kurath's definition. Extraor dinary as well as ordinary motor activitie s may be th e material of dance. Webster's define s dance as : rhythmic movement having as its aim the creatio n o f visual designs by a series of poses an d tracin g of pattern s throug h spac e i n the cours e o f measure d unit s of time, th e tw o components , stati c and kinetic , receiving varying emphasis (a s in ballet, natya , an d moder n dance ) an d bein g execute d b y differen t part s o f th e body i n accordance wit h temperament, artisti c precepts, an d purpos e (Webster's third ne w international dictionary, s.v.) .

This i s th e mos t recen t definitio n to whic h Kurat h adhere s (persona l communication, 1974) . M y definitio n differ s fro m thi s one b y leaving purpose open-ende d (no t al l dance ha s a s its aim th e creatio n o f visual

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designs), attributin g cultural patterning to dance, focusin g on nonverba l body movemen t rathe r tha n a stati c "serie s o f poses" an d "tracin g o f patterns," and emphasizing that motor activities are not ordinary and that motion ha s inheren t value. Th e concep t o f pose s ma y be to o limiting. Twyla Tharp' s dance s rarel y us e th e end-stoppe d pose s tha t w e ar e accustomed t o with ballet: th e dancing just keeps spiralling and shaking through ever y par t o f th e dancers ' bodies . Kealiinohomok u define s dance as : a transient mode of expression performe d i n a given form an d style by the human body moving in space. Dance occurs through purposefully selected and controlle d rhythmic movements; th e resultin g phenomenon i s recognized a s dance bot h by the performe r an d th e observin g member s o f a give n grou p (1970:28) .

This definitio n recognize s danc e a s huma n behavior , purposeful , an d intentionally rhythmical body movement. I disagree with the concepts of transience and recognition of the behavior as "dance" by members of the group. Transient means passing in and out of existence. Dance a s a mode of expressio n ma y more appropriatel y be called ephemeral, continually becoming i n the phenomenologica l sense . However, a t another leve l of analysis, it may last in the memor y of the performe r an d th e memor y of the observer , an d sometime s in notation o r fil m recording . Dance ma y affect th e behavio r o f performe r an d observe r beyon d th e danc e situa tion. Danc e i n Kealiinohomoku' s definitio n i s no t distinguishe d fro m nondance except by the necessity of a group having the concept o f dance — se e Mill s (1973) an d Siebe r (1973 ) o n th e simila r proble m o f cross cultural aesthetics and whether a group has the concept of aesthetics. This condition for dance creates problems for cross-cultural studies and place s undue emphasi s on verbalize d forms of knowing , expressing, and com municating. He r definitio n als o omit s severa l factor s which I think ar e important: culturally patterned sequences of nonverbal body movements which ar e no t ordinary , th e motio n havin g inheren t an d "aesthetic " value. I n he r definitiona l refinement, Kealiinohomoku states : It is understood tha t dance is an affective mod e of expression whic h requires both time an d space . I t employ s moto r behavio r i n redundan t pattern s whic h ar e closely linke d to th e definitiv e feature s of musicalit y (1972:387) .

However, dance is also a cognitive mode; it can convey concepts in much the same way as verbal language, especially poetry. Redundancy does not characterize all of dance. Indeed, climaxes are often unique patterns. It is not clear how motor patterns are linke d to definitive features of musicality. Som e group s do no t danc e t o music . Perhaps musi c is linked t o th e definitive feature s of dance ! Lomax (1968:xv ) compares dance t o everyday movement in order to

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verify the hypothesis that "danced movement is patterned reinforcement of th e habitua l movemen t pattern s o f eac h cultur e o r cultur e area. " Furthermore, danc e i s hypothesized as: an adumbration of or derived communication about life, focused on those favored dynamic patterns which mos t successfully and frequently animate d the everyday activity of most of the people in a culture.. . . Choreometrics test s the propositio n that dance i s the mos t repetitious , redundant, and formall y organize d system of body communicatio n present i n a cultur e (Lomax e t al . 1968:223-224) .

If thi s i s a workin g definition, the criterio n o f motio n wit h inherent , aesthetic value is omitted. Also, I submit that danced movemen t may not only b e patterne d o n habitua l movement patterns o f a people, bu t may also b e patterne d o n athleti c feats and "exotic " or invers e movements requiring specifi c training . Th e propositio n tha t danc e i s th e mos t repetitious and redundant system of body communication is questionable (cf. Ekma n an d Friese n 1969 ; Ekman 1971) , since danc e i s not "ordi nary" moto r activit y and not everyone dances. William s provides a relatively comprehensiv e definition : dancing i s essentially th e termination , through action, of a certain kin d of symbolic transformatio n o f experienc e . . . " a dance " i s a visuall y apprehended , kinesthetically felt, rhythmically ordered, spatially organized phenomenon which exists i n thre e dimension s of spac e an d a t leas t one o f time . I t i s articulated in terms o f dancing o n th e leve l o f th e articulatio n of th e dancers ' bodies ; i n th e body-instrument spac e which . .. is ninety-dimensional. It is articulated in terms of " a dance " on th e leve l of a pattern o f interactin g forces ; th e for m space o f a dance . . . [is] the empiricall y perceivable structur e which modulates in time. . . . Whatever its surface characteristics, a dance has limitations, "rules" within which it exist s an d whic h gover n an y o f it s idiomati c o r stylisti c expression s (1978:213-214).

This definitio n slights dance a s socially base d an d culturall y patterned. Furthermore, i t is not necessary for dance t o be visually apprehended. I t may occur in the dark. For example, the Iroquois of the state of New York and o f Canada hav e a "dar k dance, " a women's medicin e rit e whic h is always performe d a t nigh t i n complete darknes s (Kurat h 1964:13-14 , 143-149). Dance ma y occur with a blind person perceivin g its existence through the auditory, olfactory, or tactile senses. Furthermore, a perso n may dance i n the absence o f an observer. Kinestheti c perception appear s to be an unnecessary requirement , particularl y in the case of a dancer in some tranc e o r drugge d state . From the revie w of previous definitions of dance, it is obvious that th e proposed conceptualizatio n i s partl y consensus . However , i t remain s close to establishe d usag e whil e attempting to eliminat e th e difficultie s which have been identified. I will now elaborate the suggested necessar y components o f dance: purpose , intentiona l rhythm, culturally patterned

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sequences, extraordinar y nonverbal movement with inheren t an d aes thetic value . To sustai n conceptua l focus , I wil l no t emplo y extensive ethnographic illustrations. PURPOSE All danc e ha s purpose o r intent . The purpos e ma y be primaril y movement, th e creatio n o f a n ephemeral , kineti c design i n whic h concep t (ideas about dance), process (wha t leads to performance), medium (the body instrument) , and produc t (th e danc e performance ) merge. In this case physica l motio n i s th e primar y end , wha t Anderso n an d Moor e (1960) call "autotelic" (yet Merce Cunningham, who claims the purpose of hi s dances is movement in itself, als o breaks rules of former styles by choreographing solo dance movement which had been dueled or orchestrated wit h musi c or themati c material). When movemen t is the focus , dance i s viewed as a semi-autonomous system (se e Tabl e 1 ) separabl e conceptuall y an d practicall y from it s Table 1 . Th e semi-autonomou s syste m o f dance Process

Medium

Confluence o f environ - Human body mental an d (other accoutresociocultural elements ments possible) into movement choices an d expression

Product

Impact-pe rmanence

Human body in motion

Dancer's an d observers ' memory, affect, cognition, behavior, film , notation

sociocultural context. Dance can be observed by the human eye, captured on film , o r objectifie d by system s of graphi c notatio n (complet e auto nomy of the dance is precluded by its sociocultural determinants). Meaning in dance is thus found internally in the stylistic and structural manipulation o f th e element s o f space , rhyth m an d dynamic s and th e huma n body's physical control. In the embodied meanin g of dance, one aspect of dance point s t o anothe r rathe r tha n t o wha t exist s beyon d th e danc e performance. Regar d i s mor e fo r th e forma l qualitie s an d sensuou s surface tha n fo r references t o processe s that lead t o performe r recruit ment an d danc e training , movement choices, expression , an d concept s that the dance may represent. Armstrong argues that a work of "art" i s a thing in itself , "it s ow n significanc e incarnate d within it s own existence and no t externa l to itself " (197 1 :xvi, 31) . The purpos e o f danc e ca n b e understoo d als o i n terms o f the large r social structure, the standardized social for m throug h which conceptual ization an d actio n occurs . Thi s relate s t o th e natur e o f participatio n

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criteria an d th e dancers ' relation s to , an d mean s o f copin g with , th e broader social structure. Dance i s part of networks of social stratification and othe r processe s tha t organiz e interconnected activitie s of the mem bers of a society. Maquet, amon g others, argue s that societies strai n for cultural consistency . H e regard s aestheti c phenomen a a s "part s o f a system, involved in an interplay of actions and reactions with other part s of th e cultura l system" (1971:19) . Dance ca n be examined from th e perspectiv e o f its sociopsychological functions (Hann a 1977b) . It is within this category that the two perspec tives of danc e a s a "self-sufficient " system an d danc e meshe d wit h th e sociocultural system can b e conceptualize d mor e effectively . Danc e ha s both cognitiv e and affectiv e dimension s within thes e functions . I t com municates some kin d of information — communication being used her e to includ e th e performer' s intentio n to communicat e an d als o th e per former's transfe r of information (cf . MacKay 1972). Like other cultural codes an d patterne d interactions , danc e i s a wa y o f orderin g an d categorizing experience. I t ma y even b e tha t some statement s mad e i n dance form cannot be made in another (the manner of dance communication or styl e of presentation i s discussed i n the followin g sections) . Non verbal communicatio n i s used wher e ther e i s lack o f verba l coding, fo r example, in the case of shapes, emotions, and interpersonal attitudes. The dance mediu m ha s communicativ e efficac y a s a multidimensiona l phenomenon codifying experience and directed toward the sensory modalities — the sight of performers moving in time and space, the sounds of physical movement , th e smel l o f physica l exertion , th e feelin g o f kinesthetic activity or empathy, the touch of body to body or to performing area , an d th e proxemi c sens e — ha s th e uniqu e potential o f goin g beyond man y othe r audio-visua l medi a o f persuasio n (obviously , no t every individua l ha s th e ful l complemen t o f sensor y equipment) . Dance i s a whol e comple x o f communicatio n symbols , a vehicl e fo r conceptualization. I t ma y b e a paralanguage , a semioti c system , lik e articulate speech , mad e u p o f signifier s that refe r t o thing s other tha n themselves. Informatio n necessar y t o maintai n a society' s o r group' s cultural patterns, t o help it attain its goals, to adapt to its environment, to become integrated o r to change are som e o f the substantiv e possibilities of communication . Danc e ma y suppor t o r refut e throug h repetition , augmentation, or illustration, linguistic, paralinguistic, or other nonverbal communication. It may anticipate, coincide with, or substitut e for othe r communicative modes. Thus dance may communicate or provide an open communication channe l that coul d b e use d i f necessary . Obviously danc e ma y not communicat e in the sam e wa y to everyone . Within a culture, differential understanding of symbols may be based on, and sometimes be exclusive to, the dancer's age, sex, association, occupa tion, political statu s groups, an d so on. Someone just learning the dance

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may know less than the dance initiate, who may know less than the dance expert. And i t may be that what is communicated is not translatable into a culture's other code s or int o a different culture's concepts. Th e cultural outsider usuall y know s less tha n th e insider . Figure 1 illustrates som e kinds of variations. Some dance behavio r has generally shared meaning; some i s intende d b y th e performe r t o transmi t information ; some i s interactive i n the sens e o f evoking a deliberate respons e fro m th e spec tator (cf . Arensberg 1972) , som e i s aimed toward a few; some i s unintended o r ha s laten t meaning . Meaning i n dance i s thus transcendent , going beyond or outside it (devices of symbolization are discussed in later sections). Dance culture Danc

Dancer Spectato

e cultur e j_^ Danc e expert DANCE -^—\ Dance initiate

r

Figure 1 . Informatio n hel d i n commo n

The affectiv e functio n o f dance i s to provide an immediate and sensu ous experience. Appeal o f the processual , sequentiall y unfolding danc e form, wit h it s arresting, seductive essence, i s through all or som e o f th e sensory modalities mentioned above. The presence of dance may evoke an emotional response or range of feelings, sometimes for pleasure o r wellbeing, sometimes to cope with problematic aspects of social involvement. Dance a s a psychological defense mechanism embodying psychologically or sociall y unacceptable impulses falls withi n thi s latter category; danc e may gratif y o r deflec t basi c needs. Wha t i s made sensoril y perceptible, such as anxiety and fear, is thereby, according to some of the psychological literature on the art s and play , accessible t o purposive actio n b y the individual, group , o r society . Thu s danc e ma y b e lik e play , ritual s of rebellion, o r catharti c outlet s fo r devianc e i n whic h a segmen t o f th e psyche o r worl d i s represented i n order t o understan d o r cop e wit h it . Symbols wit h establishe d emotiona l association s ma y b e employed ; emotion-arousing events , people , o r supernatura l entities depicted ; o r combinations of dance element s capable o f arousin g emotions i n themselves used , fo r instanc e rapi d whirlin g (cf. Hanna 1975 ; Fernandez 1974; Firt h 1973) . Aesthetic motion (furthe r discusse d under nonordi nary behavior ) a s a n en d i n itsel f lies within thi s function . Dance ma y provid e affectiv e securit y a s a familia r experienc e fo r performer o r spectator . Herei n ther e i s an emotiona l expectatio n tha t

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within a particula r danc e style , a danc e elemen t (fo r example rhythm , dynamic, or spatia l pattern) wil l be recognized, repeate d or followed by another suc h elemen t a t som e specifie d poin t i n th e danc e styl e continuum. Alternatively, danc e ma y provide interes t arousal , excitement , what Turne r describe s a s "liminality" , th e suspensio n o f usua l rule s (1969); wha t Berlyn e call s th e collativ e variable s — novelty , counter expectations (surpris e an d incongruity , uncertainty , absenc e o f clea r expectations), complexity, conflict, ambiguity and multiple meanings, and instability (1971:141-161) ; wha t the Kreitler s refe r t o a s "remoteness from th e habitual " (Kreitle r an d Kreitle r 1972:163) ; o r wha t Ludwi g refers t o a s "altere d state s o f consciousness " (1969:13) . Herein , th e individual dancer or observer clearl y feels a qualitative shift in the patter n of menta l functionin g through alteration s i n thinking , disturbe d tim e sense, los s of control, bod y imag e change, perceptual distortion , chang e in meaning, sense of the ineffable , feeling of rejuvenation, an d hypersuggestibility. Th e pursui t o f vertigo , self-loss , o r giddines s throug h hig h speed i s commo n i n dance . Altere d state s o f consciousnes s ma y b e achieved through rhythmic stimulation in more tha n one sensory mode ; aural, visual , o r tactil e receptio n ca n conve y th e impact . Kinestheti c stress, overexertion, an d fatigue increase susceptibilit y t o rhythm. Peckham (1965 ) argues that ar t forms provide "protecte d situations categor ized b y hig h walls of excite d insulation, " i n whic h "disorientation " o r "discontinuity of experience" can be savored, thus satisfying "man's rage for chaos." The drive for order, he believes, prevents man from changing his orientation whe n conditions withi n which it worked change. Art thu s permits man to experience chaos symbolically without danger; it provides novelty whic h functions t o brea k u p ol d orientations . Of course , cognitiv e an d affectiv e function s ar e considerabl y inter twined. Danc e tend s t o b e a testament o f values, beliefs, attitudes, and emotions. Mills points out tha t the "cognitiv e an d qualitative modes ar e banksof one stream of experience" (1971:85). Even i f dance is mechanically performe d an d leave s th e performe r an d observe r unsatisfie d o r bored, thes e reaction s ar e affectiv e responses . An d mechanicall y performed dance , usuall y a stimulus-response pattern , retains its essence o f symbolically transforme d experience ; thi s transformation distinguishes cultural fro m natura l movement (William s 1972:24; Hann a 1977b) . INTENTIONAL RHYTH M We ar e biologicall y and environmentall y stimulated by rhythm, by patterned, temporally unfolding phenomena. Similar elements ar e repeate d at regular or recognizably related intervals ; there are alterations of relative quie t and activity . Suc h behaviors as physical work, sports, playing

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instruments, an d sometime s fea r o r anxiet y responses , ar e rhythmica l Thus dance mus t possess more than the rhythmic pulsing flow of energy in time an d space . Although "rhythmi c motion " i s mentione d a s a characteristi c i n numerous Wester n definition s o f dance , intended rhyth m seem s t o b e implicit. A choreographer (wh o obviously nee d not be the dancer) ma y choose rhythmic variables which are then repeated; improvisation is also possible. Eve n i n modern dance r Merc e Cunningham' s explorations with timing concepts fre e of metric pulse, an d in other spontaneous, aleatoric , and improvisationa l choreography, on e find s some intentiona l structur ing of time. Sometimes thi s is based on deliberately breaking the cultural rules o r parameter s o f danc e rhythm s t o whic h th e dance r ha s bee n socialized. Dance ca n b e viewe d withi n several tim e perspectives . Ther e i s the duration o f th e performanc e itself ; th e duratio n o f th e interva l during which the audienc e perceives , understands , o r react s t o th e dance ; and the interva l actually portrayed i n the danc e itself , which is based o n th e choreographer's conception s o f time — for discussions of different views of time, see Leach (1971); Douglas (1973); Doob (1971); and Schechner (1969:89-93). Rhythmic temporality i n dance ma y be created b y transformations of time itself (for instance by manipulating alterations of quiet and activity ) o r b y conten t (presentin g motiona l configuration s which represent events in time). The orientation o f time may be toward the past , present, o r future. Durations ma y be successive, circular (not i n a causal pattern), oscillator y (discontinuou s with repeated reversals , goin g bac k and forth , o r inverted) , brackete d (successio n an d repetitio n ar e no t necessary and actions not related to each other occur), or combinations of these i n what Schechner (1969 ) calls nodes, "complicate d circuitr y capable of instant transformations and swif t shift s of matrices", i n his discussion o f theatrical time . Dance ca n arrest time and offe r a n opportunity to those with relevant predispositions an d i n a n appropriat e moo d t o b e i n a particula r time frame. This means that the principles ordinarily employed in judging the duration of intervals are suspended (se e Doo b 1971:378-379). "Sometimes the arrestin g of time in art occurs because th e audience is given the impression tha t i t ca n maste r tempora l interval s metaphoricall y an d vicariously" (Doo b 1971:382) . Dance ma y b e rhythmicall y realized i n different time frameworks. In "objective" cloc k time , interval s o f tim e ar e discretel y measure d an d mechanically regula r throug h subjectivel y se t registerin g devices . "Natural" time refers to ecological variables such as the fluctuation of the seasons, climati c variations, and diurnal cycle. "Biological" time centers on th e huma n organism: heartbeat , aging , energy expenditure , fatigu e factors, and so on. "Historical" time is the recapitulation of a chronologi-

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cal period , whic h ma y involv e a compressed expressio n (fo r instanc e a ten-year perio d ma y b e portraye d i n on e hour) . Th e Ghanaia n krachi abofac, a hunter's dance, for example, is a funeral fo r an animal about t o die; at another tim e "it i s both a celebration an d a means for the men to purify themselve s and re-enter villag e life . . . the dance isn't in Ordinary time' because i n it they recall what their forefathers saw in visions about how to kill animals" (Dri d Williams, personal communication, 1974). In addition to a virtual condensation o f time, there ca n be an extension. In this case, redundant expression coul d portray a second o f time in a dance of greate r length . "Future" tim e ma y als o b e presente d i n dance , an d there is "psychological" o r "subjective" tim e reflecting interest or bore dom, high or lo w points. This involve s recollection, anticipation , expectancy. Climaxe s or peak s o f intensificatio n are no t necessary . Anothe r variable i s "social convention" time , time reckoning as a conceptualization of aspects of social phenomena, fo r example market weeks or mealtimes. In additio n t o performanc e duration , audienc e respons e time , an d period portraye d i n the dance through time alterations or content refer ences, an d various time frameworks within which to present dance, ther e is dance "motor" time. Accent i s the significant stress, the relative force or intensity with which energy is released. Duration i s the relative length, the amount o f time , o f movements , phrase s (group s of relate d movement s which hav e thei r own unity , perceptibl e star t an d stop , o r climax) , patterns, an d performances . Meter i s the underlyin g consistent numerical grouping o f beat s an d accents . Tempo i s th e rat e o r spee d a t whic h movements follow one another. Each of these element s may be simple or complex, unifor m o r variabl e withi n a dance , tha t is , danc e ma y b e heterometric, meters changing within a dance o r its parts. It may also be polymetric. As ethnomusicologists note, mete r can be arbitrarily demarcated. The rhythmic patterns that characterize a group's danc e tend to be culturally patterned . CULTURALLY PATTERNE D SEQUENCE S Dance i s culturally patterned an d meaningful. It is not universally identical behavior , a prove n innate , instinctiv e response , althoug h th e ra w capacities are. At some level, dance may reflect universal body structures, experiences, an d structures of the min d — what Blacking, in his article in this volume, calls the universal "collective consciousness " an d "aestheti c sense" base d o n theorie s o f evolution an d biologica l developmen t (cf . Alland 1976 ) — Byers (1972) discusse s underlying rhythms. An indivi dual learns dance on the bases of innate capabilitiesp/ws· social interaction. Blacking write s tha t danc e an d musi c combine i n a uniqu e fashion th e

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expression o f universal structures of the body with reflections of particular realizations o f thos e structure s i n differen t cultural environment s (thi s volume, p. 5). Danc e i s a social phenomenon . A s is the cas e wit h much linguistic behavior , i t sometime s operate s withou t peopl e bein g awar e of i t (when we speak w e are no t consciou s o f the syntacti c an d morpho logical law s o f ou r language) . A s individual s creat e verba l languag e and respond t o it without being conscious o f how they do it, so may they create and respond to dance. In this sense it lives, develops, and persists as a collective phenomeno n (cf . Levi-Strauss 1967:55-57) . Dance — as a system of ordering movement, a cumulative set of rules or range of permissibl e movemen t pattern s — is one o f the element s comprising culture. I t reflect s othe r cultura l manifestation s and i s a vehicle through which culture i s learned. I t i s certainly not equall y important in all societies . Withi n a sociocultura l syste m ther e ma y b e classe s o f dance whic h ar e differentiall y ranke d fo r importance . Withi n a class , a specific dance ma y be either a major or mino r event. A clas s of danc e may be part o f another class or classes of events which assign rank to the dance. Most behavior of members o f a society i s to some degre e patterne d b y their culture. The distinction here must be made between cultural patterning an d suc h symptomati c behavio r a s a n epilepti c o r hysterica l fi t (trembling fro m excessiv e excitatio n o f th e nervou s system ) o r a child rhythmically rocking on all fours, excitedly jumping or otherwise instinc tively, spontaneously , o r idiosyncraticall y moving . Th e latte r i s what Devereux call s "th e strainin g o f pur e affec t agains t pur e (culturall y structured) discipline " (1971:194 ) which has certain standards , criteri a by whic h t o evaluat e th e behavio r socially , psychologicall y an d choreologically (i n terms o f the intrinsi c characteristics of dance move ment). Moto r behavio r which i s expressive bu t ha s undiscipline d affec t could b e called danc e onl y metaphoricall y (see Meerloo 1960 ) or what Langer call s a "danc e moti f (1953:172) , o r wha t Webster's third new international dictionary include s in fou r o f it s sixtee n distinctions . Thi s means that movement style s (the particular and constant features , recur rent motifs , unique to a tradition, th e wa y in which all the contributin g elements ar e selected , organized , manipulated , an d projected , an d by which one may establish origin, place, and time) and movement structur e (the appearance o f the interdependen t elements of space, dynamics , and rhythm a s perceived throug h performance ) o f danc e d o no t occu r randomly. Eve n whe n rule s ar e deliberatel y broken , thi s reflect s cultura l patterning. Of th e virtuall y infinit e numbe r o f possibl e combination s o f move ments that can be manipulated and the dramatic variants possible, rang ing from intens e peaking or outstanding climaxes to the mere physiological change from repeating the same movement , only certain ones appea r

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to b e use d b y th e dancer s o f a specifi c culture.3 These ar e use d within certain parameters or delimiting rules. But why is one form chosen or why does on e evolv e rathe r tha n another ? D o function s determin e form ? Cultural patterning , within biologica l determinant s or constraint s (se e Hanna 1977b) , affect s th e way , if any, i n whic h purpose an d functio n create form ; i t determine s th e minima l and maxima l sequences an d configurations (o r syntax ) of elements . Cultural patterning affects th e sequencing of interpersonal interaction, that is, who dances and who interacts with the dancers and how, when the dance occurs , ho w often , ho w long , an d wh y (cf . Arensberg 1972) . A dance may be a solo in privacy. Sharing or "interaction" tend s to occur as the performer , wit h o r withou t awareness, draw s upon hi s (or her ) culture's stylisti c movemen t inventory. The individua l dance s t o cop e with loneliness, symbolicall y putting himself i n contac t wit h hi s people ; h e becomes a n audienc e t o himsel f i n beseechin g himsel f to mov e a s h e thinks he ought to; or he perceives himsel f visually or kinesthetically as a detached observer — the superego may stand for society. The private solo dance i s simila r to wha t Dewe y call s th e inne r dialogu e o r soliloqu y seemingly locke d withi n th e sel f bu t th e "produc t an d reflectio n o f converse with others". For "if we had not talked with others and they with us, we should never talk to and with ourselves" (1922:171) . A dance may be performe d fo r other s b y an y numbe r of participants . It ma y b e per formed for the dance group members themselves or for another spectato r or grou p o f spectators . A peopl e ma y tak e fro m it s own inventory , borrow, o r invent . Styl e determination may be based o n psychological, historical, environmental, or idiosyncratic factors. It may be that performers' fantasie s about social situations ar e projecte d ont o th e danc e form . Som e aspec t o f fantasy bears a relationshi p to a rea l o r desire d situatio n of a socia l condition . Historical relationship s ma y b e determinin g factors . A society' s danc e conventions can be viewed as elaborations of , or reactions against, earlier rules. Th e evolutio n o f a styl e ma y b e patterne d enrichmen t i n on e direction, impoverishmen t in another , o r additive . Allan d (1976 ) als o speaks of breaking rules. One coul d consider th e congeniality of a danc e style of a neighboring group or other factors which lead a group to adopt a style b y importatio n an d imitation , or wh y amon g a broa d rang e o f available variables , culture A becomes th e mode l rathe r tha n culture B (cf. Hanna 1979b) . Fischer (1961) points out that using known historica l connections alon e t o explai n similaritie s o f ar t style s o f tw o distinc t cultures o r usin g genera l feature s o f ar t style s t o establis h historica l 3

Illustration s of the infinit e range of variation upon an ordinary walk, for example, from floridity t o leanness, pointed toe, flexe d foot , half toe, on point; small to large, high to low, forward t o backwar d and othe r directions ; slow to fast ; ligh t t o heavy , and s o on, ca n b e found i n mos t book s o n teachin g modern danc e a t th e colleg e level .

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connections i s dangerous (se e als o Narol l 1973). A thir d factor in style determination may b e the stimulu s of forms in the natura l environment. Individuals wh o onl y cultivat e tend t o hav e som e differen t movemen t vocabularies than those wh o fish, herd , or hunt. The weaverbird's courtship patterns are the model for the Sokodae danc e of Ghana's Ntwumuru (Williams and Kuma h 1970). The mandrill , with its strikingly vivid facia l red, blue , and blac k colors an d bol d planes , may have had a n impac t on the masked dancers found in West Africa, the mandrill's natural habitat. One grou p o f Armenia n dance s i s devote d t o tw o type s o f trees , th e pomegranate an d apricot , bot h ful l o f seed s an d bloodlik e re d juice , embodying th e femal e essence, an d th e psha t an d pea r embodyin g the male essence (Petrosian, thi s volume). A fourth factor may be the limitations of the human body which vary by endogamous breeding populations in term s o f body-lim b proportions. It i s most likel y tha t style s evolve throug h th e convergenc e o f thes e factors plu s the idiosyncratic . An individual' s private nightmar e or re pressed desire s ma y b e expresse d i n a ne w styl e whic h i s culturall y congenial to wha t a group ha d heretofor e foun d acceptable. I f the ne w style i s too unfamiliar , th e behavio r might still qualify a s dance, bearing traces o f cultura l conditioning , bu t woul d no t b e emulate d an d thu s perpetuated. I n the Unite d States , th e developmen t of white minstrelsy was based on the imitation of a black cripple's dance, but it blended the jig and shuffl e o f th e extan t Iris h an d Afro-America n cultures , an d s o became easil y accepte d b y th e dominan t cultur e (Emer y 1972:18 ; Stearns an d Stearn s 1968:40) . Movement styles develop through psychomotor socialization patterns; they ar e largel y dependent o n observin g dance, genera l moto r activity , and dance practice. Movement styles are subject to forces of internal and external change. These occur in relation to other aspects of culture, as for example, work , economics , religion , an d politic s (see Theema n 1973) . Dance movemen t styl e ma y requir e specialize d training . Alternatively, the capability for mastering a style may develop through daily life experience. An exampl e o f the latte r patter n i s found among a Nigerian Igbo people in the rura l areas (Hann a 1976) . In the course of my fieldwork, I noticed th e Ubakal a dancers ' eas e i n maintaining the commo n angula r posture (uppe r tors o incline d forward , pelvi s tilte d downward) , kne e flexibility, elisiv e hi p rotations , sustaine d movemen t patterns , an d stamina. Thi s eas e i s develope d i n suc h activitie s as bendin g t o fetc h water, washing in a stream, cro p cultivation, squatting to defecate , an d carrying heavy loads on the head (whic h requires lifting high in the pelvis and subtl y moving the hips) . Th e commo n bendin g kne e actio n give s elasticity t o movemen t an d help s to cushio n irregularities in the groun d surface. A dancer' s projecte d strengt h i s more tha n illusory , for a t a n early age young people begin to participate in such family chores as yam

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pounding, cultivating, wood chopping , and transportin g heav y burdens . An individual's dance practice begins in the mother's womb, then on her back as she dances, and later through encouragement, even before he can walk. Youngsters regularly practice. O n th e other hand , those Ubakal a brought u p i n a n urba n industrialize d environment us e Anglo-Saxo n styles o f moto r behavio r fo r th e mos t part . I n contras t wit h th e diffus e kind of movement socialization to dance in rural Ubakala, dance training in the industrialized, technological America n culture tends to be, as with our othe r activities , relativel y segmente d an d participan t specialized , with training often attempting to counter earlier movement socialization — (thi s i s no t t o impl y a n industrial-nonindustria l dichotomy, fo r a number o f the latte r culture s hav e highl y specialize d danc e training) . Dance styl e an d structur e ma y well be lik e a generative grammar . A grammar (syntax ) o f a danc e language , a sociall y share d mean s fo r expressing ideas , i s a set o f rules specifyin g th e manne r i n which move ment can be meaningfully combined. There is a finite system of principles or conventions describing how the realm of semantic interpretation (referential meaning) is related to movement realization (cf. Miller 1973). Just as a ke y featur e o f huma n speec h i s that an y speake r o f a languag e i s capable of producing and understandin g an indefinitely larg e number of utterances tha t h e neve r encountered , s o i n danc e performance , ne w sequences o f movement never previously encountered ma y be created by the performer with the audience able to understand these despite th e lack of previou s experience. Her e i t i s necessary t o distinguis h betwee n th e choreographer (o r improviser ) an d th e imitato r wh o repeat s a danc e conceptualized an d choreographed b y someone else. The choreograph y involves knowledge of grammar, relational rules for using a motor lexicon or corpu s o f movements , an d semantics . Imitatio n merely depends o n learning a moto r lexicon . NONVERBAL BOD Y MOVEMENTS OTHE R THAN ORDINAR Y MOTOR ACTIVITIES, THE MOTION HAVING INHEREN T AND "AESTHETIC" VALUE What is not ordinary is obviously relative to a particular society, as are the other characteristics o f dance. Identifyin g an d analyzin g these call for a general knowledge of the society involved. Awareness o f human anatomy and physiology are also essential to provide a base lin e for the analys t to perceive the ordinary/extraordinary distinction, because the human body as the dance instrumen t has natural kinetic parameters and extraordinary extensions (fo r exampl e throug h exercis e o r drugs) . I t i s necessar y t o examine the characteristic us e of the body , the postural movements that activate o r ar e largel y supporte d throug h th e whol e body ; gestura l

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movements that involve parts of the body that are not "supported" through the whole body (for example head, hand , or shoulder movement s used in isolation); and locomotor movements that involve a change of location of the whole body from one place to another as in the postural movements of walking, running , leaping, hopping , jumping, skipping, sliding, and galloping. How the various dimensions of movement ar e manipulated must be observed . Thes e ar e subjec t t o measuremen t an d recordin g (cf . Benesh an d Benes h 1956 ; Hutchinso n 1954 ; Loma x 1968 ; Kaepple r 1967). One dimension , rhythm , was elaborate d above ; th e ordinary/extra ordinary distinctio n in space , th e area - used b y dancers , ma y b e foun d by observin g the following : amplitude i s size of movement , th e relativ e amount o f distanc e covere d o r spac e enclose d b y th e bod y i n action ; direction i s the pat h alon g which the bod y move s through space \focus i s the direction o f the eyes and body; level varies from high with the weight on th e bal l of th e foo t o r elevate d a s i n jumping, to lo w with th e bod y lowered throug h flexing knees, kneeling , sitting, or lying, to middle with the bod y i n an uprigh t position o r ben t a t th e waist ; shape refer s to th e physical contou r o f movemen t desig n create d b y th e bod y o r it s part s forming angles or curves; grouping refers to the overall spatial pattern of movement in relation to dancers' interpersonal links either in free form or in an organized patter n that involves a couple, smal l group, or team wit h or withou t physical links. The ordinary/extraordinar y distinction in dynamics, the effor t use d by the bod y t o accomplis h movement , include s the following : force i s the relative amount of physical and emotional energ y exerted, involvin g the indulgence of minimum or maximum spatial use through "direct" straight lines o r "flexible " curve s an d deviations ; effort flo w i s th e chang e i n expenditure o f energ y whic h qualifies movemen t o n a continuu m be tween degree s o f uncontrolle d t o controlle d movement , th e kin d o f locomotion use d contributin g to dynami c patterns; projectional quality refers to the texture created b y the combination of elements an d relativ e quickness or slownes s o f energy release d i n space . Movement perceive d b y dance r an d spectato r participant s an d out side observer s ca n be extraordinary b y cross-cultural agreement ; extra ordinary onl y i n th e performin g o r i n th e observin g culture ; o r no t extraordinary. Accordin g t o th e specificatio n o f danc e i n thi s paper , the movemen t mus t b e extraordinar y withi n th e hos t cultur e (se e Table 1) . By using the concep t o f extraordinary motor behavior , we may distinguish dance fro m man y kinds of behavior. Ordinar y movemen t tend s t o be diffuse, fragmentary , and unfocused on itself in comparison with dance (in athletic s an d wrestling , fo r example , th e overridin g concer n i s winning) which is more assembled , interfused , and ordered. However, som e

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work, sports , musi c making , drama , ritual , lovemaking , an d pla y — Norbeck (1976 ) includes dance withi n this category — actions ma y also involve extraordinar y bod y movements . Thes e action s ma y hav e a charismatic quality , bein g extraordinar y contraste d wit h th e routine , everyday world (cf. Meyersohn 1970) , departing from an ordinary state of being t o another real m o f perception. Thes e kinds of activities may als o involve specia l skill . As i n dance, th e huma n bod y ma y be th e primar y means o f expression . Eve n th e creato r (dancer ) an d th e thin g created (dance) ma y b e th e sam e a s i n som e dram a an d lovemaking . And , furthermore, thes e activitie s may be separate d from , a prelude to , con comitant with , a postlude to , o r eve n merg e with , dance . The distinguishin g characteristic whic h sets extraordinar y nonverba l body movements in dance apar t fro m other activitie s is the manipulatio n of ordinary motor activities within an aesthetic4 domain with an emphasis on th e importanc e o f movemen t (th e fac t of bodil y action ) an d motio n (illusion an d residua l actio n resultin g fro m th e kin d of movemen t pro duced). Ou t o f ordinar y moto r activities , movements ar e transforme d into danc e configuration s (ordinary movements ma y be incorporated) . Aesthetic i n its original philosophic usage (concerning what constitutes "beauty") i s derived fro m Wester n intellectua l life . T o us e aesthetic i n cross-cultural studies requires that the term b e broadened. I n this essay, aesthetic refer s t o notion s o f appropriateness , quality , or competenc y from th e dancer' s perspective . Expectation s ar e created b y the dancer' s reference groups . These are significant, whatever other values or motivations are associated wit h dance. Groups have canons of taste arising out of cultural conditioning . In dance , the y hav e a recurrent minimu m way of deliberately manipulating , composing, performing , an d sometime s feeling (cf. Vatsyayan 1968) th e variou s elements for physically structuring and meaningfully presentin g a dance. These actions constitute the rules of dance. The aestheti c experienc e involve s sensory elicitatio n of rapt attention , contemplation o f a phenomenon's immanen t or transcenden t meaning s at the emotional, cognitive, and behavioral levels. This experience can be 4

Th e subject of aesthetic discourse calls attention to the issue of dance as art or craft; I do not find this to be a particularly fruitful distinction . One of the many problems with the term "art" — Mills (1973) and Sieber (1973) discuss its ethnocentric uses — is that within a group the criteria for and j udgment of a work (product) or behavior (performance or product, as a dance which i s preserved o n film ) ar e not alway s established b y the critic s synchronically. Avant gard e phenomen a ma y b e rejecte d a t on e poin t i n tim e onl y t o b e accepte d a t another. Judgmental tests are not usually clear-cut. Sieber discusses the "connoisseurship or the righ t of each ag e to its ethnocentric aesthetic," an d notes "that the history of taste is a story o f constantl y shiftin g attitude s which ar e no t cumulative , and whic h ar e neithe r inevitable no r infallibl e beyon d th e movemen t the y ar e i n favor " (1971:128) . An d Devereux point s out tha t art theorie s "hobble behin d practice, painfull y thinkin g up new and devious ways of justifying unusual, but effective an d meaningful, mode s of communication" (1971:202-203).

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viewed from the perspective o f the performer o r choreographer i n whom degrees o f satisfaction, closure, or purpose ar e felt. Aesthetic experienc e can als o b e viewe d from th e perspectiv e o f the audience , whic h differ s from tha t o f th e dancer , althoug h empath y wit h th e creato r ma y b e intense. Th e spectato r experienc e ca n provid e a variet y o f feedbac k responses that affec t futur e performances . Thes e responses rang e fro m ignoring the performance to euphorically encouraging a dancer and those who contribute t o the dance productio n durin g or after the presentation . Experiential variation for creator an d observer depends o n suc h factor s as age, danc e an d lif e experience , innat e sens e of for m o r wha t we call "artistry", an d mood . I n som e cases , th e respons e ma y be les s t o th e artistic affective aspect s o f a dance performance than to cognitive factors such a s recognize d statu s attribute s o f a dance r o r th e purpos e o f a performance (honorin g a national leader , fo r example) . Dance ha s qualitie s which stimulate aestheti c awareness ; i t has non instrumental features which go beyond what is required for work, magic, and other activities . Motion seems to have inherent value as a motivating force — the pleasure i n doing or contemplating (the empathetic factor is operative here) . Arnhei m points out that "motion is the strongest visua l appeal t o attention, " fo r i t implie s a chang e i n th e condition s o f th e environment whic h may requir e reaction , perhap s t o dange r o r t o th e appearance of a friend. "And since the sense of vision has developed a s an instrument of survival, it is keyed to its task" (1954:361). The impac t of dance i s based no t only on learning and knowledge , bu t i t also relies on "the direc t an d self-explanator y impac t o f perceptua l force s upo n th e human mind" (Arnhei m 1954:380). For a person without vision, motion has stron g appea l throug h other sensor y modes . The intrinsi c merit of motion may well be related to the growth and development of the human. It is a basic means of expression afte r th e cr y — cf. Hewes (1973) on th e evolution o f gesture. Bod y languag e can exist withou t verbal language, although we interpret it in terms of existing concepts. Childre n delight in regular rhythmical motion, rocking, swinging, and spinning. Pleasure and power i n th e master y o f bod y movemen t i s foun d i n ontogeneti c development. Theatrical dance, such as the work of the Alwin Nikolais modern danc e company, exemplifie s aestheti c phenomen a tha t ar e explicitl y an d primarily designe d — althoug h perhap s no t alway s so realize d — t o provide a n aestheti c experienc e i n the observe r an d performe r (Siege l 1971). Features whic h stimulat e aesthetic awarenes s lie in the culturall y patterned for m an d style of dance. It is often difficult t o distinguish form from content , an d therefore, content may also stimulate aesthetic awareness. Fashioning an d meanin g are key s to extraordinar y aesthetic motio n having inheren t value . Fashionin g involves embellishment, distortion,

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deletion, rearrangement , abstraction , contrast, miniaturization, and pro jection of personality. Ladzekpo (1973 ) tells us of the Ewe of Ghana: in all thei r dance s an y movement , beside s th e principa l motio n o r basi c movement whic h a danc e stand s for , mus t hav e atsia, whic h literally means "style " or "display". Meaning in this discussion i s what a thing or a n ide a stand s for. Mor e than th e relationshi p betwee n a sig n an d it s referent , a dispositio n t o respond is involved (Morris 1955). Stone (1975 ) speaks of awarenesses , patterns o f dat a i n the strea m o f consciousnes s which may b e attende d to, behave d toward, or reporte d on . Meanin g is communication in contexts wher e th e participants , dancer s an d observers , shar e semanti c codes. A symbol is a vehicle for conceptualization. It helps to order behavior and i s a transformation or system of transformations. Dance a s symbolic behavior create s a n illusion . Bod y locomotio n an d gesture , th e ra w material of dance, an d other danc e material s such as pantomime, plastic images, musical forms, play, accidental and sociocultura l forms found i n the environmen t becom e abstracte d int o wha t Langer describe s a s the "primary illusio n of dance". Herein danc e i s a virtual realm or "pla y of Powers made visible" (1953:187), "not actual , physically exerted power , but appearances of influence and agency" (Langer 1953:175) . The imagery and illusio n of reality in dance does not, of course, negat e the reality of emotio n bein g experienced b y th e performe r an d audience . Phenix argues that dance achieve s aestheti c effec t throug h inducing a powerful illusion; th e form s of th e bod y disclosin g potentialities o f postur e an d movement that transcend normal existence and thus create a structure of heightened possibilities , the viewer being aware "tha t these ar e his own potentialities, because the y are embodied i n persons with bodies lik e his own" (1970:11) . A symbo l itself is usually arbitrary. The degre e of representational o r abstract symbolization and the syntactic arrangement, permissive groups of movements which refe r to sequences o f meaning, depend o n cultural patterning. Substantive content ma y b e realisticall y represented a s i n a mimetic hun t or wor k activity , or distorte d a s i n a danc e satirizin g or idealizing a person . Kinestheti c (muscular ) imager y qualitie s may b e employed. The instrumen t of dance (the body) itself may be subjected to distortion a s with the bod y limberin g demanded fo r the kathakali danc e of Indi a without whic h the danc e canno t b e performe d properly . Not only can time be altered, as discussed earlier, but scale i s another form fo r manipulation and conveyin g meaning. Single concepts ma y b e developed in dance and thus magnified. Dance costume and masks (some as large as the twelve-story house of the Dogo n of Mali) are often used to enlarge movements, making them outstanding or formidable. The opposite abstraction , miniaturization , is a simplification by reduction i n scale

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or the number of properties, decreasin g formidableness (cf. Levi-Strauss 1971:241). There are at least six modes or devices for conveying meaning that may be utilized in dance. Each device may be conventional (customary shared legacy) or autographi c (idiosyncrati c o r creativ e expressio n o f a thing, event, o r condition) : 1. A concretization produce s th e outwar d aspect o f a thing, event, or condition, fo r example , mimeticall y portraying a n animal . It is an imitation o r replica . 2. An icon represent s mos t propertie s o r forma l characteristic s o f a thing, event , o r condition , an d i s responde d t o a s i f i t wer e wha t i t represents, fo r example , dancin g the rol e of a deity which is revered o r otherwise treate d a s the deity . The America n Hop i Indian s believe th e masked kachina dancer is supernatural and treat it with genuine awe. The icon i s a huma n transformation found amon g group s whic h believ e in possession, th e supernatura l manifesting itself in specific human dancing patterns. 3. A stylization encompasse s somewha t arbitrar y gesture s o r move ments which ar e th e resul t o f convention , fo r example , pointin g to th e heart a s a sig n o f love , performin g specifi c movement s a s a badg e o f identity, o r usin g danc e t o creat e abstrac t image s withi n a conceptua l structure of form, such as in many of George Balanchine's "pure" ballets. 4. A metonym constitutes a motional conceptualization of one thing for that of another of which it is an attribute or extension, or with which it is associated o r contiguous in the same frame of experience, for example a war danc e a s part o f a battle . I t ca n b e conceive d o f a s a sample . 5. A metaphor expresse s on e thought , experience, o r phenomenon in place o f anothe r whic h resemble s th e forme r t o sugges t a n analog y between the two, for example, dancing the role of a leopard to denote the power o f deat h — cf. Kirstei n (1970) fo r example s i n ballet. 6. An actuality constitute s a n individua l dancing i n term s o f on e o r several of his usual statuses and roles, for example Louis XIV dancing the role o f kin g an d s o treated. Meaning usually depends on context. Indeed, some scholars argue that all meanings are situational. The devices for encapsulating meaning seem to operate within one or more of seven spheres : dance as a sociocultural event o r situation ; total human body i n action; whole patter n o f performance ; discursive performance (unfoldin g of a concatenation of motional configurations); specific movements', intermesh wit h othe r communication modes ; an d a medium fo r song, music , costume, accoutrements , or speech. Singl y or i n combination, the device s allow for consideration of all messag e materia l in term s of possibl e relation s t o context . The device s ar e sign s (indications of th e existence , past , present , o r future o f a thing, event, or condition ) that may function a s signals when

38 JUDIT

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they ar e directl y related t o th e actio n the y signify , fo r example , a wa r dance t o heral d a battl e — Hann a (1979a , 1979b ) provide s extende d illustrations an d discussio n of device s an d sphere s o f encodin g meaning. Because dance i s extraordinary, it may be an attention-getting device, arresting an d seductive . Thu s i t i s usefu l a s a mediu m o f evocation , persuasion (Hann a 1975 , 1976) , and stimulation , for example, of work tasks.5 Le t u s retur n t o th e distinctio n note d abov e betwee n simila r extraordinary nonverba l bod y movement s i n danc e an d i n othe r behavior. It seems likely that when movement is physically utilitarian, it may b e considered t o be dance if other mor e efficien t physica l means to utilitarian ends were available and not opted for. Where utilitaria n purpose an d th e aestheti c an d motio n emphase s ar e involved , one find s a fusion, fo r example , a work dance suc h a s that of the Nup e of Nigeria, during which women prepare a hut floor. The floor could be complete d more efficientl y i n terms o f time without th e danc e wit h it s stylizations and aesthetic, affective involvement . The center of interest is the process, the movement and motion, more than the goal, although it too is certainly significant. The dance apparently motivates and sustains the task (Nadel 1942:254-255; se e Kurath 1960) . COMMENT Although thi s pape r present s a n analyst' s definitio n o f danc e tha t attempts to hav e cross-cultural applicability , it does not follo w that th e participants' labelin g o f behavior , th e emi c syste m o f concepts , tax onomy, and exegesis , ar e t o be ignored . Figur e 2 and Table 2 illustrate some of these considerations. Participants ' perspectives provide valuable clues to combin e with the analyst' s observations . W e learn mor e abou t the universa l phenomenon o f dance when we consider th e categories i n which i t occur s withi n a culture . Th e criteri a b y whic h a n individual accepts or rejects activity as being "dance" may relate to purpose, func tion, occasion , audienc e relationships , us e o f movemen t elements , accompaniment, costume , o r othe r factors . Th e analys t als o examine s systems of human action, the dance behavior and the interaction between the participant and cocultural observer. The delineation an d significance imputed b y the participant s (dancer — leader, group , instructo r — and observer — this may include a plural category such as sex, age, education , political group ) an d th e behavio r mus t receiv e attentio n i n orde r t o understand danc e an d modif y th e workin g definition. 5

Loma x (1968) suggests dance has heightened redundancy. Since repetition is certainly an element of affective learning, it may be this quality in dance which contributes to its cardinal educational rol e i n some societies .

Toward a Cross-Cultural Conceptualization of Dance

39

Analyst

- - - Significance impute d by analyst

\

— Significanc e impute d by participant s

->

4-

> Cocultural observe r (thi s may be a plura l category, fo r example , sex , age, education , economic , political , initiated group )

Participant dance r (this ma y be a plural category, fo r example , leader , chorus, instructor ) Figure 2 . Perspective s o f danc e

Table 2 . Analyst' s checklist Motion ha s Intentional Cultura l No t ordinar y inheren t and Purpose rhyth m patter n moto r behavio r aestheti c valu e Participants conceptualize Different term

Some relate d activitie s Predanc Spontaneous rhythmi c movement Dissociation Mime Drama Ritual Work Song text s Music

e Durin

g danc e Postdanc

e

40 JUDIT

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The purpose o f this paper has been to present a cross-cultural conceptualization whic h attempts t o synthesiz e muc h o f what i s known abou t dance worldwid e an d t o distinguis h danc e fro m othe r behaviora l phenomena. Thus dance is defined as human behavior composed — from the dancer' s perspective — of purposeful, intentionall y rhythmical, and culturally patterne d sequence s o f nonverbal body movemen t which ar e not ordinary motor activities, the motion having inherent and "aesthetic" value. Obviously specifying th e meanin g of a phenomenon i s not a n en d in itself . The discussio n o f necessar y an d sufficien t condition s (1 ) indi cates th e se t of features that ar e referent s for a concept an d provide s a framework fo r the perception an d description of reality and the rationale for associating elements of the description; and (2) identifies some important variables to be incorporated i n hypotheses that lead us to understand changes within dance, an d to explain and eventually predict an d contro l the relationships of dance to other events. This would allow us to modif y the outcome o f a dance sequence by altering one or more relate d factors for educationa l and therapeuti c purposes (Hann a 1977c , 1978) . Hope fully the conceptualization presented i s a step toward developing a theory of dance . Th e se t o f interrelate d proposition s shoul d lea d t o empirica l tests o f function , structure, change , semiotics , psychology , and cultur e acquisition and patterning . It i s likely that as further wor k is done i n the study of dance, th e definitio n will need t o b e refine d to mee t empirica l and conceptua l developments . REFERENCES ALLAND, ALEXANDER , JR.

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Culture Change: Functional and Dysfunctional Expressions of Dance, a Form of Affective Culture

JOANN W . KEALIINOHOMOKU

This pape r use s th e ter m "affectiv e culture " t o mea n thos e cultura l manifestations tha t implicitly and explicitly reflect th e value s of a given group o f peopl e throug h consciousl y devise d mean s tha t arous e emo tional response s an d tha t strongl y reinforc e grou p identity . Affective culture typically includes those behaviors, experiences, an d artifacts that are perceived b y the members of a society as being significant ideological referents for important facets of cultural reality. Typically, also, affective culture i s recognized b y person s outsid e th e societ y a s includin g thos e aspects of a culture that are subject to aesthetic evaluation, that command attitudes o f respect , o r tha t rive t cognitiv e awarenes s b y device s tha t deliberately focu s attention . Affective cultur e is exemplified by arts an d rites. Fo r th e former , this means ephemeral performances a s well as tangible plastic goods. For the latter, thi s mean s political , religious , an d propagandis t behavio r an d materials. Ultimately, they all encompass on e another sinc e they reflec t the essenc e of their culture . Affective cultur e i s reflectiv e o f a culture , an d als o instrumentall y affecting ί ο the culture. It must be asine qua non of culture change theory that chang e an d affectiv e cultur e ar e linked . Th e aspec t o f affectiv e culture of special interest here is dance, an d the purpose of this paper is to discover what has happened t o the dance forms of affective culture in two Pacific areas . If dance reflect s it s culture, it must be evident tha t an y major cultur e This paper is a 1977 revised version of that presented to the I X International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences held in 197 3 a t Chicago, Illinois. Thanks are expressed t o m y colleagues Judith Lynn e Hann a and Fre d Kalan i Meinecke , and t o my students Penne Hasson and Barbara Ryan for discussing this paper with me. Thanks also to Fred Kalan i Meineck e fo r advisin g m e abou t th e placemen t of diacritica l mark s o n Hawaiian words.

48 JOAN

N W . KEALIINOHOMOK U

change wil l brin g abou t chang e i n th e dance . Cultur e chang e wil l b e reflected i n the dance as either consonant or dissonant. Change can bring new form s throug h syncretis m i f the ne w an d th e ol d ar e eithe r sup plementary or complementary. Without syncretism, disparate forms may arise, and old forms may become remnant s known by only a few, unless and until viable re interpretations occur to match changing functional needs. From observations of Balinese dance, and from it s literature, it appears that i t is , and ha s been, consistentl y viable and tru e t o itself . Hawaiian dance, on the other hand, although now experiencing a new florescence, nearly became extinct. Balinese dance has always, apparently, enjoyed a good reputatio n amon g its people and the outside world, whereas since European contac t Hawaiia n dance often has had a poor reputation with the outsid e world, and i t has had, a t times, a poor reputation amon g its own people. Why was there such a contrast in the viability and prestige of these two dance cultures, and why has Hawaiian dance been able to enter a ne w florescenc e eve n thoug h it was perilously close t o extinction? In order t o answer these questions, I will focus on som e of the forces , both interna l and external , that were a t work on an d through Balinese and Hawaiia n dance , althoug h th e majo r concer n o f thi s pape r i s Hawaiian dance . A COMPARISO N O F TRADITIONAL BALINES E AN D HAWAIIAN DANC E CULTURE S IN RELATIONSHIP T O THEIR SOCIA L ORGANIZATIO N The Balines e an d Hawaiian s are particularl y suitable fo r comparison , since both are Pacific peoples, an d both achieved a cultural climax before European contact . Their emphases on complex rituals and artistic specializations hav e provide d example s fo r numerou s twentieth-centur y anthropologists. Bot h group s spea k a Malayo-Polynesia n (o r Austronesian) language , although th e differenc e i n thei r emphasi s o n "word power" , an d thei r response s to outsid e linguisti c influences will become clea r late r i n this paper . Traditional Balines e an d Hawaiian social organizations ar e models of stratification. Bot h stres s inherite d ascribe d statu s rather than competi tively achieve d status . Traditiona l Balines e society , however , ha s a n important democratic principle in the performing arts that plunges vertically through the horizontal layers of social stratification. Hildred Geertz notes tha t "aestheti c expression i n Bal i i s an activit y pursued b y larg e numbers of persons from all segments of the society" (1963:31). Balinese affective cultur e is a unifying devic e that permits participants to achiev e personal recognitio n tha t i s consonant wit h Balines e culture . Cliffor d Geertz describes the integrativ e significance:

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The grea t collectiv e ritua l dramas , which reache d spectacula r level s of display, probably did as much or more toward shaping and intensifying tie s between lord and subject as did politico-military adventure: in a royal or noble karja, literally, a "work" — the Balines e saw summed up many of the essential s of his culture . . . the lord' s role as art patron linked him to village aesthetic life, i n many ways the core of its existence. Some of the fines t gamelan orchestra s were owned by lords and lent to village seka to play. Court dancing was the model for the finest village dance, and many of the most talented young boys and girls of the countryside went to live at the court as servants in order to study with the great teachers there, some of who m were themselve s but talente d commoners (1970:103).

Every Balines e can , an d usuall y does, participat e i n musi c and dance drama — the same word applies to both dance and drama according to de Zoete and Spie s (1970:266). This participation can be either rituall y or theatrically oriented, an d the degre e t o which one participates is limited only b y one' s talen t an d interes t (d e Zoet e an d Spie s 1970:263) . Furthermore, almos t every Balines e hamle t has it s own musicians , and dancers, with several occasions throughout the year during which dance is performed (Geert z 1970:87) . Thus, affective culture , specifically dance , absorbs much time and attention for the entire populace. Spatially speaking, dance i s culture-wide. In contrast, in traditional Hawaii, affective culture was stratified so that the refined performing arts were relegated to a select group of specialists. Ordinary peopl e coul d become thos e specialists , but once the y becam e members of a hula troup e thei r obligations were t o the chiefs . Emerson writes: The ancient Hawaiians did not personally and informally indulge in the dance for their own amusement. . . Hawaiians of the old time left it to be done for them by a body of trained and paid performers. This was not because the art and practice of the Hul a were held in disrepute — quite the revers e — but because the hul a was an accomplishment requiring special education and arduous training in both song and dance , an d mor e especially because i t was a religious matter, to be guarded against profanatio n by the observanc e o f tabus and th e performanc e of priestly rites (1909:13).

In traditional Hawai'i, nonspecialists sometimes sang and danced for fun and fo r famil y rituals , but thei r performanc e "products" were qualita tively differen t fro m thos e tha t developed ou t o f th e intensiv e training demanded of performance specialists (cf. Handy and Pukui 1972:83-86). Dance specialist s i n traditional Hawai' i were subjecte d t o a rigorou s training progra m wher e the y wer e surrounde d b y restrictiv e taboo s affecting th e food they ate, where they slept, the clothing they wore, and even thei r conversation s an d behavio r durin g nondance periods . Th e sacrosanct natur e of the hula school was maintained by numerous rituals, and by the exclusiveness which surrounded it. The training school was out of bound s to noninitiates , and any visitor to the schoo l ha d to prove his

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authorization b y performin g a specia l passwor d chan t (Emerso n 1909:26-48). Dance troupe s wer e sponsore d b y member s o f th e Hawaiia n ruling class, and their major performances were limited spatially to areas where the general populace wer e not allowed (Emerson 1909:26-27) . A special three-month perio d o f the year called th e Makahiki, associated with the presentation of the "first fruits" to the ali'i [chiefs], was a period when the taboos were lifte d an d libertie s wer e enjoye d b y all (Handy an d Puku i 1972:235). Th e remainin g nin e month s o f th e yea r wer e auster e fo r ordinary people who could no t reall y participate i n the mos t significan t Hawaiian affectiv e culture . Traditional Hawaiia n performin g art s ha d a built-i n rigidity that cir cumscribed creative expression because of the psychic dangers implicit in every creation. One would not lightly compose song s because th e words had to be checked by a language authority to be sure that the composition did no t includ e word s tha t wer e dangerou s becaus e o f som e hidde n meaning (Jennie Wilson , personal communication). 1 Further, because of the secret kaona [soul] of a chant, only skilled and initiated practitioner s were knowledgeable enough to participate in a meaningful way. Because of th e emphasi s o n th e dee p understandin g o f words , youn g childre n neither participated in nor attended danc e an d chanting (Jennie Wilson , personal communication). As noted, the performing arts were sponsored by th e aristocracy . Usuall y th e subjec t matte r o f chant s an d dance s concerned th e patrons . Many verbal allusions could be understood onl y by the composer , performers , an d the elit e fo r whom the performance s were dedicated . When , and if, the uninitiated were permitte d to hear o r view such performances, the y knew from th e outset that they would not be privy to full understanding of the deep meaning — for discussion of the importance o f words se e Hand y an d Puku i (1972:196-197). Because o f the suprem e importanc e of the chant s and th e danger s of words, text improvisation was usually out of the question. Further, danc e music alway s included texts; that i s to sa y that seriou s musi c was never instrumental only, and therefore there were no opportunities for dancers to improvis e with impunity. On th e othe r hand , i n Bali , not onl y ha s ever y littl e villag e it s own gamelan, it also has several "clubs" devoted to one or more performance genres. I n addition , everyon e i s welcome t o atten d al l rehearsal s an d performances, eve n thos e give n fo r th e aristocrac y (Mea d 1970:207) . There wa s and i s a repertoir e o f storie s an d motif s that do no t requir e 1

Jenni e Wilson was a dancer i n the cour t of Kin g Kaläkaua , who reigne d from 187 4 t o 1891. She was the leader of the group of Hawaiian dancers and musicians who participated in the World Columbian Exposition held in Chicago, commencing in 1893. Sh e died in 196 2 at the ag e of 90.1 owe much of my understanding of the hul a an d Hawaiian culture to ou r long discussions.

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privileged knowledg e becaus e the y ar e i n the Balines e publi c domain . This repertoire provides the framework for endless variations on a theme. The stories of the play hold no surprises sinc e everyone know s them all , and audience members come and go during a performance an d still know where t o pic k u p th e stor y (d e Zoet e an d Spie s 1970:264) . Fo r th e Balinese, th e fascination with a performance is for the skill used to rework and embellis h th e basi c repertoire : "Dance s com e an d g o wit h som e rapidity i n Bali , apparentl y becaus e o f wha t th e Balines e cal l mu d [boredom]" (Foreig n Are a Studie s Divisio n 1964:181) . Sometime s an entir e evening' s performanc e i s consumed wit h th e presentatio n o f dramatis personae, clowning , an d improvisations , s o th e performer s never eve n ge t t o th e stor y o n th e firs t nigh t of performanc e (McPhe e 1970:299). In other words , Balinese sho w a preoccupation wit h ar t fo r art's sake . Words are not so fraught with significance in Balinese dance-dram a a s they ar e i n Hawai'i . Sometime s text s ar e spoke n o r sun g b y Balines e performers in an archaic or foreign language and the words are translated by a clow n o r othe r performe r durin g th e cours e o f th e performanc e (Bandem 1972:10) . I n fact , i n Bal i there ar e man y performances tha t have no oral text s at all. In Hawai'i th e opposit e is true, and , so far as I know, every dance accompanies a song or chant; indeed the word accompanies i s a clue t o th e rol e o f dance i n traditional Hawai'i . The reade r shoul d no t interpre t th e abov e paragraph s t o mea n tha t Balinese dance-dram a an d musi c performances hav e n o ritual . On th e contrary, Balines e performance s ar e ric h with ritual behavior an d symbolism. For example, Balinese have dedication rites before using a mask, and have other ritual requirements before an d during performances, such as placin g paraphernali a i n th e "correct " symboli c place s (McPhe e 1970:191-192). The importan t differenc e tha t distinguishe s Balinese theatrica l sanc tions from those of traditional Hawai'i is that in Bali everyone can be "in " on th e symbolism , but i n Hawai' i thi s was kept a s esoteri c knowledg e available t o onl y a chose n few . One migh t suggest tha t th e restrictiv e refinement o f th e Hawaiia n syste m woul d generat e a highe r ar t form . Any evaluation of the relativ e merits of artistry is, of course, a moot an d subjective issue. But it can be pointed ou t that the Hawaiia n performing arts nearly specialized themselve s out o f existence . ACCEPTANCE AND REJECTIO N O F NEW FORM S Hawaiian esoteric a di d not len d itself readily to syncretism , where syncretism is to be understood as a composite or blend of two alien forms that is acceptabl e t o th e hos t culture . The proble m her e i s to discove r wh y

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Balinese successfull y syncretize d prototypic dance form s with a n intro duced for m wherea s Hawaiian s were resistan t t o suc h syncretism . The refine d Hawaiian performing arts, known to so few and so closely linked wit h ritua l for ritual's sake, rathe r tha n ar t for art' s sake, ha d n o elastic yield when they came into conflict with outside forces . The tradi tional performin g arts i n Hawai' i becam e dysfunctiona l in a pragmati c sense. Whe n Christianity , whose symbolis m i s publi c knowledge , wa s adopted i n Hawaii by the general population, Hawaiian esotericism wa s threatened. Thi s was so, of course, becaus e Hawaiia n ritual was incompatible with missionary views. Equally true is the fact that Hawaiian ritual and esoterica were known to so few that the unwillingness or inability to pass the m o n to succeedin g generation s cause d muc h to b e lost. In Bali, where everyone had entry to the storehouse o f traditions, the society a t larg e wa s girded agains t culture los s becaus e o f it s common understanding of the traditions. That body of knowledge could not be lost to future generation s unless every adult member was destroyed. Indeed , the knowledge was not limited to adults, since every Balinese of walking age wa s permitte d t o watc h rehearsal s an d performance s (McPhe e 1970:297). History show s clearl y tha t Hinduis m wa s syncretize d wit h ancien t Balinese traditions , wherea s Isla m wa s rejecte d (Bande m 1972:9) . Hildred Geert z call s the Balines e hol d o n indigenou s religion "tenaci ous" an d sh e states tha t they chose t o "merg e with rather tha n merely surrender" (1963:5) . The grea t Hind u epics of the Mahabarat a and the Ramayana wer e adapte d b y th e Balines e t o becom e th e vehicle s fo r continuing thei r religiou s an d artisti c performances . Whe n th e Dutc h came to Bali, their influence upon Balinese dance was negligible. Apparently Balines e religio n was functionin g satisfactorily , and th e Balines e were not so vulnerable to a Western religion as the Hawaiians were, as we shall see. In any case, outside religion s were not disruptive to the ongoing integrity of the Balines e affective cultur e of Bali, where today, animism is still practiced as well as Hinduism. Animistic rituals are prominent in the mountainous regions, and these performance s are tolerated b y the mor e sophisticated villagers, according to the narration in the film Th e miracle of Bali (Xerox Films 1971). Neither the sophisticated nor the unsophisticated threate n eac h other , i t appears , becaus e eac h Balines e grou p i s preoccupied wit h pursuin g its own artisti c and ritualisti c activities. In ancient Hawai'i, where a class of specialists performed for the elite, the specialization s were vulnerabl e t o outsid e force s becaus e o f th e limited number of persons privy to specialized knowledge. In Bali, however, i t was possible t o develo p an entire population of participants and critics. Toda y w e ca n vie w th e result s o f this . Bal i ha s it s musi c an d dance-drama traditions intact and enriched. In large part thi s continuity was promoted b y the elasticity made possible by the high value placed o n

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dynamic innovatio n a s wel l a s b y th e larg e numbe r o f person s wh o participated. Balinese affectiv e culture today is the legitimate offspring of its antecedents wit h an integrativ e lineage reveale d b y the continuity of costume, language , socia l organization , genera l behavior , an d b y selec tive adaptation o f outside influences . The Balines e modus operandi ha s ensured th e viabilit y of affectiv e cultur e s o tha t eve n thos e change s brought abou t throug h innovation , cultur e drift , an d borrowing , ar e consonant wit h the past. As Hildred Geert z says, "to be 'traditional' does not mea n t o be inflexibl e . . . the innovation s o f the ne w Indonesia ar e being vigorousl y adopted, but withi n traditional channels " (1963:38) . In addition to the introduction of Christianity, Hawai'i experienced tw o significant change s tha t disrupte d th e continuit y of traditiona l culture : the introductio n o f Englis h a s th e lingua franca fo r a n increasingl y heterogeneous population , an d th e force d destructio n o f th e highl y stratified social organization. The result of the first is the drastic reduction of the viability of the Hawaiian language. The fundamental basis for song creation is weakened accordingly , because Englis h does not lend itself to Hawaiian esoteri c thought . The influ x o f foreigner s fro m man y shore s caused Hawaiians to become a minority within their own land. English is now the major language in Hawaii today, and schools using English as the mandatory languag e o f instructio n hav e contribute d t o th e los s o f th e Hawaiian language . Toda y th e traditiona l importanc e o f word s i n Hawaiian affectiv e cultur e is greatly undermined, and a s for th e forme r fear of dangerous words, songs are now composed wit h little or no regard for th e significanc e of words. Indeed , man y songs ar e predictabl y com posed i n English. The secon d disruptiv e chang e resulte d i n th e disintegratio n o f th e patronage system, so the performance and observance o f the hula became democratized. Moder n hul a performers include little children, Hawaiians with limite d knowledge of the Hawaiia n language, and, mos t strikingly, even non-Hawaiians . Alon g wit h thes e change s a transformatio n ha s occurred i n Hawaiian music and dance. The former emphasis on esoteri c symbolism i s nearly gone. Indee d man y hula masters do not themselve s know the meaning of much symbolism. They say "in ancient days certain things were important, but I never learned about them and they are lost." Hawaiian religiou s ritual s are usuall y ignored. Wha t used t o b e rigid taboos ar e no w imperfectly known, and generall y viewed as curiosities . Along wit h thi s ther e hav e bee n drasti c revision s o f hul a movemen t styles, reason s fo r performances , th e compositio n o f audiences , an d subject matter for dances and songs. Today almost any subject can inspire the innovativ e hula performe r wh o ma y even emplo y extemporaneou s expression. The recen t movemen t t o revitalize the ancien t hula is developed fro m bits of esoterica gleane d from books or from the incomplete memorie s of

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a fe w descendant s o f classi c performers . I n short , th e revitalizatio n depends upo n diligenc e of researc h tha t i n the recen t pas t becam e th e province o f dedicate d scholar s rather than of performers . In thi s sens e hula has gone full cycle and the deep meanings are known to a new elite. Many of the new elite are academicians rather than dancers, and many of them ar e no t Hawaiian . Currently, however, the actua l practice o f th e hula i s open t o all. BOUNDARY AWARENES S I tentatively suggest that Balinese people characteristically have a realistic sense of self and their roles in their society. They have been trained to be expert s i n knowin g themselve s a s Balines e an d i n knowin g thei r cultural boundaries . Thi s assumptio n i s suggeste d b y th e extrem e emphasis on space orientation and the awareness of the body-self during early socialization processe s as described b y Belo (1970:91-93), Mea d (1970:200), an d Hol t an d Bateso n (1970:328) , an d reinforce d b y lifelong involvemen t with affective culture . Though Balines e fear many potential dangers, as for example, malevolent spirits, the stress is reduced because the y kno w th e rule s o f behavio r t o protec t themselves . The y know ways to exorcise dangers , also , i f the preventativ e measures have not been sufficien t (Hol t an d Bateson 1970:329) . Balinese seem to have a clear awareness of their own body boundaries, of territorial boundaries, and o f socia l boundaries . Within the confine s of those boundarie s the y are fre e t o participat e an d t o participat e freel y i n affectiv e behavior . Balinese ar e awar e of self and thei r relationship s to other s withi n thei r culture, and this gives a group cohesiveness that can withstand or accom modate outsid e pressures . Conversely, i n traditiona l Hawaiia n culture , th e majorit y o f peopl e were hedged i n by restrictions so that the areas in which a Hawaiian could move with confidence were narrowly circumscribed. "Ever y person an d thing had its place and function charte d out for him," claims Mary Pukui (in Topolinski 1972) . Bushnell writes: The Hawaiians' code of taboos was such t h a t . .. on one day the whole population could be shockingly, outrageously "indecent", even to sailors who were not easily shocked; and on the next day that same population could be so perversely modest as to leave those same sailors abashed and frustrated. The sailors could hardly be expected to kno w that the edict s of the priests , rather than an instability of the people, accounte d for thes e extremes in their behavior (1969:14).

Because o f constantl y shiftin g boundaries , ancien t Hawaiian s neede d continual guidance by ritual specialists. Today, those specialized tutors of appropriate behavio r are gone, for all practical purposes. Afte r 150 years

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of cultura l infiltratio n by vas t number s o f peopl e representin g severa l world views and divergent value systems, Hawaiians are left with a legacy of rigid stratified social behavior but without the knowledge to implement it. I postulat e tha t Hawaiian s literally did not kno w thei r physical , ter ritorial, or cultural boundaries. Thi s problem accelerate d because of the fact tha t ther e ar e s o fe w traditiona l Hawaiians . Th e majorit y o f th e islanders have to accommodate themselve s to other heritages as well as to the Hawaiian heritage. Fo r example, today' s aesthetic , I believe, i s more Western tha n Hawaiian . I d o no t mea n t o suggest , however , tha t Hawaiians hav e achieve d a syncretism betwee n Wester n an d Hawaiia n aesthetics. Rather , I suggest that the Hawaiian aesthetic is strongly acculturated b y Western influences . That thes e change s hav e not been func tionally harmonious in the past is made evident by the hand-wringing and sense of los s whic h Hawaiians and Hawaiia n empathizer s evince . HISTORICAL OVERVIEW O F HUL A At th e tim e o f Wester n contac t i n 177 8 th e hul a flourishe d fo r th e pleasure an d benefi t o f the aristocracy . Me n an d women adult s dance d but children did not. Women wore mid-thigh length skirts, usually ottapa [bark] cloth, an d their breasts wer e bare . Men usually wore a loin cloth . Lets [garlands] o f vines and blossoms adorne d th e head, neck, and ankles. Far from bein g happy-go-lucky "children of nature" these dancer s wer e burdened b y the kapu [taboo ] system. The kapu system was so rigid that when i t wa s broken , th e entir e Hawaiia n syste m fel l apart . Elizabet h Handy describe s this . It was not unti l after hi s [Kamehameha's] death i n 1819 tha t disastrous disintegration o f th e well-wrough t ancient cultur e se t i n .. . i n 182 0 th e ne w Moi, Liholiho, at the behest of the ambitiou s Ka'ahumanu, Kamehameha's favourite wife, had ordered priest s and householders to burn all tribal, clan and family ki'i [symbolic "images" ] i n publi c an d domesti c temple s an d shrines . Wit h "ido l worship" went the orderly times. . . . More disastrous socially was Ka'ahumanu's abolition at the same time of all kapu affectin g eating . Thereafter, domestic life , which had hitherto followed patterns evolved through millennia requiring women and small children to eat apart from men, and isolation, of men engaged in serious labour, an d o f menstruatin g women, became helter-skelter , an d neithe r man , woman nor child any longer knew order, status or authority in the household. The first missionaries had not yet arrived. The old order was null and void: it would be decades befor e a ne w order , base d upo n Ne w England Congregationalis t an d French Roma n Catholi c mores wa s reall y comprehende d (Hand y an d Puku i 1972:233).

The firs t missionarie s arrive d i n 1820 , soo n afte r th e cultura l collapse . Christianity wa s an activ e enem y o f the hul a because it disapproved of anything tha t seeme d sexua l o r tha t glorifie d othe r religiou s tenets .

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Ka'ahumanu, on e o f th e coregent s wh o inherite d th e monarch y fro m Kamehameha the Great, was converted t o Christianity. A powerful and forceful woman , she ha d instigate d the destructio n of the tabo o syste m and the restrictions that kept women in bondage. In her push for emancipation, Ka'ahuman u was an ancestral spirit of the women's "lib " move ment of today. As a self-styled visionary of a new da y fo r th e Hawaiian people, san s taboos and enriche d by Christianity, she "discourage d th e hula" (Pukui 1936:1). Because of the traditional veneration in which the ali'i [chiefs ] were held , Ka'ahumanu' s edict di d muc h to eliminat e outward sign s of the hula , an d t o forc e th e remainin g practitioners under ground. What Ka'ahuman u could no t forese e wa s that th e entir e socia l organization o f whic h sh e wa s a par t wa s becomin g dysfunctional. From Ka'ahumanu' s tim e unti l th e reig n o f Kin g Kaläkau a (1874-1891), the hul a was generally in il l repute an d sometime s i t was legally banned. Apparently, however, hula practitioners continued dancing su b rosa, sinc e ther e wer e sufficien t number s o f hul a master s t o respond t o Kaläkaua's summons when he wanted to restore the prestig e of the hula (Pollenz 1950:229). Hula masters and their students appeared from al l the inhabite d Hawaiia n islands to perfor m a t lolan i Palac e i n Honolulu. Thi s perio d o f Kaläkaua' s reign i s generally regarde d a s a golden era for hula. Kaläkaua is called "the merrie monarch" an d clearly he wa s a tru e patro n o f th e performin g arts. H e ha d a specia l interes t because h e wa s himsel f a composer o f some note . During tha t era , two basi c outfit s were wor n fo r dancing . Th e firs t included a cotton skirt , gathered a t th e waist , of knee lengt h o r above . Hanging fro m th e wais t an d ove r th e cotto n skir t wa s a Gilbertese inspired coconut-strand skir t (Jennie Wilson , personal communication) . A cotton blous e with puffed sleeve s was worn with the skirts. The dance r wore flower leis around head, neck, and ankles. The latter enhanced th e thick-legged look that had been s o admired from earl y times. Sometime s the anklet s were mad e o f woole n yar n becaus e the y would las t longe r than flowers . The secon d basi c outfit, worn for newly composed "mod ern" songs , incorporate d Europea n clothin g o f th e da y tha t wa s full y demure and completely covered th e body. The skirt was long, and some times ha d a bustle . Th e blous e wa s pri m wit h a hig h neck an d leg-of mutton sleeves . Th e outfi t wa s complete d b y a stylis h coi f an d high heeled shoe s (Emerso n 1909:photograp h facing p. 250). There wer e no ankle leis with this outfit. Leis around the neck and head were of vines or made o f flower s suc h a s carnations an d plumeri a (frangipani) , recently introduced t o th e islands . These costume s wer e fo r women , o f course. Apparently fe w men dance d th e hul a b y this time, althoug h they continued t o participat e a s chanters an d musicians . After Kaläkau a die d th e hul a agai n fel l int o disrepute. Accordin g t o Jennie Wilson , whe n sh e an d a grou p o f hul a dancer s an d musician s

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performed at the Chicago World Columbian Exposition of 1893, th e firs t time the hula was performed in the mainland of the United States, she and her group inadvertently contributed to the bad reputation of the hula with the "come-on" song they were required to sing to urge audiences to see the "naught y hula" . B y the tur n of the century , Jennie wa s to rea p the bitter results of this reputation. She told me that island people woul d spit at he r becaus e sh e was a hul a dancer . By th e en d o f th e twentie s an d fo r a t leas t thre e decades , th e hul a existed primaril y a s a touris t attraction . Onl y barel y o n th e sid e o f respectability, hula was equated with "hootchy-kootchy" entertainment. Many readers wil l recall that they have associated th e word "hula " with performers wearing cellophane skirts. Few considered th e hula as a form of serious or religiou s art, despite th e efforts of Emerson who, a generation before , publishe d a book throug h the Burea u o f American Ethno logy, entitle d Unwritten literature of Hawaii. H e sentimentall y pleade d for understandin g of th e hul a as par t o f "th e geniu s of th e Hawaiian " (1909:13). By the thirties many of the traditional hulas had disappeared. Hawaiian authority Mary Kawena Pukui (1936:2) informed a group of knowledgeable islander s fro m Kaua' i i n 193 6 tha t ther e onc e wa s a hul a self accompaniment called 'Hi'Hi [ston e castanets]. In 1950, however, Pollenz reported tha t hulas with 'ili'ili were being performed (1950:233). During the pas t thirt y years the us e of 'ili'ili has become common , an d i t would surprise man y dancers t o realize tha t these ha d been almos t forgotten. During the thirties, forties, and fifties , hul a was performed for tourists in nightclubs, for photographers, an d to welcome ships. One seldom saw a man perform the hula, and even the musicians were most often women — of course, th e hul a continued to be performed alfresc o for a lu'au [feast ] by island people for island people. Hula studios were legion in the islands and also on the mainland. Almost every town on the mainland claimed at least one "hula-hul a girl " — usually someone wh o had taken six lessons on a passenger shi p or else ha d learned fro m a self-teaching phonograph record. Man y hul a "teachers " combine d minima l formal hul a training with maximal feeling for "showbiz". Characteristically, dances were con cerned wit h novelty topics. One o f the mos t popula r hul a songs, "Kee p your eyes on the hands", carried the message tha t although the hula was tantalizing, i t wa s considere d "naughty " an d wa s no t acceptabl e t o a puritanical morality. Paradoxically, it became th e fa d to hav e little girls learn th e hula . I t seeme d t o b e a "cute " jok e t o hav e naiv e childre n perform wha t thei r elder s wer e ashame d t o enjoy . During these year s the costume s include d thre e basi c styles: a bright green fi leaf skirt, that looked bot h exoti c and enticing when bare thighs played peek-a-bo o through the leaves , wor n wit h a strapless, sleeveles s cotton blouse; a sarong, probably popularized b y Dorothy Lamou r in her

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south sea islands films; or a fittedmu'umu'u (holomu'u) tha t reflected th e Western aestheti c fo r th e svelt e figure . Gon e was the puffy , conceale d look o f the lat e nineteenth century . Gone was the admiratio n fo r thick ankles. By the thirties and forties it was usual for a dancer to wear flowers on one ankl e only. By the sixtie s ankle lei s were omitted a s a rule. Th e battle cr y during these year s was "give the touris t what he wants." It is questionable whethe r anyone , includin g the tourists , reall y kne w what they wanted. Apparently they were looking for something titillating and exotic, and were willing to have their tastes directed b y what was shown to them. Still, there were a few practitioners of the hula who took the dance very seriously — some a s an art form , some fo r its mystical relationship with Hawaiian esoterica, and some because they were fearfu l tha t all ancient Hawaiiana would be lost. By the end of the fifties, thos e serious attitude s accelerated. Scholar s began to notice th e hul a as a form worth y of their attention, an d bega n t o scou r fo r an y bi t o f information concerning it . This new interest was reflected in the establishment of the Universit y of Hawaii Committe e fo r th e Stud y an d Preservatio n o f Hawaiia n Language, Art an d Culture. Noteworthy is the fact tha t the whole syndrome of researching, archiving, categorizing, and analyzing was not a Hawaiian tradition but was Western i n concept — cf. the discussio n of Hawaiians' traditional negativ e attitude towar d curiosit y in Keene (1970:56-57) . Along wit h this surge of interes t i n preserving th e old , Americans in general became more sophisticated i n their tastes and increasingly cynical toward tourist ploys. Tourists becam e wary from havin g heard too many snide comments about being victimized by commercial, "phony" performances, an d they wanted to see k ou t th e "authentic" . The principle of supply and demand doubtless contribute d t o the renewed interest in the ancient hula. PROBLEMS OF REVITALIZATION O F THE HUL A A reactionar y movemen t i n the Unite d State s ha s encouraged variou s minority groups to find or reaffirm thei r ancestral cultural identity. Concurrent with this is a movement by many white Americans who feel that their own cultural heritage has become s o amorphous that they want to attach themselve s t o a ne w identit y tha t ha s becom e their s throug h discovery rather than through inheritance. They hope to find ne w meanings in their lives via an exotic culture. For the former groups, the drive is one of cultural survival or revival; for the latter, a kind of self-indulgence promoted b y feeling s o f alienation . Fo r both , thi s powerfu l driv e fo r meaningful identificatio n ha s influenced their contemporary world view. Everywhere i n Americ a th e stag e ha s bee n se t fo r a resurgenc e o f

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affective culture , an d Hawai' i i s n o exception . Peopl e i n Hawai' i ar e strongly motivate d t o revitaliz e th e mor e traditiona l hula , but of cours e what i s bein g produce d ha s t o b e anomalou s traditiona l hula . Ther e has been too muc h discontinuity of the ancien t function s for Hawaiia n dance t o hav e a n actua l reconstruction . Th e Hawaiia n contex t i s irre trievably altered. Th e taboo s cannot be enforced o r observed a s acts of faith. Few are capable o f creating th e psychicall y powerful chants that wer e the raison d'etre o f the ancien t traditiona l hula s because fe w have mor e than a casua l comman d o f th e Hawaiia n language . Nam e song s (mela inoa) fo r the ali' i are seldom composed . A name son g was composed i n 1972 o n th e occasio n o f a visit to the Hawaiia n Island s b y the quee n of Tonga, a s i s consistent wit h th e feelin g tha t "nam e songs " shoul d b e composed for Polynesian royalty . The loss of the monarchy at the end of the las t centur y wipe d ou t on e o f th e majo r catalyst s fo r holdin g th e Hawaiian people together. To be sure, thos e descende d fro m th e chief s are still venerated but these descendants hav e little influence today on the populace a s a whole . Th e compositio n o f nam e song s ha s no t bee n transferred t o honorin g new ruler s because a n elected officia l ca n be a common person b y birth. Further, as Americans, Hawaiian s are distrustful o f politicians. Name dedicatory song s and hula s performed toda y ar e commemorative: for example, when hula dancers dedidate a performance to Kawik a (David Kaläkaua ) they must do it to his memory. Where ar e the hulas for the surrogate ali'i ? To the governor? T o the president? Th e very though t i s amusin g becaus e th e new-styl e chief s ar e cognitivel y dissonant withi n traditiona l Hawaiia n cultural contexts . Legends ar e depicted i n song and dance, but they are more often tale s of histor y tha n abou t th e ancien t Hawaiia n god s becaus e mos t hul a teachers and dancers are Christians. Mormons, for example, are not likely to emphasize dance s abou t non-Christia n gods. Seventh Day Adventists restrict their hula dancers t o performing, in modest costume s with necklines tha t di p n o lowe r tha n th e clavicle , onl y thos e song s tha t ar e sentimental and morally acceptable t o them. But, I am not awar e of any hulas composed fo r th e Judeo-Christia n god , o r fo r Jesus Christ . Hawaiians become disenfranchise d from thei r traditional culture, but there is, however, a new day coming for them, but not one that could have been envisioned by their ancestors. Thei r old emphasis on ascribed statu s and inflexibl e role s crumble d under th e onslaugh t of people wh o value competitive achievement , progressive change , an d persona l fulfillment . Traditional hula s wer e functiona l onl y i n traditiona l socia l organiz ation an d religion . Th e hul a becam e dysfunctiona l i n th e fac e o f th e changes whic h affecte d it . A s note d previously , traditional Hawaiian culture was becoming dysfunctional eve n before the arriva l of Christian missionaries.

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FUNCTIONAL REINTERPRETATIO N O F THE HUL A The hul a is becoming viable again havin g undergone a reinterpretatio n that reflects the socia l organization o f contemporary societ y at large, as viable affective culture always does. Popular hula is no longer geared solely to th e touris t trade , an d seriou s hul a i s no longe r a n antiquaria n relic. Hawaiians are in the proces s of closing the ga p of their cultural lag in terms o f discoverin g self, community, and territoria l boundarie s withi n the greater society of which they are a part today. Thus, the correlation of "selfhood" an d affectiv e cultur e i s becoming consonant, incorporatin g "Hawaiianness" with a new social organization, a new world view, and a new aesthetic . This emergence i s a produc t o f sufficient tim e combined fortuitously wit h the ne w moods of the day , and i s built on th e Wester n concept of scholarship . Audiences hav e becom e mor e knowledgeabl e an d appreciative . Non-Hawaiians have a new cross-cultural awareness resulting from their search fo r somethin g "authentic" . Wester n mores hav e changed suffi ciently to allow that sexually overt behavior can be aesthetic also. Increasingly, audiences are able to view, for example, the pelvic rotations of the hula without having to pigeonhol e tha t behavio r a s savage or vulgar. On th e othe r hand , contemporar y islan d people, wh o includ e ever y genetic combination of Polynesian, Oriental, and European ancestry, are becoming mor e comfortabl e with the hula . They ar e les s "shamed " by doing it in public. Young women who are shy and circumspect in everyday life are not reticent to perform hula movements that are very sexual. Even staid matrons unblinkingly watch their daughters, some of whom are very young, perform thes e overtl y sexual movements . Despite the emphasis upon learning ancient hulas, the transmission of these hula s i s untraditional . The hul a complex , throug h thi s renewe d interest, has become big business and a universal institution in the islands. Here i s a partia l list of those individuals and organization s that benefit economically fro m th e resurgenc e o f interes t i n the hula : hula teachers ; students of hul a who wil l earn wage s fro m performances ; students of hula who ar e preparin g t o becom e teacher s o f the hula ; music stores tha t carry accompanying "implements" an d recordings; general stores - that als o carr y "implements" and recordings ; musicians, bot h me n an d women; garment sellers ; fabric sellers ; seamstresses; florists; gardeners wh o gro w flower s suitabl e for leis ;

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lei makers ; tour guides ; hotels; and nightclubs Hula has become th e piece de resistance for every program in the islands . It i s taught a s par t o f th e physica l educatio n curriculu m i n th e publi c schools, an d i s include d i n musi c course s taugh t i n th e universit y an d colleges. This widespread use of hula is not altogether new, having begun in the thirties, but the prestige that is associated wit h it and the accelera tion o f numbers o f participants ar e ne w developments . Within th e pas t decad e othe r strikin g changes hav e occurred . More adults are studying the hula seriously. More boys and men are performing the hula . The hug e variety of costumes include s simulate d tap a clot h t o resemble pre-Christia n day s (although women's breast s ar e not bared) , through every styl e used fo r dancing for the pas t 20 0 years. Hul a prac titioners insist on historical appropriateness fo r costuming and behavio r according t o th e styl e o f th e hul a bein g performed . Instrument s tha t became nearl y obsolet e ar e bein g use d again . Mor e an d mor e danc e studios are rewarding excellence, experience , an d completeness o f repertoire with graduation exercises that are frankly modelled afte r the ancient graduation (uniki). Particularl y remarkabl e i s th e grea t variet y i n choreography, the richness of repertoire, and the high standards that hula masters expec t o f one another . Pageants and competitions are increasing, as are the number of people involved. Competitio n encourage s dedicatio n an d excellence . Youn g women taking part in contests at the annual Merrie Monarch Festival are judged for appropriateness an d creativit y — the inclusio n of the ide a of creativity is especially noteworthy, the traditiona l emphasis having been on accurac y rathe r tha n o n creativit y — cf . Keene' s discussio n o f Hawaiian avoidance of creatively conceptual activities (1970:56-67). The requirements specified that the entrants be unmarrie d and betwee n th e ages of eighteen and twenty-five; they did not specify that a contestant had to be genetically Hawaiian, or that she had to worship at the hula shrine. An important feature of the Merrie Monarch Festival is the enactmen t of the court of King Kaläkaua in which ordinary persons dress and behave as the personne l o f the court . Fo r th e three-da y duration o f the festiva l they are to all intents and purposes, th e members of that court. All hula dancers, both group and individual performers, face the court rather than the audience during their dancing. They enter with a bow to the court, and exit b y walking backwards to avoi d turnin g away until they ar e ou t o f sight. I was struck by the ide a that Kin g Kaläkaua has become a mythic reason for performance similar to the Hindu king of the Ramayana cycle in Bali .

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Just as the Balinese promote creativity, and focus their dance-drama on a legendary hero rather than a current politician, today's Hawaiians have let a n historica l hero serv e a simila r function. Jus t a s the Balinese , b y knowing al l the "stories" , can concentrate o n for m an d styl e instead of content, so too can modern-day hula practitioners and audiences concentrate o n for m an d style . I f th e "givens " ar e commo n knowledge , th e understanding of the "word" will become increasingly dispensable. Also , as i n Balines e affectiv e culture , everyon e i n Hawai' i ma y participate , limited only by talent and interest. These new adjustments in the hula are consonant wit h competitiv e Wester n culture , with it s stress upo n indi vidual achievement . Spatially , hul a i s no w culture-wide , an d i t ca n b e performed a t an y tim e o f th e year . Indee d numerou s occasion s ar e contrived especiall y for th e performanc e o f th e hula. CONCLUSIONS If a society experiences radica l changes such as Hawaiian society did , in its living patterns, in its religious and belie f systems, and especially in its social organization , ther e i s little lef t o f th e origina l unless it s affectiv e culture ca n maintai n it s viability . Th e parado x her e i s tha t althoug h affective cultur e influence s th e res t o f th e culture , i t als o reflect s it . Therefore, i t appear s tha t affectiv e cultur e mus t chang e i n orde r t o parallel an y major changes i n the res t o f the culture . This predictably brings ambivalence to the people who are part of such a culture. Referring specifically to the Hawaiian people, Hawaiians value a nee d t o maintai n a sens e o f cultura l identit y an d the y ar e strivin g desperately towar d tha t end . A t th e sam e time , mos t Hawaiian s coul d not, o r woul d no t i f they could , g o bac k t o th e significan t feature s of precontact Hawaii . Fo r example , Christian s woul d b e unwillin g t o renounce thei r religion , th e Western-educate d woul d b e unfi t t o rel y solely on the Hawaiian language and Hawaiian knowledge, women would be unwillin g to pu t themselve s unde r restrictiv e taboo s regarding foo d habits, bodily hygiene and mode s o f dress , an d peopl e generally would chafe unde r th e ol d clas s structur e an d tabo o system . I n short , an y attempt to return to the old Hawaiian ways would soon be rejected, eve n if i t wer e possible , an d regardles s o f th e sentimenta l bu t unrealisti c longing fo r suc h a return . The demands of a new religion, the dependence upon new technology , the advantage s o f a democrati c government , an d th e spiri t o f self fulfillment hav e been accepted , an d the Hawaiia n people would not b e willing t o giv e u p thes e things . Still , the y year n t o hol d fas t t o som e measure o f "Hawaiianness " an d tha t measur e seem s t o cente r o n Hawaiian affectiv e culture . Ye t becaus e o f their symbioti c relationshi p

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with the rest of the culture, the arts will be maintained only in truncated or spurious form s unless they can b e reinterprete d satisfactorily . Such a satisfactor y reinterpretatio n o f affectiv e cultur e i s bein g achieved b y those wh o identif y wit h Hawaiia n culture (and a s we have seen, many of those persons may not be genetically Hawaiian at all). This reinterpretation seem s t o b e consonant wit h th e ne w value system. It is not a developmental syncretism , but an acculturated reinterpretation. Its manifestation is largely confined to the Hawaiian Islands, and this specific location ha s helpe d t o identif y i t a s Hawaiian . Becaus e s o fe w peopl e are reall y Hawaiia n an d s o fe w o f th e ol d cultura l attributes ar e stil l viable, th e restrictio n i n spac e i s extremely importan t t o tha t identifi cation. Ultimately, th e Wester n cultur e tha t almos t kille d a n alread y ailin g patient became instrumenta l in saving its life. The Wester n values of an economic, competitive , achievement-oriented ethos, plus the propensity for analyzing , categorizing , studying , an d archivin g finall y becam e interiorized int o a ne w life-styl e fo r a grou p o f non-Wester n people . Instead o f killin g th e patient , Wester n cultur e becam e homeopathi c medicine, an d restore d th e patient . Hawaiian affective cultur e is not viable through syncretism as Balinese affective cultur e is . Hawaiian affectiv e cultur e lives because i t has bee n metamorphosed. Why do I call it reinterpretation rather than syncretism? Because traditiona l Hawaiia n cultur e wa s neithe r supplementar y no r complementary to the new life-style. The metamorphosis occurred afte r a long period o f time, characterized b y dysfunctional culture lag, and that gap was closed onl y after a deliberate attemp t wa s made t o let the hula serve ne w need s and fil l ne w functions .

REFERENCES BANDEM, I . MAD E

1972 Dramati c dances of Bali . Viltis 3 1 (2):9-12.

BELO,JANE

1970 "Th e Balines e temper," i n Traditional Balinese culture. Edited by Jane Belo, 85-110. New York: Columbi a University Press.

BUSHNELL, O . A .

1969 "Hygien e an d sanitation among the ancien t Hawaiians," in Hawaiian Historical Review. Edited b y Richard A. Greer . Honolulu: Hawaiian Historical Society .

DE ZOETE , BERYL , WALTER SPIE S

1970 "Danc e an d dram a i n Bali," i n Traditional Balinese culture. Edite d b y Jane Belo , 260-289 . New York: Columbia University Press.

EMERSON, NATHANIE L B .

1909 Unwritten literature of Hawaii. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 38. Washington, D.C.: Unite d States Governmen t Printin g Office .

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FOREIGN ARE A STUDIE S DIVISIO N

1964 U.S. Army area handbook fo r Indonesia. Departmen t o f th e Arm y Pamphlet 550-39, September. Washington , D.C.: Th e American University.

GEERTZ, CLIFFORD

1970 Peddlers

and princes. Chicago: Universit y of Chicag o Press .

GEERTZ, MILDRE D

1963 Indonesian cultures and communities: study guide. Ne w Haven, Con necticut: HRA F Press .

HANDY, E . S . CRAIGHILL , MARY KAWEN A PUKU I

1972 Th e Polynesian family system i n Ka'u, Hawaii, secon d edition . Rut land, Vermont: Charles E. Tuttle. (Originally published 1958. Wellington, Ne w Zealand : Polynesia n Society. )

HOLT, CLAIRE , GREGOR Y BATESO N

1970 "For m an d functio n o f th e danc e i n Bali, " i n Traditional Balinese culture. Edite d b y Jane Belo , 322-330. New York: Columbi a University Press .

KEENE, DENNI S T . P .

1970 "Ethic s and environment: th e kap u system, " i n Molokai studies: preliminary research in human ecology. Edite d b y Henry T. Lewis, 52-64. Honolulu: Departmen t o f Anthropology , Universit y o f Hawaii.

MC PHEE , COLI N

1970 "Danc e in Bali," in Traditional Balinese culture. Edited b y Jane Belo , 290-321. New York: Columbi a Universit y Press .

MEAD, MARGARE T

1970 "Childre n an d ritual in Bali," in Traditional Balinese culture. Edited by Jane Belo , 198-211 . New York: Columbi a Universit y Press .

POLLENZ, PHILIPP A

1950 Change s i n th e for m an d functio n o f Hawaiia n hulas . American Anthropologist 52:225-234 .

PUKUI, MAR Y KAWEN A

1936 "Ancien t hulas of Kaua'i. " Edited by Ethel A. Damon . Unpublished manuscript, Kaua'i , Hawai'i .

TOPOLINSKI, JOH N

1972 "Th

XEROX FILM S

e hul a of ancient Hawai'i. " Unpublishe d manuscript, Honolulu .

1971 Th e miracle of Bali, a film in three parts. Stamford, Connecticut: Xero x Films.

PART TWO

Case Studies in Dance

Totemic Dances of Armenia

E. KH. PETROSIAN

Totemic dancing is a traditional form of religious culture with pronounced ethnic features. For thi s reason, i t has always been o f interest t o ethno graphers. Every new detail about it is important, for it may help in making generalizations while reviewing a substantial amount of analogou s col lected material . Totemic dancing during the early stages of social development has been well covere d i n th e literature . Th e Armenian s ar e on e o f th e oldes t nations i n Asi a Minor . They develope d a high level of civilization and state organizatio n i n antiquit y an d adopte d Christianit y i n th e thir d century. It i s clear tha t totemic dancing , which survived different socia l and religiou s formations, ha s bee n subjec t t o change s i n the cours e o f time. Hence, studies of it are important in making a comparative historical analysis. Armenian totemic dancing is marked by archaic forms which are i n a state o f transformatio n under th e ne w socialis t conditions . Studies in folk dancing have been unde r way in Armenia for a number of years and ar e bein g carried ou t b y a special grou p of ethnographers. The group' s task is the description, study, and publication of folk dance s and traditiona l theatrical show s in differen t ethnographi c regions. Th e work is of a comprehensive nature, texts, music, and movements all being recorded o n pape r (th e latte r b y Lisitsian's system) . The field research has accumulated a substantial amount of material on totemic dancing , which is divided into fou r groups : 1. Dance s devote d t o tree totems ; 2. Dance s devote d t o bir d totems ; 3. Dance s devote d t o fis h an d reptil e totems ; 4. Pantomimi c dances devote d t o animals. The Armenians have preserved numerou s patterns and dances relate d to invocation ceremonies tha t were par t of the fertilit y cult . These have

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been preserve d t o thi s da y unde r differen t names . On e grou p o f such dances i s typologically uniform; each danc e withi n this group is named after a tree to which it is devoted. Thes e ar e the khiki tsar [incense tree] ; nyrni tsar [pomegranat e tree] ; tandzi tsar [pea r tree] ; fesida lokh [psha t tree]; and tsirani tsar [aprico t tree] . These dance s ar e accompanie d b y singing. The tex t i s usually a lov e story and is made up of couplets separated b y a refrain. The pear tree song contains a repetition of this phrase: "What am I to do? The pea r tre e is dead"; that devoted t o the pshat tree repeat s th e line: "The psha t tree is in blossom"; the one devoted to the incense tree repeats the line: "There is an incens e tre e i n front o f our hous e an d ther e i s one i n front o f your house," an d s o on. The refrain s of folk song s ar e highl y archaic and, to a certain extent , indicative o f th e origina l content o f a dance-song . The melody consists of two movements, adagio an d moderato, havin g different themes . Thi s i s typical of Armenia n fol k danc e music . Song s which g o with dancin g are performe d i n unison. All these dance s are performed solo by women and all show a uniform pattern. Durin g the firs t movement , the adagio , th e dancer find s herself in the middl e of the danc e floor , with her arm s outstretched a t shoulde r level o r a littl e higher ; in tim e wit h the melody , th e arm s mak e littl e fluttering movements and slowly go up and down, right and left. At times the movement s o f th e arm s ar e no t symmetrical , but parallel . Simultaneously, the performer either does a kind of soft ta p dancing or slowly turns about severa l times. During the moderato the dancer moves in circles with little pas-chasses. The arm s move more rapidly, imitating waving branches of a tree, while the fee t an d th e tors o swa y as if they were a tre e trunk . No Armenia n weddin g i s withou t sol o dancing . I t i s tremendousl y popular, althoug h peopl e n o longe r remembe r wha t lie s behin d th e dancer's movements, nor see any connection betwee n thes e movement s and th e nam e o f the dance . Peopl e usuall y ascrib e realisti c and secula r content t o thes e dances . Lookin g a t the m fro m a theologica l point o f view, however , allow s us to dra w certai n conclusions , since th e Arme nians used t o hav e some dance s devote d t o the mother tre e (th e pome granate or the apricot) and some to the father tree (the pshat or the pear). These tree s wer e ascribe d a n importan t rol e i n th e fertilit y cult . Th e apricot and pomegranate, ful l of seeds and juice as red as blood, embod y the femal e essence , whil e th e psha t an d th e pea r embod y th e mal e essence. The incense tree frui t wa s used to make aromatic oil for torches and also was burned at pagan ceremonies. Even today, Armenians of the Christian fait h bur n incens e i n churche s an d hol y place s an d a t cemeteries. It i s probable tha t a t on e tim e dance s devote d t o fathe r tree s wer e

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performed b y men. The moderat e temp o an d subsequent secularizatio n of thes e dance s accoun t fo r th e fac t tha t the y are performe d b y female dancers. In the early twentieth centur y the foregoing dances were performed in holiday nationa l costumes . Medieva l manuscripts , however , contai n miniatures that thro w furthe r ligh t on specifi c features of these dances . One such miniature dates back to the thirteenth century, and depicts two naked femal e dancers with long hair and in leaf-shaped caps. Bot h hol d imitation trees , on e apparentl y bein g a pomegranat e an d th e othe r a pshat, that is, a father and a mother tree. The first tree has three diverging branches wit h symmetrica l leave s an d wit h a frui t a t th e en d o f eac h branch. The women' s lon g hair and leaf-shape d cap s allo w us to surmis e tha t the miniature is a reflection of the oldest totemic dances pertaining to the fertility cult . Another miniatur e i s containe d i n a handwritte n medieva l gospe l which wa s illustrate d i n Cilici a i n th e thirteent h century . I t portray s a half-naked woman dressed i n red, with long hair and with a cornucopia in her mouth, and a male dancer i n a network of branches o n top of which sits a bird , presumabl y a n ancestor . Thi s i s a fragmen t o f a n ancien t mystery pla y related t o th e cul t of fertility . According t o historian s an d writer s o f th e earl y Middl e Ages , th e cult o f tree s feature d prominentl y i n th e Armenians ' paga n beliefs . Well know n ar e sanctuarie s surrounde d wit h grove s an d forest s wit h sacred trees ; priests use d t o tel l fortunes b y the rustlin g of their leaves . Even today , trees growing by Christian churches are believed to protec t people from disease, the evil eye, and all kinds of misfortune, and to fulfi l their wishes. To ingratiate oneself with such a tree it is necessary to attach to i t a scra p o f one's clothing . I t i s possible t o cit e man y examples of elements of the cult of trees and totem dancin g that have been preserve d to thi s day. Featuring prominentl y in Armenian traditiona l art ar e dances relate d to th e worshi p of birds. Birds nes t i n trees, an d therefor e thes e dance s played a n importan t rol e i n th e cul t o f trees . Testifyin g t o th e grea t significance of dances relate d t o bird totems is the fact tha t in the Middle Ages ther e wer e tw o words fo r "dance", par an d kakav, the latte r als o meaning "partridge". An essential elemen t of the kakav was jumping; it originated fro m totemi c dances which involved dancers disguisin g themselves a s partridges . Toda y th e wor d kakavich i s a genera l ter m fo r a dancer, bu t originall y it denoted a cul t dance r performin g the totemi c dance devote d t o the partridge . The kaka v dance a s such has not survived , but w e still come acros s a number of elements imitatin g bird s in many dances. Th e dancin g tradition has retained steps that imitate the swaying gait of a bird. Such dances

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are generally known by the name shoror [swaying]. These dances are only performed b y men , either alon e o r i n group. The usual step in the group dances involves shifting one's weight from one foot to the other with both regular and irregular rhythms. Performers stand sid e b y sid e i n line , thei r arm s ben t a t th e elbows , holdin g each other's littl e fingers. The arm s make smooth roun d movement s and the bodies swa y righ t and left . The solo shoro r consists of two movements, th e adagi o and the mod erate. During the first movement the dance r is in the middle of the floo r with arm s wide open an d wit h a red kerchie f i n each hand . The dance r starts with smal l fluctuating movements of the body ; his arms sway like the wing s of a soaring bird an d onl y th e hea d remain s motionless. Th e second movement, the moderate, is an imitation of a bird jumping to and fro. The pantomimic dance, araghil [stork], wa s also performed by a man. The dance involve d some disguise, the performer, squatting and taking a shepherd's crook , wa s then covered wit h a sheepskin coa t turne d inside out. The dancer put his hand and arm with the staff i n one of the sleeves. The end of the staf f tha t jutted out was wrapped i n rags so that it looked like a stork's head. The dancer jumped to the music, swaying the staff. In this way he imitated the gai t of a stork an d the movement s of its head . A numbe r of other totemi c dance s ar e name d afte r birds: kryngaven [crane]; khaz-khaz [goose] ; karapdal [swan] ; and khavku par [hen]. The kryngaven deal s with some habit s of cranes. The leade r o f the danc e is referred t o as "mother". The men who line up behind are "younglings". The danc e consist s of a multiple repetition o f two of its parts. During the first , th e dancer s follow in circles afte r th e mother , thei r arms wide open an d swaying a little like a bird's wings in flight. In the second, the y imitate a crane's cry. On the mother's signal , the younglings gather in the center of the floor . In the course of subsequent repetition s o f this movement, they imitate cranes drinking water, pecking seeds an d gravel, collecting twigs , making nests, an d s o on . The khaz-khaz is an imitation of geese, with the lead dancer, or mother , gradually strippin g of f hi s clothe s an d th e youngling s followin g suit . Gradually, the dancers strip off all their clothes. This apparently signifies a multiplied image of the ancesto r totem . Th e khavku par and karapdal are also based on the mother and younglings pattern. Durin g Shrovetide unmarried youn g men walked on stilts , wit h long trousers hidin g them, this game bein g called "th e storks ' game" . Today, al l the dance s devote d t o bir d totems ar e performe d withou t appropriate costumes . W e know, however, how it used to be done in the Middle Ages . Th e titl e page s o f som e manuscript s datin g bac k t o th e thirteenth century contain severa l picture s of dancers i n bird masks and with branche s o f a sacre d tre e i n thei r hands . The y wea r ligh t tunic s

Totemic Dances of Armenia 7

1

without a hint of plumage imitation. The bird ancestors cul t and the ide a of their protection an d ties of blood with them feature prominently in the Armenians' beliefs . The cul t found expression i n all types of traditional art, especiall y i n folklore , fin e arts , and , a s ha s bee n show n above , i n dancing. The bul k o f totemi c dance s ar e pantomime s i n whic h dancer s ar e disguised a s animals : a billy-goat , bull , bear , came l o r monkey . Thes e dances are performed solo and only by married men. The dancing is done on Shrovetid e an d at wedding parties. Dancer s ar e disguised to imitat e their ancestral totems. A "goat" would dance making jumps and all sorts of comi c movements , makin g pas-chasses i n circle s an d walkin g on al l fours. If it was a religious procession a t the end of the nineteenth century, a "goat " an d thos e wh o accompanie d th e dance r wen t dancin g fro m house to house asking for gifts. Being given a gift of some food, the dancer blessed th e family . I n al l part s o f Armenia , a "goat " woul d wea r a sheepskin with two sickles attached at the neck so that their blades looke d like horns. The face and head of the dancer were covered wit h a goatskin with openings for the eyes and mouth. A bell was tied t o his neck with a string; when pulle d b y the string , the bel l rang . Group dancing , whe n dancer s imitat e jumpin g goats , i s know n a s kochari. Dancers stand abreast, holding each other's hands. The tempo of the danc e range s fro m moderat e t o fast . Squattin g an d buttin g a n imagined opponen t ar e followe d b y high jumps. In the Middl e Ages , pantomimes i n which dancers wer e disguise d a s goats and bulls were very popular. The clergy turned a blind eye on them, which probably accounts for the fact that some gospels contain miniatures depicting dance s o f the triba l period . The totemic dance know n as "the bear " was performed bot h sol o and by a group. A solo dancer would waddle comically, go down on his hands and knees , hu g femal e spectators , an d mockingl y mak e t o frighte n children. The hig h point o f the show wa s the bear' s "death", when th e audience loudl y expresse d it s grief an d gav e gift s t o th e bear' s master . When the latter had been given enough he would make an inconspicuous sign and the bear woul d rise fro m th e dead. H e would dance agai n gaily and then run away. For this dance, a performer use d to be covered with a bearskin o r a sheepskin . Group dances imitating bears were only performed by men. Each held a partner's hand by putting his arm under his raised left knee. The dancer s would jum p to th e righ t on on e foot , whil e th e audienc e woul d shou t rhythmically "A bear's dance, a bear's dance!" The pattern of the danc e and the absenc e of the music , whos e rol e is played by the audience' s shouts, ar e indicativ e of the primitiv e and apparentl y archai c natur e of the dance . Miniatures datin g fro m th e fourteent h t o th e seventeent h centurie s

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testify to the fact that pantomime dancing was widespread. It is difficult t o find out , o f course, what its purpose wa s at the time . Yet we can picture the way it used to be done: dancers were clad in bearskins, accompanied themselves o n musica l instruments, sang and dance d wit h fruit i n their hands. We hav e accumulate d substantia l material o n pantomime s wit h per formers disguise d a s monkeys . Thes e wer e sol o dances , i n whic h th e dancers would use a candle, some fruit, or a stick, their dress consisting of sheepskins, sheepski n mittens , an d a conch-shape d thic k fel t ca p o r a dried an d speciall y processed cow' s stomac h tha t was normally used fo r keeping cheese. A dancer's fac e would be daubed with flour or soot, and bells would jingle at his chest and neck. The "monkey " danced wit h a lit candle, juggled with fruit, an d playe d a tambourine, his bells jingling all the time . He would try t o mak e passes a t an old woman as if he were in love with her, mimic the affecte d way s of women, the way they tidy their homes, an d s o on . Th e danc e ende d wit h the monkey' s "death" . Th e audience would express their sorrow and collect gifts . All of a sudden, the monkey would jump to its feet, dance again, then snatch the gifts and run away. Judging from the contents o f the dance , the deat h an d rising from th e dead; a love affair; jugglin g with fruit (whic h is supposedly a magic ritual pertaining to the cult of fertility); an d it s accessories (candles , fruit , an d fire, whic h are al l sacred symbols) , one ma y surmise that dancing of this type originally was totemic and then followed the course of the evolution of religion , ceasing to exis t early in the twentiet h century. The pantomim e know n a s "th e camel " i s similar t o tha t describe d above. A camel would also walk around on all fours, "attack" the spec tators, die , an d ris e fro m th e dead , makin g the spectator s griev e an d rejoice. A comparison o f these survival s of totemic dancing, with their images of trees, birds, and animals to some monument s of fine ar t of the Middl e Ages, allow s us to fil l i n some gap s i n the proces s o f the developmen t of this complex phenomenon . Imitativ e dancing of ancient time s gradually gave way to totemic dancing, which began to play a major role in the tote m multiplication ceremony; the n i t became a part of the Christia n ritual of the god who dies to rise again; and eventually it ceased t o exist during the early twentieth century. Yet, despit e al l the change s in the pattern s an d contents of dances, they have preserved thei r original roots. Hence, even today's studies of these dances allow one to penetrate th e essence o f such a complicate d phenomeno n a s totemism.

Kolo na Kolu : Th e Round upon Round in Yugoslavia

OLIVERA MLADENOVI C

There ar e many kinds of dances in Yugoslavia, but it is rare to find one as interesting as the kolo na kolu [round upo n round]. Unusual, attractive, and conditioned by the dancer's strength and skill, its greatest appeal lies in its visual effect, an d no t surprisingly , it is sometimes considered t o b e concerned mor e wit h physica l exercise tha n wit h traditional , popula r creation. However, this dance belongs to a very old tradition, and one not confined solel y to Yugoslavia . We ca n classif y i t with som e well-known ritual dance s o f magica l import, althoug h it ha s lon g sinc e change d it s original socia l function , becomin g i n tur n chivalrous , an d late r simply entertaining, an d eve n humorous . Kolo n a kol u presents itsel f as a vertical extension o f a dance formation. The most straightforward consists of a closely formed circle of men, turning slowly while singing, and carrying an equal number of dancers on their shoulders (sometimes the upper layer of dancers may be reduced by half). The ultimate development is found in the formation of two-storied, even three-storie d circles , whic h may b e combine d wit h a n additiona l outward circle , generally of women. An estimation of the extension of kolo na kolu throughout Yugoslavia, may b e gaine d b y referenc e t o existin g literature. I t wa s dance d unti l recent time s in Herzegovina, Montenegro , an d Sandzak , a locality near Travnik, an d ma y als o b e foun d a s a n isolate d phenomenon , amon g peoples o f different religions , Orthodox, Catholic , an d Muslim , in Bos nia, Serbia , Croatia , Slovenia , an d Macedonia . The oldes t descriptio n o f kolo n a kolu dates fro m 1799 . Nea r Zurich, during th e Napoleoni c Wars , th e Serb s an d Croat s fightin g i n th e Austrian army took advantage of any respite from battl e to vie with each other i n dancing skills as well as in feats of strength. And s o the Croats , numbering abou t sixty , constructe d th e danc e i n th e followin g way:

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twenty men stood on the ground, while a further twenty men went up on their shoulders, encircling one another with their arms, and the remaining twenty men repeate d th e procedure , s o that ther e wer e thre e circle s of men, one abov e th e other . The n holdin g thes e position s the y sang an d slowly turne d (Sumarsk i 1846) . Information fro m th e Russia n scientis t Rovinskii (1897) suggests a somewhat differen t kind of this round danc e being performed in Montenegro. Th e upper circle was half the size of the lower on e (numberin g twent y men) an d th e thir d on e wa s made u p of three to five dancers. I n Herzegovina, kol o na kolu was known as "carrying the tent" and was danced b y the Orthodo x an d the Muslims . In th e north-western region s o f Bosnia, th e Serb s performe d th e sam e dance . The young people underneath san g "This is the way we dance the round , dance th e round " while those abov e replie d "N o no t lik e that, bu t lik e this, dear cousin!" In northern Bosnia, th e kolo na kolu named the Hopa was dance d b y immigrant s from wester n Serbia , an d an y youn g girls present joine d i n the singing . In Serbia , thi s roun d wa s dance d i n tw o far-distan t an d ethnicall y different areas . Th e Wallachian s of eastern Serbi a performe d "th e two storied house" , where the dancers alof t took specia l care not to lose their balance an d tumble down, as this would be met by howls of laughter and ridicule. Th e secon d exampl e come s fro m Sredska , nea r Prizren , i n southern Serbia. Thirty years ago, the day after Easter, people gathere d together nea r the church of St. Nicholas, the women singing and dancing rounds, th e me n performin g feats of strength an d buildin g a "citadel", which consiste d o f a smal l circle o f me n bearin g thre e other s o n thei r shoulders, who in turn supported on e dancer carrying a glass of wine in his hand. While those underneat h turne d slowly, the dancer pronounced hi s "benediction": "This year has not been bad, let next year be better. Lon g live God's people. Go d giv e us mutual understanding and peace." An d then: "Th e perso n wh o casts a spell on someone wil l make it stick like a burr to an egg. The person who casts a spell on the children will never hear a male child crying in his house. He wh o casts a spell on sheep wil l bleat like a sheep. H e wh o casts a spell on th e cattl e wil l bellow lik e a n ox. " Finally h e drink s up, throw s hi s glass i n the air , an d shout s "S o man y drops i n th e glass , s o man y enemies! " (Vlahovi c 1931) . I n Sirini c a forecast i s made, dependin g o n whic h way th e glas s fall s — "head s o r tails" — as to whethe r the forthcomin g year will be fertil e o r not . In the Balkan peninsula, with the exception of Yugoslavia, the kolo na kolu stil l exists in Bulgaria. One o f these form s is of particular interest . Young girls dance around a tree, while those abov e hol d on lightly to its branches (Katzarova-Kukudova 1971). Kolo na Kolu is not known to the Albanians or th e Greeks . There ar e dances found outside the Balkan peninsula that are similar at least in some aspects to the Yugoslavian kolo na kolu. The Georgians call

Kolo na Kolu : Th e Round upon Round i n Yugoslavia 7

5

it orsartula o r zemkrelo; th e Svan s marmikela an d marmuldikela; th e Tushins korbegela, which is still danced in the more complex manner, the men dancing in an outward circle , enclosin g th e wome n within, and th e zemkrelo standin g in the middle . The Ossetian s performe d th e naerton simd, using more than two hundred men, aged between thirt y and fortyfive, an d givin g particular preferenc e t o the stronges t an d mos t skillful . The men below stood in close formation, holding on to one another by the waist, and turning slowly, first to the right and then left. Those above held one anothe r les s tightly . Each dance r stood directly on the shoulder s of the dancer beneath, rathe r than being spread betwee n two, as in most of the Yugoslavian versions. At the end of the song, those abov e called ou t to their partners belo w "Bo w dow n before us" , th e latter replying: "So that yo u can fal l down! " (Tugano v 1957:8-9) . Bardavelidze (1957 ) ha s give n a detaile d descriptio n o f th e Tushi n korbegela. Sh e writes: The Tushins forecast the future i n accordance with the way the procession in two tiers is performed with accompanying songs. If they sing out of tune, get their legs tangled up, or one of the dancers loses his balance, or if the harmony of song and dance i s broken , the n accordin g t o Tushi n belief , thi s herald s a ba d crop , foot-and-mouth disease , illnes s amon g men , whil e th e correc t performanc e ensures fertility, increas e of the cattle , and th e happines s and well-being of th e people (1957:55-56) .

Parallels may also be draw n in regions geographically much closer tha n those i n the Caucasus but not as regards the choreography. A t Easter, in the Ukrainian village of Tiskovce, young people build a "church", in the shape of a stationary kolo na kolu (Moszynski 1934:2). In the Rumanian kalusari ther e i s a simila r form t o th e Sloven e turn. Trace s o f warlike dances remain throughout Central Europe, wher e a dancer bearing a flag is raised up by the crossed sword s of the other dancers (Wolfram 1951). Curt Sach s discovered a n affinit y betwee n th e kol o n a kolu , and th e initiations in which " a perso n ca n be dance d (1938:54) , this and activ e dancing bein g of th e sam e value . For example , i n the Juanefl o trib e i n California, those dancer s taking part in ritual dance acts relating to their rites of passage, from puberty to manhood, form a round on the shoulders of the olde r dancer s whe n they are tire d (accordin g t o othe r examples , one take s the youn g man i n one's arm s or on one's back), the intention being not t o stop th e danc e a s this would break u p the rite. Curt Sachs ' beliefs have been accepted b y Yugoslavia's ethnochoreologists, the Yankovic sisters, and reiterate d throug h their examples from Herzegovina , Montenegro, an d Slavonia. On the other hand , according to popular belief, the Montenegrin kol o na kolu is a relatively recent choreographic innovation, appearing at the time of the battl e wit h th e Turks , and portrayin g important elements of

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chivalry and lov e of liberty, an explanation approve d b y some Yugosla vian scientists . However, as may be gathered fro m al l the types of round dance alread y mentioned i n Yugoslavia an d in reference t o other countries, especiall y those forms found in the Caucasus, i t is possible t o draw different conclusions, stressing rather the ritual-magica l content o f the dances t o ensur e continued fertilit y an d health . The mos t authenti c confirmation for thi s view i s provided b y th e dance r standin g a t th e to p o f th e "citadel " in Sredska who carries a glass of wine in his hand and presses with his stick on the dance r belo w him. The word s of the benediction, her e a s well as in Georgia , refe r t o cattl e breeding , als o o f particula r importanc e a s regards th e livelihoo d o f the majorit y of its inhabitants. Another aspect to b e foun d i n Georgia , bu t no t appearin g i n Yugoslavia, i s the fulfill ment o f everyone' s wishes , meanin g th e prosperit y o f th e rura l area , which depend s o n th e harmon y o f son g an d danc e produce d b y th e participants i n the Tushi n korbegela . This recall s a detail note d amon g th e Wallachian s of eastern Serbia , where th e youn g peopl e accompan y th e totterin g pyrami d wit h thei r derisive laughte r an d crie s unti l i t finall y succumb s and tumble s dow n (this corresponds t o the fina l dialogue betwee n th e lowest circle an d the highest amongs t th e Ossetian s o n th e Caucasu s an d th e Bosnian s i n Yugoslavia). Furthermore, concernin g the kolo na kolu, we can appreci ate without differentiation, the skill and strength of the dancers, as well as their endurance . The absenc e o f magico-ritua l element s i n th e kol o n a kol u amon g the people o f the Dinaric area in Yugoslavia, does not mean they did not exist. Chivalrous elements hav e easily predominated whe n the struggl e for freedom has identified itself with the struggle for existence itself. Thus in fre e Montenegr o th e kol o n a kol u retaine d it s socia l functio n b y developing chivalrou s characteristics , wherea s unde r differen t socio historical conditions in Sredska, fo r example, the kol o n a kolu retaine d for a longer period, th e religio-magical aspects of the dance as related t o fertility. The presence o f other ritual elements, expressing the cult of the dead, o r initiatio n procedures, merel y confir m tha t th e kol o n a kol u belongs to a very old tradition. Moreover, thi s underlines the striking and unquestionable conformity existing betwee n th e Yugoslavia n and Caucasia n roun d dance s a s well as th e similarit y betwee n th e Lezg i couple s dancin g lekuri, an d th e Montenegrin skoke. However , th e questio n stil l remains , i f th e kol o na kol u is a truly Yugoslavian choreological phenomenon originatin g in the South-Sla v an d Balka n peninsula r area , o r whethe r w e shal l fin d traces in Albania and Greece, which would argue the case for an ancient Balkan tradition , implyin g closer tie s wit h th e Caucasus , a s alread y noted b y scientists (Kulisi c 1963) .

Kolo na Kolu : Th e Round upon Round i n Yugoslavia 77

REFERENCES BARDAVELIDZE, VER A V .

1957 Drevneishie religioznye verovaniya i obryadovoe graficheskoe iskusstvo gruzinskih piemen [Earl y religiou s conception s an d ritua l graphic ar t of th e Georgia n peoples] . Tiflis: Akademii a Nau k Gruzinskoi SSR .

KATZAROVA-KUKUDOVA, RAIN A

1971 Hadz i Dambo kul a gradi [Hadzi Dambo is building a tower], Bulgarska Muzika 5:39-45 .

KULISIC, §PIR O

1963 Tragovi arhaicne rodovske organizacije i pitanje balkansko-slovenske simbioze [Trace s of archai c kinshi p organizatio n an d th e questio n of Balkan-Slavic symbiosis] . Belgrade : Izdanj a Etnolosko g drustv a Jugoslavije.

MOSZYNSKI, KAZIMIER Z

1934 Kultura ludowa slowian [Folk culture of the Slavs], volume two: Kultura duchowa [Spiritua l culture]. Krakow: Polska Akademi a Umieje.tnosci .

ROVINSKII, P . A .

1897 Chemogonia [Montenegro], volum e two. Leningrad (St . Petersburg) . SACHS, CUR T 1938 World history of th e dance. Translate d b y Bessie Schönberg . London : George Alle n an d Unwin. SUMARSKI, STANISLA V

1846 Gradj a z a povestnicu serbsku [Materials fo r Serbian history] . Serbskii Letopis' 73:54-57 . Budapes t (Buda) .

TUGANOV, M . S .

1957 Osetinskie narodnye tantsy [Ossetian fol k dances]. Tskhinvali: Gosizdat lugo-Osetii.

VLAHOVIC, MI T AR

1931 Sredack a zupa. Zbornik z a etnografiju i folklorJuzne Srbije i Susednih Oblasti 1 .

WOLFRAM, RICHAR D

1951 Di e Volkstänze in Österreich und verwandte Tänze in Europa. Salzburg.

The Study of Folk Dancing in the Soviet Union: Its State and Tasks

M. IA . ZHORNITSKAI A

The study of folk art — music, dancing, dramatic art, and so on — is one of the principa l concerns o f Sovie t ethnography . However , unti l recentl y dances were not recorded systematically , and the absence o f such recording prevente d ethnographer s fro m describin g th e developmen t o f th e dance. Befor e th e revolution , fol k dancin g was no t th e subjec t o f an y special study , a fact partl y due t o th e difficult y o f recording danc e a s an artistic creation an d a kind of syncretic folk ar t i n which poetry, choreo graphy and music were organically blended. I n order to record i t a person had t o posses s a knowledg e o f philology , choreograph y an d musica l folklore. In addition, there was no unified international system of recording folk dances. Although attempts were made in many countries, including Russia, to create various systems of recording dances, they all were far from bein g perfect,1 so ethnographers an d folklorists, as a rule, recorded texts o f song s an d danc e tune s withou t describin g choreography . Th e earliest choreographic publication s in Russia were of the round dances by Chubinskii (1872-1878); Lysenk o (1875) ; and Gnatiu k (1909) , with a general descriptio n o f the choreograph y involved . The firs t attempt s a t transferring the best fol k dance s on to the stage (Belorussia n dances , fo r instance) wer e als o mad e befor e th e revolution. 2 Studies o f fol k dancin g in Soviet time s wer e facilitated by thei r close connection wit h the practical tasks advanced by the victory of the revolution an d the nee d to recor d th e riches t multinationa l art of folk dancin g 1

Bac k i n 1892 , i n Paris , a boo k o n thi s subjec t b y a n acto r i n th e Russia n emperor' s theaters was published in French (Stepanow 1892). Later it was translated into Russian, and A. Gorsky, a teacher at the Saint Petersburg theatrical art college, compiled a table of signs on th e basi s of thi s system. 2 Thi s wa s bein g don e b y th e founde r o f Belorussia n theater , I . Buinitskii , in 191 0 (Smol'skii 1963:65 ; Churko 1964) .

80 Μ . ΙΑ . ZHORNITSKAIA

and bring it within the reach of the masses. Soviet scholars' first scientific observations of the development of folk dancing date back to the twenties and thirties . Th e Ukrainia n compose r an d choreographer , V . Ver khovinets (1919 ) create d a simpl e an d generall y accepte d metho d o f recording fol k dances , i n a wor k publishe d i n severa l edition s (Ver khovinets 1920 , 1925) . Undoubtedl y hi s syste m was influence d by th e fact tha t round dances had already begun to be recorded in the Ukrain e before th e revolution . Apart fro m that , Verkhovinet s generalize d th e principles of recording and the scheme s of Shukhevich (1902) and lush chinin (1910). In doing this he also used and perfected the experience of Zoder's metho d o f recordin g (1911) , whic h wa s quit e rationa l fo r hi s time, including graphic designation of male and female dancers , descrip tive characteristics of movements, graphic positioning, as well as all the information o n th e histor y and presen t stat e o f th e dance . Verkhovinets not only described the technique of performing many pas of the Ukrainian dance, but also drew attention to their component part s (morphology of movement). Already at that time Soviet ethnographer s and folklorists devoted much attention to perfecting the system of recording dances. I n 192 6 N . Ivanov evolved a sign system for positioning th e performers o n the stage , and K . Sotonin worke d out i n 1928 a notation system fo r recordin g huma n body movements . The recordin g method s use d b y choreographers , whic h wer e elabo rated b y Verkhovinets, were furthe r perfecte d b y the Soviet s Margoli s (1950); Tkachenk o (1954 , 1967) ; an d Humeniu k (1964) . Thes e methods ar e use d fo r describing folk dance s of almost all the people s of the Sovie t Union : Russian , Ukrainian, Belorussian, Armenian , Tartar , Latvian, Lithuanian , Georgian , Yakut , Moldavian , an d s o on . Th e essence o f the descriptive method lies in singling out the melodic pattern and dividing movements (pas) into measures, with a verbal description of the elements of movements. Illustrations are also used: graphic schemes of th e spatia l composition o f the danc e an d photograph s o r sketche s of specific movements and poses, but they just complement the record. This system wa s approved i n 195 0 an d recommende d t o choreographer s a t their conferenc e i n the Krupskay a Ail-Union Fol k Ar t Club . Other system s of recording movements and staging have been evolve d in th e Sovie t Union , too . Th e mos t detaile d syste m o f thi s kin d wa s worked out by Lisitsian (1940), whose "kinetographic" system makes it possible t o recor d an y movement s o f th e huma n body . Thi s i s a ver y detailed method , althoug h complex i n its application, and she used i t to record 1,10 0 Armenia n an d 5 0 Kurdis h dance s an d man y theatrica l performances. More recently , a comparativel y ne w syste m fo r recordin g danc e movements wa s offere d b y th e Latvia n scholar , Sun a (1965) . Sovie t scholars cente r attentio n aroun d th e proble m o f choreographic record-

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ing, whic h ha s repeatedl y bee n discusse d i n worl d literature , an d pu t forward questions of creating a unified internationa l system of recording folk dances . Thi s i s important sinc e musi c experts hav e alread y begu n using th e lates t achievement s o f cybernetic s fo r thei r purposes . Thes e achievements enable them to identify and systematize various aspects of a wide rang e o f melodie s (Goshovski i 1964 , 1968 , 1971 ; Loma x e t al . 1969). The basi c principles of studying folk dancin g in the Sovie t Unio n ar e determined b y a concept o f ethnograph y a s a scienc e dealin g with th e stable ethni c feature s o f peoples ' lif e i n connectio n wit h thei r ethno genesis an d ethni c histor y u p t o th e presen t time , a concep t currentl y prevalent in this country. Such a concept, which takes into account, i n a most comprehensive manner , a consistent historica l approach stemming from the methods of historic materialism, presupposes a n examination of folk dancin g historically , i n it s formatio n an d development . Specifi c features o f ethnographic investigatio n are: th e us e o f al l historical sciences (includin g archaeology , whic h allow s study of th e earlies t sculp tures and paintings) and other branches of the social sciences (musi c and folklore studies , linguistics , paleography, an d so on); a wide application of a method o f direct observations o f modern form s of traditional dancing; and the execution of special fieldwork investigations for the purpose . The stud y o f Russia n roun d dance s bega n durin g th e firs t post revolutionary years. The first attempt to review what had been don e was made b y Vsevolodskii-Gerngros (1933) . From 192 3 t o 193 3 h e organ ized the ethnographic theater attached to the ethnographic department of the Russia n Museum in Leningrad, where old Russian folk dance s were performed (Lutskai a 1968:40). Back in the twenties the first expeditions to stud y fol k dance s i n variou s region s o f Georgi a wer e organized . I n 1923 a group heade d b y Kote Maryanishvil i an d includin g the choreo graphers, G. Barkhudarov and S. Sergeev, went to Khulo, in Georgia, t o study loca l fol k dance s there . I n th e thirtie s a n expeditio n wa s sen t t o lower and upper Svanetia with the choreographer, D . Dzhavrishvili, who filmed eleve n Sva n fol k dance s an d thei r nin e version s (Gvaramadz e 1966). Beginning in 1930, systematic studies began in Armenia, with Lisitsian at firs t conductin g wor k i n Yereva n an d the n organizin g expedition s throughout the republic's entire territor y (Lisitsian 1958) . Gerasimchuk did a grea t dea l o f wor k studyin g fol k dance s i n som e region s o f th e Carpathian Ukraine and published a book in Polish (Gerasimchuk 1939). M. M. Vladykina-Bachinskaia, on the initiativ e of K. V. Kvitka, head of the folk musi c department a t the Moscow Conservatory , bega n t o study slow roun d dance s i n 1940 , th e result s being summed u p in VladykinaBachinskaia (1951) . A broad program of studying and collecting folk dances of the peoples

82 Μ . ΙΑ . ZHORNITSKAIA

of the Sovie t Unio n was launched afte r the Second Worl d War. Expeditions wer e sen t t o man y region s o f th e Russia n Federatio n wit h pre dominantly Russia n population s (Russkie narodnye tantsy 1949 ; Ustinova 1955,1957, Kniazeva 1962); the Baltic republics (Toomi 1953 ; Lingis et al. 1955; Lasman e 1962 ; Sun a 1964); the Central Asian republ ics and Kazakhsta n (Azimov a 1957 ; Abiro v an d Ismailo v 1961) ; an d Moldavia (Oshurk o 1957) . Investigation s wer e stil l goin g o n i n th e Ukraine (Gerasimchu k 1956 ; Humeniu k 1963), 3 an d i n th e Trans caucasus (Gvaramadze 1947,1956 ; Dzhavrishvili 1958; Lisitsia n 1956). A long-ter m projec t wa s launche d t o stud y fol k dance s o f th e peopl e of norther n Siberi a (Zhornitskai a 1964 ; Timashev a 1959a , 1959b) . Folk ar t club s organize d i n 193 6 wer e turne d int o scientifi c an d methodological centers conducting a great deal of work and accumulating various materials on modern choreographic folklore . On the basis of this material a series, "Tantsy narodov CCCP" [Dances of the peoples of the USSR], bega n t o b e publishe d i n Moscow , containin g recording s o f various folk dance s and their costumes and contexts. Fo r the first tim e in our country , material s o n th e fol k dance s o f a majorit y o f th e Sovie t people wer e published . Thes e collection s covere d a vas t amoun t o f material, exceeding that contained i n the international ethnographic and folklore literature . What is important i s that th e material on folk dance s of som e o f the peopl e o f the Sovie t Unio n became a component par t of their general ethnographic description (Khoreohrafichnvi fol'klor 1960 ; Ukrainskie narodnye tantsy 1964) . Modern technica l mean s mak e i t possibl e t o tap e an d videotap e dances. Wit h a vie w t o interpretin g folk dance s an d theatrica l folklor e correctly, scholar s hav e recorde d al l th e detail s o f thei r performance . Many fol k dance s an d theatrica l performance s n o longe r exis t or hav e been forgotten, so scholars had to recreate the m on the spot on the basis of wha t they were show n b y old fol k wh o remembere d them . Fo r thi s purpose questionnaire s were prepared t o hel p fix more exactl y the set ting, place of action, and so forth. In 1959 a bibliographical reference list of literature on the Soviet peoples' folk dances was published (Zosimovskii 1959). Petermann (1967) includes some of the literature published in subsequent years . By th e sixties , comprehensiv e analyse s o f fol k dancin g ha d alread y been compile d i n a numbe r o f unio n an d autonomou s republics . Th e results of these historical and ethnographical studies were summed up at the VI I Internationa l Congres s o f Anthropologica l an d Ethnologica l Sciences in Moscow in August 1964. Ther e was a special section on fol k theater and choreography at the congress (see Gurvich 1964). The Soviet 3

Dat a on Ukrainian folk dances are published from time to time in the Kiev ethnographical magazin e Narodna Tverchist' t a Etnohrafiia.

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scholars' paper s characterize d certai n specifi c feature s o f the dance s of various Sovie t peoples : roun d dance s o f th e Russia n populatio n nea r Moscow, specifi c features of Ukrainian fol k dances, dances of the people in the Carpathian Mountains, folk dances o f the Armenian an d Georgia n peoples, specific features of Latvian folk dances, and traditional dances of the people s of Yakutia . Since that time new monographs o n folk dancing have appeared i n the Soviet Union . Specia l mentio n shoul d b e mad e o f Goleizovskii' s wor k (1964), which is the firs t an d only comprehensive wor k on Russia n fol k dancing. Goleizovski i make s a n origina l analysi s o f the source s o f fol k dances i n close connectio n wit h the life , custom s an d cultura l develop ment of the people. He does not confine himself to analyzing folk dances and games, givin g much information abou t peoples ' rites , customs , an d beliefs, and recreating many pictures of their life, work and leisure. As far as the Ukraine is concerned Humeniu k (1968) completed a large work on its fol k dancing , an d Vasilenk o (1965 , 1971 ) devote d hi s work t o th e vocabulary of the Ukrainian folk scenic dance. He justly remarks that the principle of classifying choreographi c vocabular y i s of great importanc e not only for the developmen t o f lexicology but als o for folk dancin g as a whole. Suna (1967) continued studying folk dances in Latvia. Gravitskas (1967) defended a candidate's dissertatio n o n fol k dance s i n Lithuania. The material s on Belorussia n fol k dancin g were synthesize d i n a candidate's dissertation b y Churko (1964) . Koroleva (1970) , on th e choreo graphic art of Moldavia, traces the developmen t o f folk dancin g from it s sources t o th e formatio n o f the professiona l ar t o f dancing . Avdeeva' s work (1965) is the firs t attemp t to analyze the history of Uzbek dancing. The dance s o f Georgi a wer e analyze d i n a doctora l dissertatio n b y Gvaramadze (1966) . I t shoul d als o b e note d tha t a numbe r o f book s containing recording s o f fol k dance s i n som e republic s were als o pub lished. The y examin e th e basi c movemen t o f fol k dances : man y book s have preface s givin g historical outlines o f dancin g and it s developmen t (Sokolova 1964 ; Adamkov a an d Stariko v 1963 , 1964 ; Chuda k 1966 ; Petrova-Bytova 1964) . Soviet scholar s — ethnographer s an d choreographer s — displa y a n ever-growing interest i n research int o folk dancing . One o f the greates t achievements of this research i s the elaboration o f a historical and ethnic typology o f this aspect o f culture . Although in a number of cases ques tions of classification of folk dancing are examined in a different manner, the mos t widel y accepted principl e i s that base d o n genr e an d theme . According to it, genres are considered a s a historical category generalizing th e origi n an d developmen t o f fol k dancin g of a definit e historical period. Du e accoun t was take n o f th e socia l functio n o f dancin g i n th e people's cultura l life , th e form s o f it s existence , th e specifi c stylisti c features o f the tex t of choreography an d music , as well as the particular

84 Μ . ΙΑ . ZHORNITSKAIA

manner of performing the dances. In this connection, questions regardin g the origi n o f dancing i n huma n labour occup y a n importan t place . On the basis of these criteria Humeniuk (1963) defined Ukrainian folk dances a s round dances , genr e dance s an d topical dances . Thes e genre s have themes an d stylistic peculiarities of their own which became estab lished in folk dancin g during a specific period o f social development. I n their artistic aspect, they differ fro m on e another qualitatively. The sam e principle o f classificatio n i s use d b y Aslanishvil i (1957) , wh o divide d Georgian fol k dances into the same categories, an d by Lingis et al. (1955) for Lithuania n dances, t o mentio n bu t a few. Such an approach t o folk dancin g is based o n examining the genre s i n their artistic, historical , an d ethnographic aspect s (Chistov 1968) . Studying the whol e complex o f cultural phenomena, Lisitsia n emphasizes th e synthesis o f fol k dancin g an d theatrica l performances , whic h stimulate the creation of poetry, music, theater an d dancing as an art. She studies all these forms of folklore as parts of a single whole. The author combines an analysis of historical and artistic aspects (whic h is good, in principle) with a linguistic analysis of a great number of terms related no t only to dances, games or theate r but t o movement i n general. Suc h an analysis not only helps us to understand the principles of Armenian folk dancing, but als o contributes to understandin g the socia l an d cultural basis o f each danc e form, an d thereb y make s i t possibl e t o ti e a danc e t o a certai n socia l structure an d eve n t o dat e i t approximately within th e limit s of a given structure. Du e t o th e applicatio n of her ingeniou s "kinetographic" system Lisitsia n succeede d i n recordin g materia l wit h a grea t degre e o f scientific accuracy . Systemati c description s o f song , danc e an d othe r melodies, an d o f instrumenta l accompaniment an d specifi c features of folk instrumental music (its key, rhythm, and form) are essential features of th e monograph s o n fol k dancin g i n the Sovie t Union . The genesi s o f .recorded dance patterns , melodies , and texts can be traced onl y with the help o f a thoroug h analysi s of thei r choreography . Studie s o f differen t dances mad e i t possibl e t o differentiat e loca l region s o f th e territor y under observation: in the Ukraine, for example, where there are five local regions, th e basi c one s ar e it s central an d easter n parts , a s well a s it s western regions . Th e remainin g loca l region s hav e differen t kind s of dances, supplementing , t o a certain extent , thes e tw o main parts o f the republic. A stud y of folk dance s i n ethnographic region s of Armenia ha s been conducte d o n a broa d scal e (Petrosia n an d Khachatria n 1965 ; Khachatrian 1968 , 1971) . The structure of the various versions of Yakut round dances, which we singled ou t fo r consideration , i s explained b y th e specifi c geographical and historical condition s in which they exist (Zhornitskaia 1966 , 1972) . Some group s of the populatio n le d a n isolate d lif e an d wer e influenced only by their Evenki, Even and Russian neighbors. According to our data

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and th e name s o f th e principa l roun d dances, no t countin g the Yaku t osuokhai, the following comparatively large areas can be defined among the Altai c people s o f Yakuti a an d contiguou s region s (excludin g th e Amur basin) : 1. Southwestern wit h variation s of th e name s yekhorye, dya'urya, an d yekhor, includin g Evenkis , Buryat s (a t leas t i n th e west ) an d th e southeastern group s o f Evens ; 2. Northeastern are a o f the Even : 'edye; 3. Southeastern are a o f the eas t Evenkis : deryode; 4. Northwestern are a o f th e Dolganis : 'eiro (Taimy r an d contiguou s regions o f Yakutia). Thus we have been able to define large areas where round dances existed (among Yakuts, Buryats, Evenkis, Evens, Yukagiris, and Itelmens) an d where there were individual imitative dances (among Chukchis, Koryaks, and Eskimos) . These data deserve the attention of researchers i n order to establish the most important choreographic complexes throughou t the entire country (zones, regions , dialects) . The material accumulated enables scholar s to begin comparative studies of the dances of the Soviet people. This important problem could obviously be dealt with in a special atlas of folk dances in th e Sovie t Union , althoug h th e lis t o f subject s recommende d fo r national atlases by the Internationa l Commission on Atlases an d for the proposed ethnographi c atlas of Europe an d adjacent countries does not mention dance (Bru k and Tokarev 1968) , even though this same pape r mentions maps of dances i n the firs t Swis s ethnographic atlas. However, th e availabl e dat a sho w tha t Russian , Belorussian , an d Ukrainian fol k dance s hav e a commo n origin , an d fol k dance s i n th e Transcaucasus have common stable specific elements. The same is true of folk dance s i n the extrem e northeas t o f Siberia , an d s o on . These aspects of folk dancing can be revealing if due account is taken of the history of production techniques used by the people i n question, their living conditions, socioeconomic and cultural relations with neighboring peoples, an d concomitant geographical factors. All this makes it possible to establish well-founded concepts about the historical type, level, origin, and peculiar structure of a genre repertor y of the dances studied, and its ethnic ties , an d t o us e th e materia l o n fol k dancin g fo r elaboratin g problems of ethnogenesis and ethnic and cultural history. In this way the material on folk dancing reveals its ethnic and cultural content an d it will be possible t o relate t o the area s of distribution of definite complexes of material cultur e an d rites , an d t o ethnolinguisti c and ethnoanthropo logical areas. Th e wid e range of diverse material used fo r studyin g folk dancing raises the question of working out a proper classificatio n of these sources (Sadoko v 1970:38-39) . The proximit y of dancin g device s an d th e peculia r feature s o f th e

86 Μ . ΙΑ . ZHORNITSKAIA

dances of various peoples ca n serve, alon g with other data, a s an important additiona l argumen t i n reviewin g the historica l an d ethnographi c nearness or remoteness o f the cultures compared, a s well as past contacts and ethnic interconnections betwee n peoples . The dance , a theatrical heritage of the Sovie t people , contain s many beautiful example s of culture. A timel y revealin g and recordin g o f this heritage will enable u s to preserv e th e fol k dancin g and theatrical art of these people s an d ascertai n th e contributio n o f eac h peopl e t o worl d culture, as well as ensuring the further development o f folk dancing. The study of the existing dance a s well as the theatrical heritage of the Sovie t peoples, as an original historical source helping to trace specifi c features of th e lif e an d custom s o f thes e peoples , i s a mos t importan t task . Th e need fo r a thoroug h stud y of fol k dancin g calls for greate r attentio n t o methodological questions , fo r th e continuin g absenc e o f unifor m methods o f recordin g an d unifor m terminolog y seriousl y hamper s th e exchange of experienc e i n this field . REFERENCES ABIROV, D. , A . ISMAILO V

1961 Kazakhskie

narodnye tantsy [Kazak h fol k dances] . Alma-Ata .

ADAMKOVA, A . A . , S . E . STARIKO V

1963 Udmurtskie 1964 Chuvashkie

tantsy [Udmur t dances] . Izhevsk. tantsy [Chuvas h dances] . Cheboksary .

ASLANISHVILI, SH .

1957 "Narodnai a tantseval'naia musyka " [Folk danc e music], in Gruzinskaia Muzykal'naia Kul'tura [Georgia n musica l culture], 63ff .

AVDEEVA, A . A .

1965 "Traditsi i i novatorstv o v uzbeksko i khoreografii " [Tradition s an d innovations i n Uzbe k choreography] . Candidate's dissertation, Tash kent. AZIMOVA, A . 1957 Tantseval'noe iskusstvo Tadzhikistana [Danc e ar t o f Tadzhikistan] . Dushanbe (Stalinabad) . BRUK, S . I. , S . A . TOKARE V

1968 Mezhdunarodnai a konferentsiia po etnograficheskomu atlas u Evropy i sopredel'nykh stra n [Internationa l conferenc e o n th e ethnographi c atlas o f Europ e an d it s borderin g countries] . Sovetskaia Etnografiia 5:152 ff .

CHISTOV, K . V .

1968 Fol'klo r i etnografiia [Folklor e an d ethnography] . Sovetskaia Etnografiia 5 : lOff .

CHUBINSKII, P . P .

1872-1878 Trudy etnografichesko-statisticheskoi ekspeditsii v zapadnorusskii krai [Transactions o f the ethnographico-statistical expedition t o western Russia n territory], seven volumes . Leningrad (St . Petersburg) . CHUDAK, G. s . 1966 Kalmytskie tantsy [Kalmy k dances] . Elista.

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CHURKO, IU . M .

1964 "Natsional'ny i bale t n a belorussko i stsene " [Nationa l balle t o n th e Belorussian stage] . Candidate's dissertation , Minsk.

DZHAVRISHVILI, D .

1958 Gruzinskie

narodnye tantsy [Georgia n fol k dances] . Tiflis .

GERASIMCHUK (HARASYMCHUK) , R .

1939 Tance Huculskie [Hutsulia n dance] . Lvov. 1956 "Razviti e narodnog o khoreograficheskog o iskusstv a Prikarpat'ia " [Development o f folk choreographic ar t of the Carpathians], part one : "Issledovanie gutsul'skikh tantsev" [Research o n Gutsul dances]. Candidate's dissertation , Kiev . GNATIUK, V . M . 1909 Material y do ukrains'koi etnolohii [Materials on Ukrainian ethnology]. Vydae letnohrafichna Komisiia Naukovoho Tovarystva im Shevchenka u L'vovi 12 . Lvov. GOLEIZOVSKII, K . Y .

1964 Obrazy russkoi narodnoi khoreografii [Image s o f Russian folk choreography]. Moscow .

GOSHOVSKII, V . L .

1964 Fol'klo r i kibernetit a [Folklore an d cybernetics] . Sovetskaia Musyka 2:74-82. 1968 Ukrainskie pesni Zakarpat'ia [Ukrainia n song s o f Transcarpathia] . Moscow. 1971 " U istoko v narodnoi muzyk i slavian " [A t th e source s o f Slavi c fol k music], in Ocherkipo muzykal'nomuslavianovedeniiu [Studie s of Slavic music]. Moscow .

GRAVITSKAS, V .

1967 "Iskusstv o tantsa" [The ar t o f dancing]. Candidate's dissertation . GURVICH, i. s. 1964 O rabot e seksti i VI I Mezhdunarodnog o Kongress a Antroplogiches kikh; Etnograficheskik h Nauk [On th e wor k o f a sectio n i n th e VI I International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences]. Sovetskaia Etnografiia 6:16 1 ff.

GVARAMADZE, E . L .

1947 K

voprosu o proiskhozhdenii i morfologii gruzinskogo tantsa [On th e question o f th e origi n and morpholog y of Georgia n dance] . Tiflis. 1956 "Osnovny e vopros y gruzinsko i narodno i khoreografii " [Basi c ques tions o f Georgia n fol k choreography] . Candidate' s dissertation , Tiflis. 1966 "Gruzinski i tantseval'nyi fol'klor" [Georgian danc e folklore]. Doctoral dissertation, Tiflis.

HUMENIUK, A . I .

1963 Narodne khoreohrafychne mystetstvo Ukrainy [Folk choreographi c ar t of th e Ukraine] . Kiev : Akademia Nauk. 1964 Zapy s pryntsypy klasyfikatsii narodnykh tantsiv [Notes on the principle of classifyin g fol k dances] . Narodna Tvorchist' t a Etnohrafiia 4 . 1968 "Narodno e khoreografichesko e iskusstv o Ukrainy " [Fol k choreo graphic art o f the Ukraine] . Doctora l dissertation , Kiev .

IUSHCHININ, I .

1910 Hahilky alia shkoly: desiat' narodnykh zabav zi spivamy ν 2- 3 holosy [Easter songs and dances for school: te n folk amusement s with singing for tw o and thre e voices] . Lvov .

88 Μ . ΙΑ . ZHORNITSKAI A

KHACHATRIAN, ZH . N .

1968 Pliaski Dzhavakhka i ikh osobennosti [Dances calle d Dzhavathka and their characteristics] . Serii a Obshchestvennyk h Nauk 3. 1971 "Armianski e norodny e pliask i Dzhavakhk a (Dzhavakheti)" [Arme nian folk dances called Dzhavakhka (Dzhavakheti)]. Doctoral disserta tion. Khoreohrafichnyi fol'klor 1960 Khoreohrafichnyi fol'klor [Choreographi c folklore] , volum e one : Ukraintsi [Th e Ukrainians] . Kiev. KNIAZEVA, Ο. Ν.

1962 Tantsy

Urala [Dance s of th e Urals] . Sverdlovsk.

KOROLEVA, E .

1970 Khoreograficheskoe davia], Kishinev.

LASMANE, M .

1962 Latyshskie

iskusstvo Moldavii [Choreographi c ar t o f Mol -

narodnye tantsy [Latvia n fol k dances] . Riga.

LINGIS, IU. , Z . SLAVIUNAS , V . IAKELAITA S

1955 Litovskie narodnye tantsy [Lithuania n fol k dances] , volum e two . Vilnius. LISITSIAN, s . 1940 Zapisi dvizheniia (kinetografiia) [Recordin g o f movement s ("kineto graphy")]. Mosco w an d Leningrad . 1956 "Starinny e pliask i i teatral'ny e predstavlenii a armianskog o naroda " [Old dance s an d theatrica l performance s o f th e Armenia n people] . Doctoral dissertation , Yerevan . 1958 Starinnye pliaski i teatral'nye predstavleniia armianskogo naroda [Old dance s an d theatrica l performance s of th e Armenia n people] . Yerevan. LOMAX, ALAN , IRMGAR D BARTENIEFF , FORRESTIN E PAULA Y

1969 Choreometrics : a metho d fo r th e stud y of cross-cultura l pattern s i n dance. Research Film 6(6):505-517 . Institu t f r de n Wissenschaft lichen Film . LUTSKΑΙΑ , Ε . 1968 Zhizn' v tantse [Life in the dance] . Moscow . LYSENKO, M . 1875 Molodoshchi: zbirnyk tantsiv ta vesnianok (hry, spivy, vesnian, dytiach, divoch, zhinoch i mishani [Youth : a collectio n o f dance s an d sprin g songs (games and spring songs of children, maidens, women, and mixed groups)]. Kiev. MARGOLIS, Ε . Μ.

1950 O zapisi tantsa [On th e recordin g o f the dance] . Moscow . OSHURKO, L . v . 1957 Narodnye tantsy Moldavii [Fol k dance s o f Moldavia] . Kishinev. PETERMANN, KUR T

1967 Tanzbibliographie: Verzeichnis der in deutsche Sprache ver ffentlichten Schriften und Aufs tze zum Buhnen-, Gesellschafts-, Kinder-, Volksund Turniertanz zowie zur Tanzwissenschaft, Tanzmusik und zum Jazz. Leipzig: Bibliographische s Institut .

PETROSIAN, E . K H . , ZH . N . KHACHATRIA N

1965 Sobrani e proizvedeni i armianskog o tantseval'nog o i teatral'nog o fol'klora [Collection o f works of Armenian dance an d theater folklore] . Sovetskaia Etnografiia 1:155-158 .

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PETROVA-BYTOVA

1964 Chetyre kamchatskikh tantsa [Fou r Kamchatk a dances] . Petropavlovsk-Kamchatski. Russkie narodnye tantsy 1949 Russkie narodnye tantsy [Russia n fol k dance] . Moscow. SADOKOV, R . L . 1970 Muzykal'naia kul'lura Khorezma [Musi c culture of Khiva] . Moscow . SHUKHEVICH, V .

1902 Hutsul'shchyna [Hutsu l country], part three . Lvov. SMOL'SKII, B. s . 1963 Belorusskii musykal'nyi teatr [Belorussia n musi c theater].

SOKOLOVA, L . A .

1964 Mariiskie tantsy [Mar i dances]. Ioshka r Ola . STEPANOW, w. j. 1892 Alphabet de s mouvements du corps humain: essai d'enregistrement des mouvements du corps humain au moyen des signes musicaux. Paris : P. Vigot.

SUNA,H.

1964 Sistematizatsiia khoreograficheskogo materiala: metodicheskaia zapiska po arkhivnomu khraneniiu isistematizatsiifol'klomykh materialov [Systemization of choreographic material: methodological note on archival holdings an d th e systemizatio n o f folklor e materials] . Vilnius. 1965 Novai a sistem a kinetografi i — zapis ' khoreograficheskik h dvizhenii [The new system of "kinetography" — the recordings of choreographic movements]. Izvestiia Akademii N auk Latviiskoi SS R 5:214ff . 1967 Latviesu rotafas u n rotafdejas [Latvia n round songs and round dances]. Riga.

TIMASHEVA, L .

1959a Tantsy narodov severa [Dances of the peoples o f the north]. Magadan. 1959b Tantsy narodov Krasnoiarskogo kraia [Dance s o f th e people s o f th e Krasnoytarsk territory] . Krasnoyarsk.

TKACHENKO, T . S .

1954 Narodnyi tanets [The fol k dance] . Moscow . 1967 Narodnyi tanets [The fol k dance] . Moscow . TOOMI, u. 1953 Estonskie narodnye tantsy [Estonia n fol k dances] . Tallinn. Urainskie narodnye tantsy 1964 Ukrainskie narodnye tantsy [Ukrainia n folk dances] . Narody Evropeiskoi Chast i SSSR 1 . Moscow . υβΉΝΟνΑ , Τ. Α.

1955 Russkie tantsy [Russia n dances] . Moscow . 1957 Berech' krasotu russkogo tantsa [To preserve the beauty of the Russia n dance]. Moscow .

VASILENKO, K .

1965 "Vopros y razvitii a sovremennog o ukrainskog o narodno stsenicheskogo tantsa" [Questions of the developmen t of the contemporary Ukrainia n folk-stage dance]. Candidate's dissertation , Kiev . 1971 Leksyka ukrainskoho narodno-stsenichnoho tantsiu [Lectur e o n th e Ukrainian folk-stag e dance]. Kiev.

VERKHOVINETS, V .

1919 Ukraine'ka khoreohrafiia: teoriia ukrains'koho narodnoho tantsa [Ukrainian choreography: theory of the Ukrainia n folk dance] . Kiev.

90 Μ . ΙΑ . ZHORNITSKAI A

1920 Teoriia ukrains'koho narodnoho tantsa [Theor y of the Ukrainia n folk dance]. Poltava . 1925 Vesnianochka [Sprin g songs]. Kiev. VLADYKINA-BACHINSKAIA, M . M .

1951 Russkie khorovody i narodnye pesni [Russian dance s an d fol k songs] . Moscow.

VSEVOLODSKII-GERNGROS, V . N .

1933 Igry

narodov SSSR [Dance s of Soviet peoples]. Moscow and Leningrad.

ZHORNITSKAIA, M . IA .

1964 Narodny e tantsy evenov i evenkov Yakutskoi ASSR[Folk dances of the Evens an d Evenki s of the Yaku t ASSR]. Sovetskaia Etnografiia 2 . 1966 Narodnye tantsy lakutii [Fol k dance s o f Yakutia]. Moscow . 1972 "Izucheni e tantseval'no i kul'tur y amguemskikh chukchei" [Stud y o f dance cultur e of Amgue n Chukchis] , i n itogl polevykh robot Instituta etnografii ANSSSR z a 1917 go d [Summar y of the wor k of the ethno graphic institute of the Academ y of Sciences of the USS R since 1917], 157-163. Moscow . ZODER, R . 1911 Wi e zeichne t ma n Volkstanze n auf . Zeitschrift de s Vereins f r Volkskunde 1 . ZOSIMOVSKII, v. 1959 Bibliograficheskii spravochnik p o khoreografii [Bibliographi e refer ence guid e on choreography] . Moscow .

PART THREE

Cross-Cultural Studies of the Performing Arts

Continuity and Discontinuity in Song Styles: An Ordinal Cross-Cultural Classification

S. LEE SEATO N an d KARE N AN N WATSO N

SUMMARY An investigatio n int o th e relationshi p o f contemporar y son g style s an d th e American countercultur e (Seato n an d Watso n 1972 ) involved th e nonmetri c replication o f th e cross-cultura l facto r an d groupin g analyse s o f Ala n Lomax' s cantometrics project (Loma x 1968). ' Ordina l multidimensiona l scaling (Young 1968) produce d a circumplex configuration for the thirty-on e cantometric vari ables. Hierarchica l clustering (Johnson 1967 ) of the variable s indicate s tha t the circumplex whic h ha d no t bee n note d b y Loma x doe s conform, however , t o originally hypothesize d models fo r song styles . Followin g normal interpretatio n of circumplex configurations (Guttman 1954) , i t is possible t o extend beyon d th e discrete mode l stage and identify a specifically musicological continuity following the work of Levelt et al. (1966). In this paper a taxonomic world song style map is presented fo r ninet y sampl e cultures , an d interprete d i n accordanc e wit h th e underlying circumplex structure. The cantometrics project involved a cross-cultural study of the folk song s of 23 3 societies. 2 The basi c datum is the percentag e o f songs characterized b y th e presenc e o f a descripto r featur e within eac h culture' s son g sample (Loma x 1968:34-74) . I n all , songs wer e measure d i n terms of thirty-one variables. These ma y be conceptually grouped int o fou r general categories: (1 ) vocal stance, (2) group relationship (singer to accompaniment), (3 ) musical elaboratio n (textua l an d melodic) , an d (4) rhythm. Table 1 display s th e ful l se t o f variable s alon g wit h th e This i s a revise d an d expande d versio n o f a pape r rea d b y Seato n a t th e Thir d Annua l Meeting of the Classificatio n Societ y (Nort h American branch) , Apri l 25, 1972, Chicago. 1 Replicativ e aspect s ar e reporte d i n Watso n an d Seato n (1971) , an d i n Seato n an d Watson (1972) . 2 Raou l Narol l (1970 ) published th e ra w matri x as a n appendi x t o hi s survey o f crosscultural studies. Reviews of the cantometric s enterprise wer e generall y cautiously suppor tive (Drive r 1970 ; Downey 1970) .

94 S

. LE E SEATON , KARE N AN N WATSO N

Table 1 . Cantometri c variables and rotate d configuratio n Point identity Labe A B C D E F G H 1 J K L M N 0 P

Q

R S T

u v

W X Υ

z

1 2 3 4 5

l1

Solo an d explicit Solo, explicit, and moderat e Interlocking voca l group Overlapping vocal grou p Simple alternation Exclusive dominant Polyphony Polyphony fo r female s Tonal cohesivenes s Rhythmic cohesivenes s Wordiness o f tex t Repetition o f text Nonexplicit tex t Free voca l rhythm Vocal counterpoin t One-beat orchestr a rhythm Unison orchestr a rhyth m Accompanying orchestra rhyth m Orchestra counterpoin t Orchestra polyrhyth m Wide melodi c interva l Narrow melodi c interval Embellishment Elaborateness Moderate deliver y Narrow voice s Wide voice s Mean numbe r of instruments Precise enunciatio n Slurred enunciation Nasality

0.318 0.347 -0.357 0.043 0.371 0.321 -0.109 -0.070 0.045 0.128 0.375 -0.744 -0.643 0.159 -0.250 -0.703 -0.731 0.465 0.142 0.180 -0.701 0.226 0.234 0.246 0.427 0.122 -0.026 0.436 0.386 -0.418 -0.218

-0.381 -0.318 0.246 0.463 -0.076 -0.348 0.553 0.556 0.586 0.521 -0.254 0.033 0.242 -0.414 0.307 -0.215 -0.199 -0.098 -0.279 0.458 0.104 -0.457 -0.425 -0.427 0.100 -0.480 0.617 -0.037 -0.338 0.482 -0.524

configuration derive d fro m th e multidimensiona l scaling. 3 Th e corre sponding configuratio n i s presented i n Figur e 1 . The configuration is based on the ordinal scalin g of missing-data correlation coefficients. The two-dimensional solution had a Kruskal's stress of 0.134 ("fai r t o good" ) wit h Torgerson' s inde x a t 0.996 . Th e twodimensional solution ha d a Kruskal's coefficien t of stress o f 0.134, indicating a fair-to-good fi t for the data. Th e moderate lack of fit therefore i s to be attributed t o violations o f the triangular inequality (7.2 3 percent) in the correlatio n matrix , du e t o missing-dat a ill-conditioning . Inspection o f the configuratio n suggest s tha t two distinct set s encom pass all the variables . I n fact, the configuration i s striking in a number of respects. First , th e variable s appea r relativel y tightl y kni t withi n thei r 9

A subsample of 147 cultures was drawn from the original 233 on the basis of identification o f a compatibl e uni t i n th e Ethnographic atlas (Murdoc k 1967) . Thi s helpe d t o minimize missin g data.

Continuity and Discontinuity in Song Styles

95

Dimension I ( χ axis ) vs . Dimension 2 ( y a x i s)

II 1 I -0 90 -1.0 -0. 8 -O.

I

6 -0.

I

II

4 -0.

I

2Ο

0.

2 O.

4 0.

6 0.

8

1.0

Figure 1 . Cantometri c variables: ordinal scaling and clustering

groupings. Second , th e overal l patter n o f the variable s is arclike. Third the arcs , i f continued, would meet an d for m a remarkably symmetrical ellipse. Thes e feature s suggest tha t th e interpretatio n o f the plo t must proceed both at the level of the clusters of variables and at the level of the overall structur e o f the configuration. Lomax (1968:16 ) se t ou t tw o "contrastiv e models " for son g perfor mance: "the highl y individualized and group-dominating" Model A, and "the highl y cohesive , group-involving " Mode l B . Th e characteristic s anticipated t o b e associate d wit h eac h mode l ar e liste d i n Tabl e 2 . Although th e dimensiona l representation clearl y suggests a two-mode l Table 2 . Lomax' s hypothesize d cantometric model s for son g style s Model A

Model Β

Solo Textually complex Metrically comple x Melodically comple x Ornamented Usually nois y voice Precise enunciation

Choral, multileveled, cohesive Repetitious text Metrically simple Melodically simple No ornamentation Usually clea r voice Slurred enunciation

96 S

. LE E SEATON, KARE N AN N WATSO N

interpretation, numerica l clusterin g method s permi t a mor e explici t stepwise procedur e fo r testin g th e hypothesize d models . Figure 2 display s th e dendrogra m derive d fro m diameter-metho d hierarchical clusterin g o f th e correlatio n matrix . A s th e "clusterin g value" i s the maximu m diameter, tha t is, the smallest correlation, of the clusters a t tha t level , a parsimoniou s groupin g o f variable s ma y b e achieved b y taking as a cutoff poin t th e shif t fro m positiv e t o negative valued diameters . A t leve l 2 7 (clusterin g valu e = 0.002) , fiv e distinc t clusters are formed. The boundaries are traced i n Figure 1 by the narro w lines and labeled with Roman numerals. In the next clustering step, V and IV are merged. The clustering continues with the formation of superclusters (level s 2 9 and 30 ) prior to the fina l unio n of all points into a single grouping. Identification o f the membershi p o f the firs t cluste r (I ) indicate s tha t there i s a commo n facto r o f precisio n runnin g throughou t an d tha t virtually al l conceptua l categorie s ar e represented . Ornamentatio n i n style an d constrain t i n expression , tha t is , individualizatio n in perfor mance, ar e th e cor e features . Cluste r I i s joined b y Cluster II , a smal l grouping o f nasality , moderat e delivery , an d orchestr a counterpoin t (specialized constrain t items) , t o for m th e hypothesize d Mode l A . Cluster II I i s a tight grouping of cohesiveness features , with the addi tional featur e of wide voicing. The cohesiv e group-orientednes s of this cluster i s accente d b y th e presenc e o f th e tw o polyphon y variables . C O D l J T G H l P Q U L M 4 E R 2 A F K N V W X Z B 3 S Y 5 01001 2 0 0 2 1 1 2 1 1 3 0 1 2 0 0 1 1 2 2 2 2 0 2 1 23 3 5 4 9 0 0 7 8 7 6 7 1 2 3 0 5 8 8 1 6 1 4 2 3 4 6 2 9 9 51

Figure 2 . Cantometri c variables : hierachica l clustering dendrogram

Continuity an d Discontinuity i n Song Styles 9

7

Cluster IV is a two-member group of vocal coordination features . Nonornamental and open, Cluster V, which joins with IV at the next clustering step, neatl y contrast s wit h th e characteristic s o f Cluste r I . Th e super cluster o f I V an d V merge s wit h th e Cluste r II I cohesivenes s item s t o form Mode l B . Models A an d B are joined a t leve l 3 1 (clustering value = -0.742) , thereby completin g th e aggregatio n process . N o variable s are isolate d from th e major arcs. This indicates a conceptual unit y to the cantometri c selection o f variables . There can be no doubt that the nonmetric configuration and clustering clearly confir m Lomax' s originall y hypothesize d model s fo r fol k son g styles. The clusterin g of the model s int o distinct classes further confirms the empirica l finding s o f intracultura l homogeneit y o f musica l style s (Lomax 1962:431). This point is particularly significant for the interpre tation o f the overal l pattern . THE CIRCUMFLE X Unfortunately Loma x ha s not provide d a musicological rational e fo r his models. Rathe r tha n being "concerned about th e way that musical symbolism works", Lomax designed the cantometric variables to "locate sets of musica l phenomen a cross-culturally " (1962:42) . The descriptio n o f musical behavior is set apart fro m th e theor y of musical performance (cf . Downey 1970) . Models A and B, as descriptors, d o provide contrast set s in the cross-cultural context, however, the musicological groundwork for a theor y o f performanc e remains . On e researc h strateg y woul d b e th e intensive investigation of specific variables and their performance signifi cances. Anothe r — and the one pursue d her e — is to adopt a reductive approach, namely , analyzing the structure in the data, and thereby developing a context fo r separate items. Item selection i s thus subordinated t o explanation o f the configuratio n in toto. The fact that the variables formed cluster arcs indicates that the underlying structure of the data is a circular ordering, or a circumplex (Guttman 1954:324-325). As a circumplex, all of the variables are of the same leve l of complexit y — figurativel y lyin g equidistan t fro m th e origi n o n th e circumference of a circle. The implication, then, of the circular configuration for the cantometri c dat a i s that there is only one underlyin g dimension operative i n the song-styl e space . The tw o models represent a continuity o f musica l styles . The interpretatio n o f th e circumple x a s unidimensional i s tha t th e distances withi n cluster s represen t th e relativ e "musica l utility " o f a style characteristi c wit h respec t t o othe r intracluste r variables . Psychomusicological evidenc e fo r suc h a "musica l utility " functio n i s

98 S

. LE E SEATON, KARE N AN N WATSO N

given i n an articl e by Levelt e t al . (1966), who, using multidimensional scaling o f reporte d perceptua l similarity , derive d a three-dimensiona l configuration fro m judgment s o f musica l intervals . Thei r identificatio n of th e configuratio n wa s i n term s o f "extremity " o r "infrequenc y o f occurrence" (1966:174) . Howeve r a s thei r sampl e wa s monocultural , "musical disutility " migh t easily b e judge d "extreme" . There i s further supportive evidenc e whic h may b e extracte d fro m a reinterpretation o f thei r findings . First, th e author s accep t th e three dimensional solutio n wit h a n average d (fo r simpl e an d comple x ton e intervals) stress o f 0.113 rather tha n th e two-dimensiona l configuration with an averaged stress of 0.179. They do this in spite of findings that the third dimensions ar e uncorrelate d whe n the configurations are matche d (Levert et al. 1966:170).4 This suggests that the two-dimensional solution is to be preferred fo r further analysis. The authors in fact do abandon th e third dimension and proceed to the interpretation of the common dimensions. Here again, they seem t o ru n counter t o their findings. I n fitting a curve t o th e matche d configuratio n th e author s selecte d a parabola : "although a n ellips e wa s foun d t o giv e a bette r mathematica l fit , th e parabola wa s preferre d becaus e w e coul d no t thin k o f a meaningfu l interpretation o f a close d scale " (1966:173) . Se t i n th e contex t o f a cross-cultural study , th e mathematicall y superio r ellips e i s als o th e ethnomusicologically bette r solution . A s culture s ten d t o manifes t homogeneity i n styles , a n operativ e "imperativ e o f selection " i n th e decisions underlyin g musical performances i s not surprising . The ope n parabola, then , is characteristic within a musical tradition (tha t is , Model A or Mode l B) . Considere d cross-culturally , however, th e tw o models ' parabolas ar e oppose d o n thei r principa l axes. Thei r intersectio n pro duces the ellipsoidal circumplex of Figure 1. 5 The discontinuit y between models A an d B is simply the resul t of the infrequenc y of occurrence o f mixed modalities of style due to the intracultural judgments of extremity. The ordina l circumple x i n th e cantometric s dat a provide s a stron g theoretical perspectiv e — a theory of musical utilities — from whic h the original list of thirty-one variables may be refined and extended. The fac t that thi s theor y deal s i n continu a o f style s rathe r tha n simpl e binary oppositions ma y sober som e contemporar y structuralists . Methodologically th e fiel d o f analyti c procedur e betwee n nomina l measure s an d metric measure s o f styl e ha s onl y bee n scratche d b y th e ordina l tech 4

Level t et al . do offe r interpretation s of the specifi c dimensions (1966:174-178). However thei r analyses seem straine d and reflec t a n ethnocentri c bias toward evaluation . 5 Fittin g two polynomials to models A and B yielded an averaged coefficient of determination of 74 percent (A = 66. 5 percen t an d B = 81. 5 percent ) whereas a quadratic solution accounted fo r onl y 45. 2 percen t o f th e varianc e i n th e configuration . Th e patter n of coefficients fo r the tw o polynomials i s quite similar: Y a = -0.53 8 + 0.205Xa + l.82X 2a and Y b = 0.530 - O.Ol5Xb - l.07X' 2b. Th e difference s i n the signs o f the coefficient s reflect th e mirrorin g of th e parabola s across th e origin.

Continuity and Discontinuity in Song Styles

99

niques used here . I n addition t o multidimensional scaling of similarities, rank-ordered preferences ma y be conditionally scaled withou t any intersubjective comparison of utilities (cf. Green and Carmone 1970:ch. 4). In this procedure , individua l stylists or cultura l tradition s ma y b e scale d idiosyncratically solely on th e basi s of their own choices. I n the presen t analyses, comparison s ar e mad e a s if all cultures shar e th e sam e utility function. Althoug h this assumption of shared functionalit y i s supporte d by th e identificatio n of the circumplex , the potentialit y of field dat a o n cantometric preference s i s great fo r bot h replicatio n an d refinement. THE WORL D SON G STYL E MA P The circumplex configuration may be used to interpret a taxonomic world song styl e ma p constructe d b y applying the dimensiona l and clusterin g procedures already discussed to the transposed (variabl e by culture) data matrix. The original cantometric sampl e was again reduced fro m 14 7 to 90 unit s i n th e interest s o f computin g costs an d limitations . The two dimensional stress was 0.185 ("moderate to poor").6 The rotated configuration i s listed in Table 3 , an d plotte d i n Figur e 3 .

Figure 3 . Worl d song style ma p (ordina l scaling an d clustering) 6

Guttman-Lingoe s SSA 1 wa s use d to calculat e an initia l configuratio n whic h wa s then rotated t o varima x simpl e structure.

100 S

. LE E SEATON, KARE N ANN WATSO N

Table 3 . Cantometri c ethni c unit s and rotate d configuratio n Point identity Nam

e

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

American Indian (North and South) Aymara Bora-Witoto Jivaro Campa Camayura Huichol Pima Yaqui Totonac West Apach e Navaho Zuni Hopi Creek Iroquois Yuchi Kiowa Blood Washo Poma (northern ) Poma (eastern ) Haida Puyallup Nootka Caribou Eskim o Carrier Slave

28 29 30

New Guinea Motu Kakoli Abelam Oceania Palau Ulithi

12

Coordinate

-0.0368 -0.0125 0.4173 0.8454 0.0123 -0.3218 0.0388 0.0979 -0.3176 -0.0987 -0.0605 0.2492 0.4067 0.3058 0.1126 0.1734 -0.1396 -0.1016 0.3324 0.0725 0.0738 0.0465 0.5379 0.0474 0.0531 0.2348 0.0077

-0.6116 -0.8667 -1.0506 -0.5914 -0.9680 -0.8619 -0.3921 -0.3856 -0.8197 -0.9249 -0.8977 -0.7176 -0.5473 -0.6331 -0.8723 -0.7146 -0.7533 -0.8875 -0.9244 -1.0378 -1.0372 -1.0867 -0.5905 -1.0646 -1.0069 -0.9677 -0.8614

0.2326 0.4244 0.4298

-0.0720 -0.7379 -0.5849 0.3406 -0.2062 -0.8575 0.1192 0.3424 -0.1922 0.3604 -0.0057 -0.0667 -0.2185 -0.4744 -0.5109 -0.2530 -0.0630 -0.0876 -0.0617 -0.4775

31 32 33 34 35 36 37

Manus Hawaii Mangareva Samoa

0.2443 -0.3367 -0.1074 -0.3377 -0.5291 -0.1251 0.2005

38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

Old high culture Turkmen Japanese village Sherpa Temiar Seman g Pwo Kare n Burma Thailand Malay Iban Tagbanua

-1.0221 -1.0784 -0.7252 -0.5858 -0.7974 -0.8516 -0.8877 -1.1023 -0.7044 -0.7783

Yap

101

Continuity and Discontinuity in Song Styles Table 3.— (continued) Point identity Nam

e

12

Coordinate

48 49 50 51 52

Old high culture Java-Sunia Egyptians Shluh Kurds Kerala

-0.9367 -0.8346 -0.7626 -0.8899 -0.6944

0.2400 0.1030 -0.7497 -0.2610 0.1088

53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79

Africa Malinke Diola-Fogny Mamou Shilluk Nandi Dinka Nuer Bushmen Mbuti Xhosa Sotho Zulu Bemba Luvale Chagga Sakalava (Madagascar ) Tanala (Madagascar ) Luba Put Fon Toma Mende Wolof Hausa (Zazza ) Amhara Galla (Gibe ) Afar

-0.1250 0.5472 0.5271 0.2097 0.5454 0.1663 0.2430 0.6695 0.8344 0.4592 0.5586 0.4245 0.3725 0.6170 0.2928 0.4876 0.4526 0.3685 0.5855 -0.2865 0.6983 0.5333 0.0095 0.1145 -0.7252 0.1099 0.1869

0.0398 0.0645 -0.0423 -0.4461 -0.4576 -0.5836 -0.3977 -0.5591 -0.2248 -0.2529 -0.4284 -0.3135 0.0237 0.0595 -0.3481 -0.1834 -0.0868 0.0669 -0.1990 -0.5171 -0.1156 -0.1023 0.1183 -0.2315 -0.1619 -0.5516 -0.4952

80 81 82 83

Europe Basques Dutch French Canad a Naples

0.1979 0.0542 -0.6378 -0.5127

0.3817 0.3099 -0.4141 0.5072

84 85 86

Arctic Asia Ainu Yukaghir Chukches

0.1581 -0.0228 -0.1415

-0.9216 -0.7302 -0.0156

87 88 89

Tribal India Abor Gond (Mugon ) Gond (Magon )

-0.1757 -0.4111 -0.4088

-0.5633 -0.0326 -0.0292

90

United States Popular circ a 1950

0.1270

0.3978

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. LE E SEATON, KARE N AN N WATSO N

Lomax use d a revise d versio n o f th e Ethnographic atlas (Murdoc k 1967) schem e fo r th e regiona l groupin g o f individua l culture s (Loma x 1968:29-33). The regional boundaries noted in Table 3 are derived fro m that listing . Whil e the distributio n of culture s in the configuratio n does support, in general, the culture-area typology, numerical clustering again sharpens th e classification . Using th e zero-correlatio n cutof f point , th e dendrogram (Figur e 4 ) reveal s a six-cluste r patter n whic h transcend s purely regiona l boundaries . Th e six-cluste r top o f th e dendrogra m i s reproduced i n Figur e 5 i n condense d form . Th e sociocultura l label s applied to each cluster are impressionistic and should be taken as heuristic.7 However, th e stepwise pattern of aggregation i s significant in its own right. First, there is a basic dichotomous spli t which would be anticipated in view of the discontinuit y of the generativ e circumplex configuration in the cantometri c variables . Second , th e nex t orde r o f decompositio n i s balanced a s bot h branche s o f th e dendrogra m seriall y bifurcat e int o tripartite divisions. Cluster I , "High cultures", is formed of the classicism s of Ethiopia and Egypt as well as several advanced Asian cultures. Cluster II, "States" , i s composed o f both Wester n fol k tradition s and indepen dent Asian and Oceanic styles. Together Cluster s I and II form the core of a supercluster of elaborated musica l styles. Cluster III , "Old kingdoms" , which is made up of a mixture of Indian and African groups, joins the firs t two t o complet e a "Civilizations " supercluste r o f elaborate d musica l styles. The corresponding division s of the remaining groups show a large isolate of American Indian and African "tribal" cultures, Cluster IV. The subclusters of IV are identified in Figure 5 as "Warriors", "Pastoralists", and "Hunters". Cluster V is a "High folk" group of Western and Oceani c traditions. Cluster VI's "Villagers" is a broad collection of agriculturalists with a curiousl y larg e numbe r o f shee p herder s (si x ou t o f thirteen) . Clusters V and VI are joined with IV in creating a supercluster which, for lack o f a bette r ter m t o contras t wit h "Civilizations " mus t b e calle d "Primitives". Agai n it should be emphasized that at this stage in research such label s ar e largel y mnemonic . The musicologica l continuitie s underlyin g th e cluste r configuratio n may be identified by intensive examination of the patterns of scores of the cantometric variable s withi n eac h cluster . A profil e analysi s o f eac h cluster consist s o f finding th e variable s which are mos t characteristic of the culture s in the cluster . I n the presen t case , eightee n variable s (eight from Mode l A an d ten fro m B ) receive d a t leas t thre e score s o f eighty percent o r more an d had at least half of all grouped score s of fifty percen t or more for the six clusters. The pattern of responses to these eighteen are displayed in Table 4. Once agai n the basi c A/B discontinuity is present . However, ther e i s overlapping betwee n model s an d clusters , whic h is 7

Hypothese s relatin g social structur e to musica l style are examined i n Lomax (1962).

Continuity and Discontinuity in Song Styles

103

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. LE E SEATON, KARE N AN N WATSO N

Civilizations

Π\ II High cultures

States Ol

Primitives

P d kingdom s

Villagers

a/ b Warriors Pastoralist

s

Hunters

Figure 5 . Condense d dendrogra m for cantometri c clusters

indicative of the circumple x structure. Explicating the precis e patter n of scoring will greatly assist in understanding the dynamics of cross-cultural classification i n music. Clusters I, II and III are united on Model A by common scores on two core variables . Narro w voice s (26 ) an d nasalit y (31 ) for m a share d element o f constraine d voca l stanc e whic h underlie s th e "civilized " supercluster. The set of core variables for Model B and clusters IV, V, and VI includes rhythmic cohesiveness (10) and wide voices (27). The ope n style o f th e "primitive " supercluste r member s i s further underline d by strong showings for the polyphony variables (7, 8) and another cohesiveness factor (9) . Similarly , th e controlle d styl e of "Civilizations " i s indicated by partially shared elements of precise enunciation (29) and textual elaboration (11) . The contras t dimensio n fo r model s A an d B i s voca l stance . Th e features on this basic diagnostic are "narrow" versus "wide" voice. There is no overlap between supercluster s on thi s dimension, and as such it is a perfect predictor of cluster-model scoring. Each individual cluster may be singled ou t b y additiona l consideratio n o f within-blo c contrast s an d idiosyncratic variables . Cluster s I an d V I ma y b e identifie d b y thei r antipathy for B and A variables, respectively. They are archetypes of the two grea t musica l styles . Th e remainin g clusters cros s model-theoreti c boundaries an d presen t heterogeneou s scores . Orchestr a rhyth m differentiates cluster s I I an d V . Th e feature s ar e "accompanying " an d "unison", with the scoring running opposite to the general model pattern . Therefore Cluster s I I an d I V ar e accounte d fo r (predicted ) bu t no t defined b y th e intersectio n o f th e dimension s o f voca l stanc e an d orchestra rhythm . The additional and idiosyncratic variable of "solo and explicit" (1) is needed to complete th e definition of Cluster II. Clusters II and IV are identifie d by a commonality which bridges the discontinuity. They shar e noncontras t cor e variables : nasalit y and rhythmic cohesiveness. They ar e accounte d for , then, b y the intersectio n o f the principa l dimensions of contras t an d commonality , continuit y and discontinuity.

Continuity an d Discontinuity in Song Styles 10

5

Table 4 . Cantometri c scores by cluster region Model A 1 1 5 6 11 18 26 29 31

Solo an d explici t χ Simple alternatio n χ Exclusive dominan t χ Wordiness of tex t χ Accompanying orchestra rhyth m χ Narrow voice s χ Precise enunciatio n χ Nasality χ

Model B 1 Polyphony 8 Polyphony fo r female s 9 Tonal cohesivenes s 10 Rhythmic cohesiveness x 12 Repetition o f text 16 One-beat orchestr a rhyth m 17 Unison orchestr a rhyth m x 21 Wide melodi c interva l 27 Wide voice s 30 Slurred enunciation

I

IH

II

VV

χ χ

x

I

x x

χ χ χ χ

V

x

x

xx xx xx X

X

X

X X X

X

X

x x x

Note: x indicate s at least three scores 80 percent or more and at least half of al l grouped score s 50 percen t or more .

CONCLUSION Song styles have been foun d to reflect a basic data structure of continuity and discontinuity. That suc h a structure may still yield a unifying theor y for cross-cultural research was indicated by the identification of a configuration with known analytical properties. Specifically, the ellipse forme d by the oppositio n o f two parabolas alon g their principa l axes suggeste d the developmen t o f a theory o f musical utilities. The evidence necessar y for testin g th e theor y remain s t o b e collected . However , conditiona l scaling of individua l cultural judgments of style preference s appear s t o be a promising research strategy . In light of the evident circular ordering in the ellipsoid, an assumptio n of a universal utility function wa s made. The resultan t interpretation o f the configuration was that of a unidimensional circumplex. The circumplex with it s pattern o f within-model continuity and between-mode l discon tinuity dictate d th e adoptio n o f th e comparativ e perspectiv e i n ethno musicological interpretation. Further researc h int o the nature of musical symbolism must be consciously comparative i f it is to avoid latent biase s induced by mixing different model s for utilizin g the parameter s o f musical style. The worl d son g styl e ma p produce d a taxonomi c orderin g o f the 9 0

106 S

. LE E SEATON , KARE N AN N WATSO N

sample cultures. The overall display generally corresponded t o the wellknown culture regions of Murdochs Ethnographic atlas (1967), the basic split bein g betwee n "Civilizations " an d "Primitives" , understoo d a s heuristic labels . Th e musicologica l spli t wa s betwee n Lomax' s "indi vidualized" Mode l A an d "group-oriented " Model B . Detaile d profil e analysis of the score s o f separate cluster s across th e significant variables substantiated the circumplex pattern of continuity and discontinuity. The findings of that analysi s may be neatly summarize d paradigmatically (se e Table 5) . The contrast s between model-theoreti c feature s of voice an d orchestra for m a sixfol d classification of son g styl e clusters . Th e par simony o f thi s classification suggests tha t thes e dimension s may b e th e major distinctiv e features i n definin g musical utilities. Futur e researc h probably would benefit by concentrating on these variables for assessing judgements of musica l preferences. Table 5 . Cluster/mode l summary Vocal stanc e Orchestra rhyth m Narro w Wid Accompanying Not marked Unison

I HI II

e V IV VI

REFERENCES DOWNEY, JAME S C .

1970 Revie w of Folk song style an d culture: a staff report on cantometrics, by Alan Lomax . Ethnomusicology 14(l):63-67 .

DRIVER, HAROL D E .

1970 Revie w otFolk song style an d culture: a staff report on cantometrics, by Alan Lomax . Ethnomusicology 14(l):57-62 .

GREEN, PAU L E. , FRAN K J . CARMONE

1970 Multidimensional scaling and related techniques i n marketing analysis. Boston, Massachusetts : Ally n an d Bacon .

GUTTMAN, LOUI S

1954 " A ne w approac h t o facto r analysis : th e Radex, " i n Mathematical thinking i n the social sciences. Edited b y Pau l F . Lazarsfeld. Glencoe , Illinois: Fre e Press .

JOHNSON, STEPHE N C .

1967 Hierarchica l clustering schemes. Psychometrika 32:241-254 .

LEVELT, W . J . M. , J . P . VA N DE GEER , R . PLOM P

1966 Triadi c compariso n o f musica l intervals . British Journal o f Mathematical and Statistical Psychology 19:163-179 .

LOMAX,ALAN

1962 Son g structure an d socia l structure. Ethnology 1:425-451 . 1968 Folk song style and culture: a staff report on cantometrics. Washingto n D.C.: America n Associatio n fo r th e Advancemen t of Science .

Continuity an d Discontinuity i n Song Styles 10 MURDOCK, GEORG E

1967 Ethnographic

7

atlas. Pittsburgh: Universit y of Pittsburg h Press .

NAROLL, RAOU L

1970 Wha t hav e w e learne d fro m cross-cultura l surveys ? American Anthropologist 72:1227-1288 .

SEATON, S . LEE , KARE N ANN WATSO N

1972 Counter-cultur e an d rock : a cantometri c analysi s o f retribalization . Youth an d Society 4(1):3-19 .

WATSON, KARE N ANN , S . LE E SEATO N

1971 "McLuhan , Lomax, cantometric s and rock : a multivariat e test o f th e retribalization hypothesis. " Pape r presente d a t th e seventiet h annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, New York City, November 19 .

YOUNG, FORRES T W .

1968 " A FORTRA N IV program fo r nonmetric multidimensional scaling." L. L . Thurston e Psychometri c Laborator y Repor t 56 , Chape l Hill , North Carolina .

Rice-Planting Music of Chindo (Korea) and the Chügoku Region (Japan)

RURIKO UCHID A

Chindo (Chin Island ) is located i n the Yellow Sea , just off the southwes t of the Korean peninsula . The island is 420 square kilometers in area and has a population o f 110,000. The histor y of the islan d goes back t o th e Kudara perio d i n th e sixt h century, an d sinc e ancien t time s ha s bee n known a s the "islan d o f granary " an d als o th e "islan d o f song". Eight y percent of the inhabitant s are farmers . The islan d i s also famou s for its dogs. Usuall y the peopl e marr y a fellow-islander . In funera l rite s me n carrying the coffi n sin g funeral song s accompanied by drums and gongs , and th e bone-washin g buria l custom ha s been kep t up . There are thre e kinds of religion: Buddhism, Confucianism, and Shamanism. The natives give kj [mutua l aid] for rice planting, weeding, harvesting , money saving, and o n suc h occasions a s weddings and funerals . At the time of rice planting a leader hang s the book [drum] in front of his bod y an d beat s i t to th e rhyth m of work. Th e leade r (sometime s a singer stands beside th e leader) and many rice-planting women, sing folk songs alternately , accompanie d b y a n ensembl e o f change, a specia l Korean drum, book, chin, a gong and kengari, a small gong (see Plat e 1). There is a very similar rice-planting performance in the Chügoku regio n on th e mainlan d of Japa n (se e Plat e 2) . Comparin g th e rice-plantin g music of bot h districts , the proble m o f musical, poetic an d ethnologica l similarities and difference s between the m wil l b e discussed . SIMILARITIES Ethnographic 1. The structur e o f th e performanc e o f ric e plantin g (gathering th e seedling an d transplantin g it) i s very similar.

110 RURIK

O UCH1D A

Plate 1 . Ric e plantin g in Chindo , Kore a

Plate 2 . Ric e plantin g i n th e Chugok u regio n o f Japan

Rice-Planting Music of Chindo (Korea) an d th e Chugoku Region (Japan) 11 1

2. Rice plantin g is carried ou t b y th e cooperativ e wor k group, calle d ture-kj i n Korea , o r yui i n Japan . 3. Afte r ric e planting , suresim, a banque t i s hel d i n Chindo . I n th e Chugoku regio n a similar custom exists. 4. For th e purpos e o f prayin g for a goo d harves t a numbe r o f cere monies ar e hel d i n Chindo, suc h as Ryutosai (Jun e 15) , Hyakchu (Jul y 15), Chusoku (Augus t 15 ) an d Ne w Yea r (Januar y 15) . Chusok u an d New Year are the most important ceremonies, when rice cakes, made of newly harvested rice, are offered to ancestors, an d a dance, kankanswore, is performed. At New Year the forecasting of the next year's rice harvest is carried ou t i n many ways, such as "welcoming th e moon", tug-of-war, and s o on . The y als o danc e nonak, a Korea n farmers ' dance , visi t an d congratulate ever y household . I n th e Chugok u regio n ther e ar e als o harvest ceremonies i n autumn and at New Year. In autumn ears of newly harvested rice ar e offered t o the ancestor s and a t New Year forecasting ceremonies ar e hel d an d youn g men visi t an d congratulat e eac h house hold. 5. After the harves t the old rice contained in the holy pot in Korea, o r fine stra w bales in Japan, is replaced wit h newly harvested rice. The ide a of th e "grai n spirit" , believe d t o b e th e "ancestor' s spirit", i s evident in the ceremony . 6. The time schedules for cultivating rice, and the techniques of agriculture, ar e simila r i n the tw o places . Musical 1. The musi c consist s o f voca l solo , voca l uniso n an d instrumenta l ensemble. 2. The tonal system of rice-planting songs is based o n the fundamental tetrachord. 3. The functio n of musi c in ric e plantin g is to pra y for an abundan t harvest an d t o increas e th e efficienc y o f the work . 4. Rice-planting women plant to the rhythm of the music. The tempo is always set by the leade r drumme r and s o he controls th e efficienc y an d speed o f the work . Sometime s th e temp o become s faster an d faster . 5. The ensemble music of Chindo is a type of the nonak farmers ' music, a primitive style which was cultivated and became the artistic nonak dance. The musica l performanc e o f ric e plantin g i n Chugok u regio n i s calle d dengaku, a primitiv e styl e similarl y cultivate d t o becom e th e artisti c dengaku dance . Bu t afte r th e compositio n bot h style s ar e change d greatly.

112 RURIK

O UCHID A

DIFFERENCES Ethnographic 1. In Chindo the performance of rice planting consists of two elements, work an d music , but i n the Chügok u region a third element, religion , is added. In Japan the plantin g of rice is associated wit h belief in the god of the ricefield , called tano-kami, and ric e plantin g itself is a form o f ritual. 2. In Chindo th e cooperation o f a group continues from th e gathering of th e seedlin g t o th e harvest , bu t i n th e Chügok u regio n th e grou p cooperates only in the gathering of the seedling an d in its transplanting. 3. The mos t importan t ceremony i n ric e cultivatio n in Chindo i s th e kirkonegi. Men and women weed the ricefield to the rhythm of a musical ensemble thre e time s durin g th e summer , an d afte r th e las t weedin g kirkonegi i s held. Th e tenan t leade r wh o ha s th e riches t annua l yield, riding on a decorated cow , parades wit h the other workers. On th e way home, the nonak is danced, and a banquet is held. In the Chügoku region no suc h custom exists , the importan t ceremony bein g the ric e planting itself. 4. In Chindo, at the time of rice planting, a farmer tills a ricefield using one o r tw o decorate d cows , selectin g a singl e furrow , whil e i n th e Chügoku region farmers till using a procession o f many (sometimes thirty to fifty ) decorate d cow s along many furrows. 5. In Chindo, rice-plantin g women wore the traditional white clothes , chima an d chokori, later replacing the chim a by trousers as it is inconvenient for working. In the Chügok u region, women no w dress i n a traditional farming garment, the kimono, and tie their sleeves with a red sash, tasuki. Poetical 1. The topics of the songs sung in Chindo are love, personal history, the transience of human life, the promotion o f loyalty, the encouragement of agriculture, and so on. There is a strong influence of Confucianism in the poems, whic h ar e ofte n improvise d b y farmer s a s the y ar e sung . Th e subjects o f songs sung in the Chügok u region ar e th e sun , flowers, fruit , wine, love , an d s o on . Beside s thes e song s ther e ar e ceremonia l song s for th e go d o f th e ricefield . The y ar e divide d int o th e mornin g song , the da y song, and the evenin g song. Most of these song s are described i n the poeti c textbook , Taue-zöshi, o f the fifteent h century . 2. The syllabic structure of the rice-planting song in Chindo is very free, whereas in the Chügoku region 5-5-6-4-7-7- 4 o r 5-7-5-7- 5 ar e character istic.

Rice-Planting Music o f Chindo (Korea) an d th e Chugoku Region (Japan) 11 3 Musical

STRUCTURE. A characteristi c musica l structure o f a Chind o rice-plantin g song, compose d o f tw o melodies , A bein g quite fas t an d B bein g variable, woul d be : A(solo)-A(unison)-B(solo)-A(unison)-B'(solo) A(unison)-B(solo)-A'(unison)-B(solo)-A(unison), wherea s tha t o f the Chugok u regio n migh t be: A(solo)-B(unison)-A'(solo)-B(unison) C(solo)-D(unison)-C'(solo)-D(unison). I n bot h place s solo s ar e sun g by a leade r an d uniso n parts ar e sun g by the rice-plantin g women. SCALE.

Chindo

Here A, D, and E are important tones, the Α-D combinatio n comprisin g a fundamenta l tetrachord, it s disjunctive motion bein g a characteristi c feature o f th e sout h Korea n fol k song . E an d B ar e flexibl e tones , accompanied by a kind of descending appoggiatura. F is also flexible and B appear s rarely . Chugoku region

Here th e Α- D an d E- A combination s compris e th e fundamenta l tetrachord. RHYTHM AN D TEMPO. Th e rhythmi c pattern i n Korea n musi c i s calle d chantan. Ther e ar e thre e kind s o f chanta n i n rice-plantin g song s i n Chindo, chunmori [andante] , chunjunmori [allegretto] , an d chajinchunjunmori [allegro]. The basic rhythm is twelve time, that is, four times triple time . This for m of song i s influenced b y the Korea n monoopera , pansori, a widespread ar t in the southern par t of Korea. Thus a drummer plays the chantan of book, the leading instrument of Pansoli, as follows: 12 8

p p ·/p

«n n·/ p

right han d

p ·/p · /

left han d

114 RURIK

O UCHID A

In the Ch gok u region there are many rhythmic patterns of the drum, but they ar e al l in duple time . A n exampl e is : 2 4

J J! •7 J . h · » J J! •Ι Γ •ί Ρ Γ ' ' Ρ Γ 1 Ρ

J J

Γ Γ

right hand left han d

The work movements of Chindo are based on triple time and those of the Ch gok u region on duple time, depending upon the basic rhythmic feeling of th e Korea n an d Japanes e people . VOCAL TECHNIQUE . Th e voca l techniqu e i n Chind o i s characterize d b y strong glotta l activity , while in the cas e of th e Japanes e farmer s of th e Ch gok u regio n thi s is slight. INSTRUMENTS. Th e musica l ensembl e i n Chind o consist s o f kengari , chin, chang e an d book . Th e musica l ensemble i n th e C h gok u regio n consists o f tazuisumi o r o-daiko, a large drum ; kodaiko, a small drum ; chappa, a small cymbal; kane, a small gong; and sometimes ashinobue, a kin d o f flute , i s added . CONCLUSION Rice planting in which the leade r an d th e rice-plantin g women sin g folk songs alternatel y t o th e rhyth m of labor , accompanie d b y th e musica l ensemble, a s in Chindo an d th e C h gok u region, ha s bee n widesprea d through easter n an d southeaster n Asi a eve r sinc e transplantin g ceremonies have been held . The functio n o f the music , which is to pray for a good harvest and to increase the efficiency of labor, is the same in all places, but th e musica l features, suc h a s rhythm , tonal systems , heterophony , vocal techniques , interpretation, an d instrument s are ver y different.

Rice-Planting Music ofChindo (Korea) an d th e Chügoku Region (Japan) 11 5

APPENDIX 1 . RICE SONG S Noted. R . Uchid a Chügoku region , Japa n

Rice-Planting Song J = c a 88

Leader Solo

Rice ^ planting o women Unison .

Leader k

Rice · ". planting °

Ke- s

toi

a do

-t am

e - s a do

ol

'

-n

*

Tonal syste m

o - - ri y

as

in

i gi-nn o ka

n zash i o

- to

it

e to - n o n i k o kor o t o

e

an

e

o n o mi - oku - r

a m

^a ha r

Rice planting women Unison

od

ur

a ho i

ta

,

ke s

Leader e

- n o n o mi - k

o

ok

e

y

e

do - r

iy

an

z

a re

y oa

a

ya h a h a r e y a r e y o a

in

ar

a sh i a

-s

-

s

i gi - nn o ka

e to

-s a-k us

us ak

sa - k

u- s

us

io

- non i k o kor o to

a -k

ak

n zash

ak

a-

ak

a-

ak

- r

-

-m- rar

·*· -met a

a

ig a- - h ir

o ut

a

a

- r

i g a · hi -

- n o - ut

a

116 RURIK

O UCHID A

Noted. R . Uchid a "Mossori" Rice-Planting Song "Chunmori" Andante J > =ca 8 8 Chindo" Island , Kore a ^ = A kin d o f specia l descendin g appoggiatura .

Leader Solo

og

Rice planting women Unison

οg

Leader j

i y o h o ho i y

i y o h o ho i y

o g i t o no f k o tz

planting ο

g

Leader san Solo A

g s a sol i nu

J'ea(ler u

Rice planting women Unison

g

a san

oh

n- e

u r e pan g o p s i ma

oh o- l

d i lu l kattag

a san

a

Tt I

L hl \ hκ Ι f f J tJ * ^ » J ' J' l

i y o h o ho i y

l i i n sen g u n han

g

oh oh o

o g i t o nofk o d

i y o h o ho i y

ΛJ J Rice ~ planting Ο women Unison

oh oh o- l

oh oh o-

l

a san

g po n k a mjon t

B' V ° h o ho i yog i h o - y

n simkjotzuk

e

g

te lu l tz a tz a a

t a si e nu n t e

I 1 1> J J Tt f · " > sa l

g

as

o h o l a san g

i ο ch

i lu

o- s

e

l m o ha t a n i

sa l

o- s

e

Rice-Planting Music o f Chindo (Korea) an d th e Chugoku Region (Japan) 11 7

ι _„.. Leader j Solo

Rice planting women Unison

_ 1

, , , , " _ J

'p P PP'rffi ·*'Ρ·^' l nJl J.Pj/3 j nu san g sang

?^

gi y o h o ho i yoh

oh

a kir

n s a pan g n A

o- l

a san

g

e san

g sa l o

* j n >j j. ι lo - s

e

The Status of Women in the Performing Arts of India and Iberia: Cross-Cultural Perspectives from Historical Accounts and Field Reports BONNIE C . WADE an d ANN M . PESCATELLO

We believe that the art s of a culture reflect the values of that culture, not only b y thei r contexts , bu t als o b y who create s them . Ye t th e art s ar e usually neglecte d b y analyst s o f e n vogue issue s i n worl d societies . Through an examination of the status of women in the performing arts of India an d Iberia , we hop e t o offe r a fresh dimensio n for evaluating the general status of women in those societie s and , perhaps, th e potentiality for involvemen t of female performing artists in their nations' "Women' s movements". Thi s pape r represent s onl y an exploratory fora y int o th e subject, servin g as the basi s for a large r study. The focu s in this paper i s on music , dance, an d theater-fil m forms in both their historical and contemporary perspectives. Takin g into consid eration regional variations in practices, an d sometimes i n personnel, w e concentrate on th e positio n o f female performers in relationship to th e overall positio n o f performer s an d th e plac e o f th e performin g arts in Indian an d Iberia n cultures . The tas k i s at onc e eas y an d impossible , partl y because o f th e inter dependent natur e o f th e arts , musi c being performe d independentl y of the othe r arts , bu t danc e rarel y bein g independen t o f music . I n Asia , "there is ... n o exception t o the rule that all classical and semi-classical drama mus t be accompanie d b y music, and a majorit y o f modern play s . . . embrace this aesthetic principle" (Bower s 1960:25). The same is true of Indian theater and dance, which "have been indispensabl e adjuncts of one another" (Bower s 1960:38) . In Iberia, "music . . . inseparably allied to its natural partner the dance, ha s always been th e life breath o f the . . . people" (Chas e 1959:17) . Theater , too , fro m premedieva l Christia n This paper , presented in 1973 , represente d wor k fro m writte n account s an d participant observer wor k i n Indi a and Iberia .

120 BONNI

E C . WADE , AN N M . PESCATELL O

festival drama s to twentieth-centur y cinema, has been allie d with music and danc e a s an indispensabl e par t o f Iberia' s artisti c tradition. Ideally it would be helpful to supply the reader with relatively thorough information o n th e perceptions , roles , an d statu s of India n and Iberia n women throughout the long history of those cultures, but our comment s on thi s importan t subjec t mus t b e brief . Literar y an d lega l evidenc e indicate that from th e en d o f the Vedi c period (50 0 B.C. ) the life-styl e of Indian wome n was increasingl y circumscribed b y class and famil y rela tionships. Especially after the impact of Islamic influence (from th e early thirteenth century), particularly in northern India, the seclusive principle of parda worke d t o depriv e wome n from th e cradl e t o th e grave , of all contacts with males other than their husbands and other members of their immediate families. Since independenc e i n 1947 , a spat e o f legislatio n has guarantee d equa l right s an d opportunitie s t o women . Thes e are , however, theoretica l lega l measure s passe d b y a n urban-base d govern ment; thei r implementatio n is almost wholly dependent upo n a largely illiterate, rural , and tradition-boun d populace . In many ways Indian and Iberian societies exhibit similarities, although they hav e arrived at and justify thos e similarities according t o their own particular rules. Codes of law have not been kind to the Iberian woman : those of Castile, the peninsula's most powerful region, have classified her with children, invalids, and delinquents in terms of rights. But in practice, women fel l o n har d time s a s a resul t o f th e increasingl y uncertain an d turbulent conditions in medieval Iberia, that necessitated ne w systems of social relationship s unde r whic h wome n becam e increasingl y "pro tected", that is, excluded from serious involvement in everyday activities, and increasingl y submissive t o thei r menfolk . Legally , contemporar y Iberian women are still disadvantaged i n such areas a s suffrage, divorce , and inheritance . A woman' s majo r occupatio n i s "being a housewife" , and, consequently , unlik e present-da y India n women , ar e rarel y t o b e found i n business, politics , o r eve n th e professions . I n marital relation ships Iberian wome n conform externall y to the rol e of the virtuou s an d submissive wife, but it has been suggested tha t she accepts the perceptio n of her role as a second-class citize n in exchange for de facto powe r within her hom e an d famil y (Kenn y 1966) . Having presented , al l to o briefly , th e lega l an d traditiona l statu s o f women i n India and Iberia , we shall turn to th e mai n discussion o n th e performing arts and the status of female artists. Music, dance, and drama have bee n integra l t o th e culture s o f th e India n subcontinen t an d th e Iberian peninsula . From ancien t times , music, dance, an d mime all have been intertwined with drama: principles of aesthetics; details of theatrical production; concepts of melody, rhythm, and musical structure; and the rich vocabulary of movements of classical dance styles, have remained t o

The Status of Women i n th e Performing Arts o f India an d Iberia 12

1

present times. What are now the performing arts of India were in ancient times the ritua l arts , an d thei r association wit h worshi p has never bee n lost. Another importan t perspectiv e her e has been a clear separation of the arts, documentable as early as the fift h centur y A.D. in northern India, into two spheres: those of the elite and those of the masses. It is also clear that peopl e a t al l social level s have participate d i n an d enjoye d music, dance, an d theater , from performance s in inner sanctums of temples t o village courtyards , to roya l courts . To the traditional performing arts have been adde d the productions of the world's second larges t film-making nation . Films have continued the centuries-old reliance of Indian theater on music and dance, but they now compete wit h fol k drama , and , a s more an d mor e village s receive elec tricity, eve n threate n it s existence. In th e liv e performin g art s th e pac e o f chang e ha s bee n slow , an d overall a sens e o f traditio n an d continuit y prevails. Toda y tent s an d open-ended outdoo r theater s ar e stil l preferre d t o th e enclose d pros cenium stage s introduce d b y th e Britis h t o a n audienc e tha t enjoy s meandering i n and ou t o f night-long presentations. Musicians , dancers, and actors , performin g within a traditio n i n whic h improvisatio n is a crucial determinant, and time is not of the essence, continue to respond in ways they fin d familia r an d comfortable . Until about the fifteenth o r sixteenth centuries, the basic aesthetic theor y and structure of the performin g arts in Spain and Portuga l were similar. Differences ther e were , bu t the y were betwee n secula r an d sacred , be tween urba n an d rural, between fol k an d classical, and between variou s regions of the peninsula, particularly between thos e of either Moorish o r Christian traditions. The areas of Iberia, particularly southern Spain, that remained unde r Musli m influenc e witnessed changes i n genre s o f per forming arts and in types of performances. Instrumenta l music occupied an important place in those areas of Iberia where Muslims penetrated an d particularly wher e the y remained . O n th e othe r hand , i n the norther n areas o f Iberia , an d especiall y amon g th e rura l populace, th e medieva l troubadour traditio n wa s a powerfu l one . Music, dance , an d theate r appea r t o hav e bee n enjoye d b y various groups amon g th e commo n people . Throughout al l of Iberia the y have been integral to sacred ceremonies (religiou s pilgrimages, feast days, and the like) , a s wel l a s indispensabl e t o officia l activities , festivals , an d secular events of many kinds. Folk music has been closely allied to dance , and togethe r the y have constituted a ric h repertoire for entertainment , particularly i n th e countryside . I n general , fol k musi c an d danc e hav e enjoyed greate r popularit y than folk theater , a t least i n terms of endurance. Regional styles of music, dance, an d theater ar e numerous throughout

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Spain an d Portuga l — the flamenc o o f Andalusia , i n southern Spain , is perhaps th e bes t know n t o foreigners . Urba n counterpart s t o regiona l rural genres includ e the Negr o patte r song s and mulatt o dance s born of the fifteenth-centur y urban theate r repertoir e an d th e seafaring-base d fado songs , which found their greatest audience s in the poorer sections of Portugal's cities . The urban theatrical milieu s have dominated th e urba n folk tradition s and the developmen t o f Iberia's classical performin g arts. These too , hav e reflecte d bot h sacre d an d secula r feature s an d hav e enjoyed preeminence i n the entertainment environment of both elite and commoner. Fro m sacre d observance s an d fro m secula r festival s th e theatrical traditio n develope d int o on e o f th e mos t popula r form s o f entertainment, and tha t ha s no w bee n joine d by cinema. The statu s of performers in any culture is determined b y several factors , among them: who performs (that is, who can do what); the function of the performance, an d th e valu e attache d t o it . The statu s o f performers i n India ha s undergon e considerabl e chang e a s eac h o f thes e factor s ha s been altere d b y circumstances an d b y time . In Indian mythology, males in particular are associated wit h music and dance. A n aspec t o f Lor d Shiv a especiall y popula r i n Tami l countr y (southern India) , where religious dancing was part of the earliest known tradition, i s tha t o f Lor d o f th e Danc e (Nataraj). 1 Th e Gandharvas , heavenly musicians, were al l males; thei r female counterpart s wer e th e Apsarases, beautifu l and libidinous, mistresses of gods and men (Basham 1954:317). In ancient times, well-born India n men an d women wer e encourage d not only to patronize the graphic and performing arts, but also to becom e somewhat proficient in them. Accordingly, the stud y of music and danc e was quite widespread . A t th e sam e time , th e temple s tha t wer e ric h in monies and land employed musician s and dancing girls for ritual services (Brown 1947) and professional theater troupes for festival performances. The art s themselve s wer e highl y respecte d becaus e o f their associatio n with worship , an d consequentl y performer s wer e accorde d respec t fo r their talents . Thi s respec t extende d t o th e hos t o f traine d professiona l musicians, dancers, an d actor s who provided th e bul k of such entertain ment eve n thoug h their positio n i n society wa s no t high . In ancien t times in India there seem s to hav e been n o social proscription on women dancing or performing music, whether they were courte sans or respectabl e women . A Tami l poem 2 describe s thi s scene : 1

Th e mos t famou s sculptures of Nataraj ar e fro m th e Cola period , eleventh century A.D.; they ar e cas t i n bronz e an d no w house d i n th e Victori a an d Alber t Museum , Bombay. 2 Pattuppattu Maduraikkafiji [Th e garlan d o f Madurai] , writte n i n th e thir d o r fourt h century i n hono r o f th e second-centur y Pandya n kin g Nedunjeliyan .

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In the evening the city prostitutes entertain their patrons with dancing and singing to th e soun d o f th e lut e (να/), s o tha t th e street s ar e fille d wit h music . . . . Respectable wome n make evening visits to th e temple s wit h thei r children and friends, carryin g lighted lamp s a s offerings . The y danc e i n th e templ e courts , which ar e clamorou s with thei r singing and chatte r (Basha m 1954:204) .

Thus, there were two kinds of performers and three kinds of status. There were highbor n an d lowborn performer s with their respectiv e socia l stat uses; ther e wa s th e hig h statu s o f th e art s themselve s becaus e o f thei r religious-entertainment function ; and there wa s the (exceptional) statu s accorded t o th e skille d and well-trained amon g the lowborn . These last are, however , t o be distinguished from the casual performers travelin g in circus-type troupes, th e musicians, bards, acrobats, jugglers , dancers, and others who graced the carnival circuit and were outcasts of proper society . The statu s o f performer s i n Iberia ha s no t undergon e th e change s tha t have occurred i n India. There has bee n a stratum i n the lowe r rank s of society specificall y reserved fo r performers, whethe r musicians, dancers , or actors. Iberia , unlik e India, has little documentable materia l concern ing th e performin g art s unti l well into th e "Christian " era. Ther e ar e a number of pre-Christian vase s depicting dancers, bu t th e earliest begin nings o f consisten t documentatio n concern s th e dance s an d song s o f church festivals in the sixth century A.D. An edict from th e Third Council of Toledo (A.D . 589 ) condemne d th e introductio n o f unholy songs an d dances int o religiou s festivals and als o prohibite d th e singin g of funera l songs b y the people , possibl y because the y were associate d wit h a nonChristian cult to the deit y of death (Chas e 1959:19) . Communal singing and dancing also appear i n other record s of this time because th e Church discovered earl y that the people' s fondness for these ar t forms might be used to lure them from paganis m to Christianity. Liturgical drama and its conjunctive associates , danc e an d chant , flourishe d throughou t th e peninsula fro m th e earl y sevent h t o earl y eighth centuries onward. The juglar [jongleur ] wa s th e majo r performe r o f secula r musi c in medieval Iberia . Som e juglare s wer e par t o f travelin g troupes; other s were patronized by nobles or wealthy families. Although they were male, the term came to be applied t o all who earned thei r living through public performance. A s thi s rubri c eventuall y cam e t o includ e th e dreg s o f society who performed for their suppers in one-night stands, as well as the most super b an d famou s artists, a classificatio n system was developed . Juglares wer e instrumentalists ; remedadores wer e pantomimist s an d mimics; troubadours who wondered fro m court t o court were segrieres', those wh o ha d littl e o r n o skil l o r manner s an d wer e strictl y stree t performers, whether in music, acrobatics, magic, or the like, werecazwrros (Chase 1959:34-35) . In Portugal, th e juglares (jograis) wer e furthe r subdivided into three types : strin g players, wind players, and percussion players.

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Also included in this rather elaborate classification system were singers of the beautiful lyrical-poetic cantigas, composed i n Portuguese Galician , the chie f languag e o f th e peninsul a i n th e twelft h century . Becaus e Galicia (i n northwestern Iberia ) wa s the hom e o f Iberia's most famou s shrine, Santiag o d e Compostela , w e hav e record s o f bot h professiona l and la y singers o f pilgrim songs. Anothe r categor y o f performer s consisted o f th e juglares d e cantares de gesta, o r specialist s i n recitin g o r singing the epic poems that were so crucial for maintaining the morale of a Christian peopl e constantl y a t war. It wa s said that : kings and prince s . . . commanded the menestrilles an d juglares to appea r wit h their lutes and viols and othe r instrument s so that they might play and sing the ballads that were composed abou t the famous deeds of knights (Menendez Pidal 1924:376, translated).

Most o r al l of these performer s were me n o r youn g boys. For Iberia , a s for India , a distinction must be drawn between women who performed publicly during religious festivals and those i n the profes sional performing arena. Since early times, women in Spain and Portugal have bee n performer s i n publi c festivals and religiou s autos [moralit y plays], eve n dancin g i n both . Bu t i t i s conjecture d that , i n term s o f professional appearances, women' s participation was circumscribed. For example, female character s in plays were impersonated b y boys in Spain as elsewhere i n Europe, althoug h actresses wer e permitte d o n stag e i n public squares, a t corrales [a Spanis h theatrical form] , an d i n traveling troupes earlie r i n Spain tha n elsewhere i n Europe. 3 By the beginning of the "Middle Ages " in India (about the fourth century A.D.), highbor n women were n o longe r bein g educated i n the art s or in other subjects , a s they ha d bee n previously . In fact , th e onl y educate d women were courtesans, who continued to become skille d musicians and dancers. In southern India the dancing-girl tradition remained associated with the temples, but the social status of its practitioners was low. Particularly in northern India it appears that reverence fo r the arts was no longer sufficiently stron g t o discoun t lowe r socia l status . During th e Middl e Age s (abou t A.D . 32 5 t o 1565 ) th e imag e o f th e apsaras ha d becom e th e imag e o f an y femal e wh o coul d perfor m i n public: her public performance could not be separated from her sexuality. When this applied to village as well as town or court, to theater troupes , and t o individuals , performance o f musi c an d danc e seeme d t o hav e become th e purvie w of low-cast e female s and prostitutes . 3

Th e Englis h theater was unaccustomed to th e appearanc e of actresse s o n stag e i n the mid-seventeenth century and hissed them or pelted them with rotten apples whenever they appeared with French troupes (see Malone 1800:130-131). In Germany, apparently as late as 171 7 n o actresse s wer e allowe d on stag e (Shakespeare Jahrbuch 1885:236) .

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But there were many levels of prostitutes, an d at one level, rather mor e a companion-courtesan tha n a for-hire "hooker", she was likely to be a beautiful, ofte n wealthy , an d culturall y accomplished woman , compar able to the hetaera of ancient Athens o r the geisha of Japan. Particularly during the golde n Gupta n day s (A.D. 32 0 to 540) , thes e traine d courte sans were accomplished musicians, dancers, actresses , and singers, as well as th e chie f purveyor s o f manners , wit , an d wisdom . The y were , i n essence, the cultured companions to highborn and wealthy Indians, their presence demande d b y change s i n India n societ y (a t a tim e an d fo r reasons tha t we cannot document ) tha t were producin g the social seclu sion an d intellectua l isolation o f highbor n India n women . Late r i n th e Middle Ages the position of such companion-courtesans los t its luster and became demeaned . In Iberi a th e generall y lo w estee m i n whic h entertainers wer e hel d i s documented i n some thirteenth-century laws which, in preventing clergy from partakin g in dramas, suggeste d tha t onl y people o f certain classe s could perform . Singers, instrumentalists, dancers, an d actors wh o mad e their living in public squares were declared "infamous " b y King Alfonso X an d without civil right s by the Churc h (Renner t 1909:254) . At leas t until the tur n of the twentiet h century, any actor or actress o f theater o r film i n Spain "who die s in his profession canno t b e buried in soil conse crated b y the Church " (Renner t 1909:255) . The opprobriu m towar d performer s i n Iberia probabl y resulted , from the growin g involvemen t o f th e Churc h i n late r medieva l times , a n involvement encourage d b y th e proselytizin g fervo r o f th e reconques t crusades. Th e popularit y of religiou s festivals , celebrations, an d publi c festivities increased, but "pagan" and secular ideas, "immoral" i n nature, crept in to the extent that plays and public music and dance performances were considered clownish and lewd. Clergy, who had been a major source for actor s in comedies, dramas , and particularly in farces, were no longer allowed to perform. Despite the watchful eye of the Church, dramatic and musical activitie s continued t o flourish , an d w e kno w tha t clerg y con tinued t o perfor m becaus e th e Counci l o f Aranda , i n 1473 , enacte d a decree condemning abuses o f performers in religious feasts and "forbid ding other festivals in which theatrical plays, masks, monsters, shows,. . . derisive speeche s . . . [and ] recitatio n o f lew d verses " wer e a par t (Rennert 1909:253-254) . Most musician s an d dancers , then , performe d i n conjunctio n wit h theatrical performances , bot h secula r an d sacred . Dancer s mor e tha n musicians enjoyed great reputations, carrying on a tradition famous since the day s of Juvenal and Martial , the Roma n writer s who had noted th e renown and importance of dancers and dancing in Iberia. Even as late as the nineteent h century it was ascertained no t onl y that dancin g was the

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most popular of the performing arts in Iberia, but that everyone, from th e king an d royalt y t o th e genera l populace , wa s a performe r o f danc e (Monreal 1878) . In th e Musli m Middl e Easter n traditio n introduce d int o India , th e art s were no t connecte d wit h religiou s worship. There i s still argument as to whether o r no t Mohamme d himsel f condoned singin g and dancing , for they were associate d i n his culture with sex , alcohol, an d entertainment, all reprehensible i n hi s puritanical milieu. Professional musicians were, for th e mos t part , o n th e leve l o f servants , howeve r wel l trained an d skilled the y migh t be . I n Musli m courts o f India , then , th e performin g artists encountered cultura l attitudes that threatened thei r very existence . What emerged wa s a compromise i n the form of an internal hierarchy. Musicians who entered in formal court session s (darbär) were among the most highl y respecte d i n Hindusta n (norther n India) , bu t eve n th e "superstars" amon g the m wer e jus t employee s o f th e court . Amon g darbär musicians , vocalists ha d th e highes t rank , wit h accompanist s o n stringed instruments next, and percussionists below them. Entertaining in the hare m wa s anothe r se t o f musician s and dancers , clearl y o f lesse r status tha n darbä r musicians . In Mogul courts, women were not allowed to perform in any capacity at darbär, an d dancin g girl s entertaine d onl y i n th e harems . Outsid e th e courts i n norther n India , courtesa n dancer s continue d t o perfor m an d eventually gained a reputation a s nautch girls . They maintained a reputation for such unrestrained eroticis m i n their skillful dancing that Muslims eventually relegated nautc h performances t o brothels an d insisted that if their dances wer e performed publicly , they had to be done by young boys (Bowers 1960:48) . Kathak, the primary classical dance styl e of northern India today, is a synthesis of the court dancing tradition and a respectabl e form of the nautch . It i s unusual in that it is danced by men a s well as by women. In southern India musicians were not under such pressure t o convert t o Islam, no r wa s the Hind u reverenc e fo r th e art s challenged. Musician s continued t o regard music as a type of yoga, a path to salvation, and were commonly referre d t o a s saint-singers . Man y highbor n individual s studied th e arts , an d consequentl y th e statu s of performers an d perfor mances remaine d hig h relativ e t o thei r norther n counterparts . Unde r British rule the situation in southern India remained fairly stable, while in the north the status of professional performers and performances reached a nadir . With th e templ e dancin g girl (devadasi) o f southern Indi a resided th e dance traditio n tha t wa s recorde d i n th e Nätya Sästra an d i n templ e sculpture. Also associated with sex, the devadasi tradition was allowed t o continue only because of its direct connection wit h the temple. Finally, in

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the 1920' s that particular caste (jati) 4 wa s abolished by provincial law and the surviving tradition was forced underground . Today tha t dance tradi tion, bharata natyam, in its untainted form, is a classical one, moved to the concert stage . I t i s still primaril y th e purvie w of women , bu t nowadays whoever wishe s to lear n i t ma y d o so . The medieval juggler/troubadour performance tradition remained strong in Iberi a an d wa s enhanced b y th e developmen t o f th e secula r drama , which first appeare d i n the pastora l playlet s of the lat e fifteenth t o early sixteenth centuries. Balladry had enjoyed a n enormous followin g among all classe s o f rura l an d urba n people s i n Iberia , an d th e balladee r wa s joined, fro m th e en d o f th e sixteent h century , b y guitarists , who wer e major performer s fo r th e secula r dramati c forms . The popula r theate r which ha d develope d full y b y the en d o f the sixteent h century, through the effort s o f on e Lop e d e Rueda , provide d fo r th e continuatio n of musicians as accompanists t o dramati c presentations . Apparently it was the general situation throughout most of Europe that women began to appear o n stage in place of young boys in female roles in the late r Middl e Ages . Then , jus t as mysteriously, they began t o disap pear fro m arena s o f publi c theatrical performanc e i n the sixteent h cen tury, except in Spain, an d did not appea r agai n in public performances i n the admission-fe e theater s unti l abou t th e middl e o f th e seventeent h century. The freedom for women to act in Spain in the sixteenth century is documented i n severa l sources , includin g one tha t mentione d tha t a married actress , n o matter ho w famous, could no t mak e a binding legal contract withou t her husban d (Pere z Pasto r 1901:15 ; 1906:153) . Why women could act on the public stage in Spain during the sixteenth century when the y were banne d fro m simila r appearances elsewher e i n Europ e we hav e no t ye t bee n abl e t o determine . In the seventeenth centur y a semipopular, semiclassical form of opera, the zarzuela , create d b y Caldero n d e l a Barca , enhance d th e plac e o f dramatic an d musica l performers . Th e zarzuela , a musica l drama , included both singing and dancing and thus required either that the actors be proficient as singers or dancers, o r that specialists of song or dance b e able t o perfor m th e dramati c role s i n th e play . Th e zarzuel a quickly achieved popularit y and became , i n different forms, the purview of both classical and folk theater. In the folk theater traditio n of zarzuela, players of guitars , mandolins , tambourines , an d castanet s becam e extremel y important; fo r th e mos t par t the y were males . Other sixteenth-centur y changes had relieved, somewhat , th e particu larly low status of musicians within theatrical troupes. Musi c accompanying plays performed i n the publi c squares had been provided "b y one or 4

Jati i s India' s generi c ter m fo r cast e i n th e class-cast e o r varna-jati syste m o f socia l stratification.

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two person s 'wh o san g a n ol d balla d withou t th e accompanimen t o f a guitar' [Cervantes] behin d a woolen blanket , which serve d a s a curtain, and whic h separate d th e dressin g roo m fro m th e stage " (Renner t 1909:62). On e Pedr o Navarr o brough t th e musician s ont o th e publi c stage, an d thereafter, from tha t new position, the y continued to provid e music before an d afte r th e performanc e of a farce, or betwee n act s of a comedia (Renner t 1909:62-63) . After 1640 , th e number of musicians in a theatrical troupe greatl y increased, probably as a result of the popular ity of autos-da-fe, the religious morality plays (Perez Pastor 1901:37,220; Sanchez-Arjona 1898:126 , 203-204) . In addition to this increment in personnel, i n the seventeenth century it was noted tha t women wer e graduall y being introduced o n th e stag e i n the place of boys, although the performances of boys of good appearanc e and rouged , attire d a s women, were hel d b y some t o be even a greate r objection (Rennert 1909:137) . This was obviously in reference to a short period o f time i n the lat e sixteent h centur y when females were banne d from th e stage, as their counterparts elsewhere i n Europe ha d been fo r a much longer time. The growing popularity of theatrical presentations an d the consequent increas e in the number of theaters and players throughout Spain and Portugal in the time of Lope de Vega found "the dances, songs , expensive costumes , an d th e acting , not onl y of women , bu t o f wome n disguised a s men" (Renner t 1909:143) . An index of all Spanish actors and actresses from 156 0 to 1680 show s a substantial percentag e o f wome n i n the profession . Wome n worke d i n two types of dramatic companies: bot h those i n which players worked for a salar y an d thos e i n whic h they worke d fo r shares . Reading s o f th e contracts indicate not only a profusion of women in the companies, but an equality of salary and treatment. I n addition, women served as managers of companies, were in charge of finances, and kept custody of the chests in which wer e deposite d th e earning s o f th e compan y (Pere z Pasto r 1901:145-148). In actuality, by the seventeenth centur y there were at least eight kinds of acting companies, and women performed in five of them. Three types, the leas t importan t i n the performin g classification syste m fo r theater , were itinerant and usually consisted o f performers fro m the lowest classes of society. The bululu, a single performer, was almost invariabl y a male; the naque consisted o f two men who acted an d played the drum; and the gangarilla comprise d thre e o r fou r males , on e of whom playe d th e fool , while th e youngest , usuall y a boy, playe d women' s roles . There were five types of larger troupes. Th&cambaleo usually consisted of fiv e me n an d a woman, whose rol e was to sing and t o be i n charge of distributing th e food . I n general , sh e seem s t o hav e enjoye d preferre d treatment, because on e of the men carried he r on his back and a bed was always hired for her while the men slept in the straw (Rojas Villandrand o

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1603:132-140). The agarnac/uz consisted o f five or six men and a woman, who played th e leadin g lady roles, while a young boy played any secon dary female characters. Thi s troupe gav e privat e performances and was hired for festivals, a s was the boxiganga, comprising two women, a boy, and si x or seve n men . The farandula ha d three wome n and eight t o ten men, while th e larges t type of troupe, know n a s compania, was the on e company that contained a mixed-class group including trained actors and actresses an d "eve n ver y respectabl e women " (Roja s Villandrand o 1603). The seventeent h centur y produced, fo r the firs t tim e in Iberia, stars of the classica l theater . I n Spai n th e mos t famou s actres s wa s Mari a d e Riquelme, considered no t only to have been talente d an d beautiful, bu t also t o hav e le d a n exemplar y life . Anothe r sta r wa s Maria Calderon , who, after her days of glory on the stage and as a favorite of Philip IV and mother of his son, Don Juan of Austria, became a n abbess of a convent in Guadalajara (Hum e 1907:208) . Mos t o f th e actresses , however , wer e from th e lowe r classes an d evidentl y espoused an d live d very turbulent lives, keeping alive reputations of entertainers as immoral and deservedl y outside th e pal e o f proper society. 5 The position of women in Indian theater ca n be traced wit h some degre e of accuracy. At least into Guptan times (about the fifth centur y A.D.) both men an d wome n wer e par t o f professional theate r troupes . Bu t theate r was als o affecte d b y th e increasin g isolatio n o f wome n i n societ y i n general. Abou t th e tent h century A.D . in southern Indi a a movement of fervent religiou s devotion (bhakti) began , which was to have a sweeping impact o n muc h of th e subcontinent . Proselytizin g saints, realizin g the power of theater for their own purposes, organized troupes that excluded women, because t o them their presence was a threat to the creation of the pure, ascetic life which all were urged to live. Troupes such as the Nattuva Mela of Andhra Pradesh , whic h had included women, were reorganize d in th e fifteent h centur y as strictly male organization s i n order "t o pre serve the purity of the form" (Raghavan 1969:33) . With very few exceptions, wome n wer e effectivel y banne d fro m th e theate r stage , whethe r rural or urban, folk or classical. A striking instance of the extensiveness of this ban i s seen i n kathakali, an all-male form of dance-drama. Kathakal i was developed i n Kerala, on the southwestern edges of the subcontinent , in a region that is traditionally matriarchal and in which women have been influential in public affairs and have a reputation for considerable degrees of freedom i n society i n general. Ye t eve n in this area, so deeply ha d th e ban o n wome n penetrate d tha t kathakal i ha d been , an d remains , a n all-male form . 5

A n example of this is cited in competitive performances betwee n a Jacinta Herbias an d an Antoni a Infante, a s note d i n Sanchez-Arjona (1908:304).

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The bannin g o f al l respectabl e wome n fro m an y performin g aren a meant a very low status for any woman who did perform publicly, but such public performance i s to be distinguished from villag e communal dancin g and singing at festivals or on other ritual-holiday occasions. Even in villages, however, publi c dancing of wome n had bee n condone d onl y on specia l occasions—and those have usually been religiously oriented in some way. Among classica l danc e styles , the dance-dram a kathakal i is an excep tion, fo r classical dance — including the fourt h major style, from northeastern India , manipuri — i s a female-associated art , tha t i s to say , th e performing o f classica l danc e i s done largel y b y females ; th e teaching traditionally ha s bee n don e b y males . Thi s i s a n importan t facto r i n determining the statu s of women even i n an art form dominated b y their sex: i n Indian cultur e i t has been th e teachers who hav e been respecte d most, an d the y hav e bee n male ! Temple sculpture s i n souther n Indi a (wher e mos t o f th e pre-Musli m Hindu architectur e an d sculptur e i s stil l intact ) depic t wome n playin g drums and cymbals; the goddess of music, Saraswati, is most often sculpted playing a vlna [a stringed instrument]. In folk music today, women still play percussion instruments , but as a general rule, melody-producing and percussive instrument s are the purview of men. In the sphere of classical music it has not bee n acceptabl e fo r women t o study drumming, and fo r the mos t par t the y leav e performin g on percussiv e an d melodi c instru ments to men . The professiona l dancin g women i n Mogul court s i n Hindustan wer e accompanied b y mal e särangi an d tabl a player s whose ran k was belo w that o f darbä r musicians . Rajput miniature s (the famou s styl e o f cour t paintings of the seventeent h an d eighteenth centurie s i n northern India ) and other painting s show women playing instruments, but th e context i s obviously the harem , an d thi s instance o f female instrumentalists seems to hav e bee n a rar e one . Bharat a natyam , kathakali , manipuri , an d kathak all are accompanie d primaril y by male musicians, as are all forms of fol k theater . When cour t patronag e decline d i n northern Indi a and musicians were on their own professionally, the male-female rol e assignment continued for some time. Sons of musician families became musicians , while daughters marrie d son s o f othe r musicia n families . Wome n wh o ha d bee n dancing girls in the court s an d thei r daughters were practicall y the only female performers , and they were either dancers or singers, as had been the custo m a t court . With the independence movement and the cultural renaissance, beginning in the mid-nineteenth century and continuing until the present, came numerous changes. Musicologists, for the most part Hindus, began soliciting audience s for concert s an d student s for musi c classes i n an effor t t o reacquaint the populace wit h its musical tradition — and with the histori-

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cal traditio n tha t state d tha t th e stud y o f the art s wa s the mar k o f any cultured individua l (se e Wad e 1971) . The resul t ha s been tha t wome n now are numerous on the concert stages o f both norther n an d souther n India, an d the y generall y continu e t o espous e singin g a s th e suitabl e medium fo r thei r performance . Th e leadin g vocalis t o f souther n Indi a today i s a woman, an d i n norther n Indi a ther e ar e severa l famou s an d highly respected female vocalists. A small but growing number of women now play melodic instruments ; amon g them, Shara n Rani , th e sarodist , being th e mos t prominent . Tw o traditiona l pattern s remain , however : women still do not drum, and, for the most part, men remain the teacher s in th e performin g arts . With th e influenc e of court patronage , particularl y afte r th e tur n of th e eighteenth, century, changes als o came t o the performin g arena i n Spain and Portugal. These nations began subscribin g eagerly to western Euro pean standard s i n the classica l performing arts. The importan t performing arena was shifted from royal chapels to royal courts; kings and princes sent their singers and dancers to Italy for training and recruited Italian s to Portugal an d Spai n t o trai n nativ e performers . Increasingly , classica l performers grew in reputation and came to occupy an enviable position in certain socia l circles . Whil e the cour t elite s patronize d classica l perfor mers, in the public theaters burlesqu e an d ballet retained a great appea l for th e masses , an d th e performer s o f thes e ar t form s enjoye d a grea t public following. There wa s no segregatio n o f performers accordin g t o sex, and equal number s of females and males became famou s as singers, dancers, an d actors in the performing arena. But as in India, the purview of instrumental music remained male, although there were female as well as mal e teacher s o f song, dance , an d acting . It should be remembered that although female performers in Iberia did not underg o th e lon g banishment s an d oblivio n o f their India n sisters , they di d succum b to occasiona l period s o f disfavor , a s during the brie f period in the sixteenth century. It has been shown that the female enjoyed an active and prominent place in the musical life of medieval Iberia. As a juglaresca oijuglara sh e "sang, played, and danced for the entertainment of kings and nobles", while at other levels of society sh e was a feature d performer a t events enjoyed b y the genera l populac e (Chas e 1959:33) . These women , carryin g thei r involvemen t int o th e post-Renaissanc e period, retained a fame for singing; indeed, this was their major activity as the centurie s passed. And , a s in both th e India n tradition an d i n othe r aspects o f th e Iberia n performin g musi c tradition , the y frequentl y accompanied themselves on castanets and tambourines (Chase 1959:34 ) — percussive , not melodi c instruments. By the eighteenth century, female performers i n Iberia ha d expanded the scope of their public performances. With the writings of Ramon de la

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Cruz, whose lif e spanne d th e latter tw o thirds of the eighteenth century , there was a resurgence of popularity for the "lyric theater" and its female stars. The first great actress-singer star of this performing art form was Maria Antonio Fernandez . Sh e an d anothe r femal e star , Mari a de l Rosari o Fernandez (L a Tirana) , wer e th e dominan t performer s an d star s o f th e dramatic and musica l stage. Although ther e wa s a lull in theater an d musi c in general durin g the nineteenth century , in today's Iberia femal e performers have eased into star position s an d joine d musica l an d dramati c troupe s i n substantia l numbers, especially in Spain. One of the best and most prestigious theater companies toda y i s operated b y th e multitalente d An a Mariscal , wh o writes, directs, produces, an d stars in her repertory productions . An d one of the very finest music and dance troupes in Spain is the Teatro Zarzuela, an organizatio n begun b y tw o Spanis h balle t stars , Mari a de l So l an d Mario L a Vega , fo r th e purpos e o f presentin g anthologie s o f regiona l Spanish music and dance. Female singers, dancers, and actresses seem to be in abundance and seem to suffer no more stigma and no less fame than their profession allows for male performers. The Mariscal and Teatro Zarzuela experiences d o not seem to be isolated event s in Iberia, a t least i n Spain. The Secon d Worl d War and the ensuin g external an d internal politica l rearrangements an d realliance s create d considerabl e chang e i n bot h India and Iberia . Sinc e independence an d the artisti c renaissance, highborn Hindu s are agai n studyin g the performin g arts, eithe r t o becom e professionals o r fo r thei r ow n enjoyment. Many Muslim musicians and professional performer s conside r thei r ar t form s a type of worship, and through that reintroduction route bot h th e art s and the status of performers ar e bein g raise d t o th e leve l o f respec t du e the m i n traditiona l thought. Fo r India n an d Iberia n wome n especially , thre e medi a hav e become noticeabl e avenue s t o socia l mobilit y and als o provid e profes sions in which women enjoy economic an d social parity with men: film in India, flamenco in Spain , an d fad o i n Portugal . Although toda y i n Indi a ther e ar e thre e primar y theatrica l form s — folk, urban professional, and film — the position of women in the cinema industry provide s a n example o f social chang e an d th e influenc e that a successful "new" cultura l form can exert on more traditional ones. When India's first great film maker , Dadasaheb Phalke , was looking for female performers, h e was thwarted becaus e "n o decen t India n woman would think of acting in a film" and "he could not ask a decent woman to do so" (Barnouw an d Krishnaswam y 1963:13). Severa l prostitute s who m h e asked to perform refused also, so Phalke had to turn to what was customary — handsome and slim young males to play heroines. He was eventually able to persuade a Maharashtrian woman to play the lead female role in his second film . In 191 9 h e had his own daughter play Krishna (a male role!), an d i n th e 1920' s h e ha d severa l wome n i n hi s fil m company ,

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although th e socia l stigm a stil l remained (Barnou w an d Krishnaswamy 1963:20). In the 1920' s respectable wome n an d prostitute s bot h agree d t o per form fo r the cameras, and some even became stars. In particular, AngloIndian girls , wh o tende d t o fil l profession s considere d borderlin e o r nonrespectable b y high-clas s Hind u an d Musli m Indians , bega n a n involvement in films that gave them an honored position in society, while helping to give "respectability" to the rol e of female performers. In the early 1930's, however, a beautiful daughter of a respected Bengal i family, Devika Rani, who had been educated mos t of her life in Europe, and her actor-director husban d returne d t o Indi a wit h thei r ow n films . Devik a Rani became a star and with another Brahmin star, Durga Khote, made more respectabl e th e rol e o f wome n i n India n films . Th e increasin g respectability o f musi c an d danc e performer s an d th e pressur e fro m India's Cinematograp h Committe e fro m th e 1920' s onwar d furthe r helped t o enhanc e th e reputatio n o f fil m actresses . Music and danc e hav e been extremel y important elements of Indian films. An analysi s in 1959 showe d that there were 7.7 songs per film ; 7 0 percent wer e sun g b y th e hero , 2 3 percen t b y a heroin e wh o di d no t dance. I n 7 0 percen t o f th e film s th e heroin e san g an d dance d (Bos e 1959). Once it had become acceptabl e fo r girls to act in films, categories were devised t o suppl y them : "ordinary " girls , who migh t appear i n crow d scenes, an d "decent" and "superdecent" girls, accepted fo r high-society roles an d court scenes . Thes e girls were pai d wages depending on their categories; thos e wh o could als o danc e wer e pai d mor e (Barnou w and Krishnaswamy 1963:163) . Many wome n are no w star s i n films i n regional languages, and a few have becom e "superstars " b y virtu e o f thei r fam e i n Hindi-language films. Until recently, in fact, the shif t t o "superstar" fame b y a regionalto-Hindi film rout e was more common for females than for males. Many of thes e star s ar e excellen t singer s and dancers : a good exampl e i s the beautiful artist Padmini, who excels in both acting and dancing (Barnouw and Krishnaswam y 1963:262). The successes and relative respectability of women in films has affected a fe w fol k theate r forms . I n nautanki o f norther n India , for example , women's roles hav e traditionally been playe d by young boys. After the 1959 Suppressio n of the Immora l Traffic Act , numerous prostitutes and nautch dancer s followe d th e exampl e o f fil m actresse s an d joine d nautanki troupes. In Kanpur there was even a company solely of female performers (Gargi 1962:84). However, in folk theater most female roles are stil l played by me n an d youn g boys. Professional urban theater troupes, which are a relatively unimportant dramatic form in India today, have also felt some influence fro m fil m an d

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have permitte d wome n t o appea r o n stage . The y hav e bee n mostl y courtesans an d singing-dancin g girls , however , an d fe w hav e rise n t o stardom (Garg i 1962:153 , 161) . In Iberia to this day opera singers , ballet dancers , an d theater actor s are patronized b y th e elit e uppe r an d middl e classes , whil e th e commo n people floc k t o fol k festivals , rura l and urban . As i n India , exceptional status is accorded thos e who manage to become "superstars", and although it is still difficult fo r performers to enter the ranks of la creme de la creme of society, these performing media are avenues for upward social movement. As fil m ha s been a n extremely important medium for socia l advancement fo r India n femal e performin g artists , s o flamenc o an d fad o hav e been fo r their Iberian counterparts. Th e famous actress "L a Caramba" , an Andalusian , appear s t o hav e bee n on e o f th e earlies t star s o f th e singing style we know as flamenco, which was a major vehicle for female singers lon g befor e i t achieve d internationa l fam e i n th e eighteent h century. Both flamenc o an d bullfightin g "stem basicall y fro m th e com mon people " and "ar e th e tw o most probabl e way s that th e commone r can brea k ou t o f hi s social an d economi c level " (Pohre n 1972:30) . Flamenco i s an ar t for m tha t i s also a philosophy ; i n it s audible an d visible sense it consists of song, dance, acting, and the music of the guitar. Cante [song ] is deemed b y Spanish aficionado s the mos t importan t ele ment, "the preferre d mode of expression" — as opposed t o the dance and the guitar (Pohren 1972:48) . Although most flamenco singers are male , regardless of the style of cante or its region of origin, there does not see m to be a stigma against female singers. The criteria for performing appea r to b e artisti c rather tha n social . Guitar i s played onl y b y men : "Wit h a fe w notabl e exceptions , th e guitarist is the leas t paid , an d th e leas t acclaime d o f flamenc o interpret ers" (Pohre n 1972:71) . H e mus t b e intimatel y familiar wit h cante an d dance, a s well as with hi s own art . The subtl e ar t o f flamenc o danc e i s espoused by many female perfor mers. Dancin g i s the aspec t o f flamenc o bes t know n to the non-Spanis h public, the aspect most dramatic and seemingly easy to appreciate. Nearl y alltablao del flamenco [commercial flamenco clubs] feature dancers, bu t unfortunately the quality of dancing is said to be greatly influenced by the tastes o f nonaficionados . Bot h me n an d wome n danc e flamenco , wit h traditional difference s definin g thei r respectiv e styles : mal e dancer s emphasize footwork, which symbolizes strength and virility, while female dancers emphasize movements of the shoulders, arms , hands, and fingers. The femal e dancer' s motion s expres s femininit y an d passion , an d se x appeal i s suppose d t o b e a motivatin g force , thoug h sh e mus t neve r display i t i n a n obviou s come-hithe r manner . Fado, the urban song styl e of Portugal bes t known to non-Portuguese ,

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is commonly associate d wit h femal e entertainers , accompanie d b y male instrumentalists o n viola, a plucke d stringe d instrumen t wit h meta l strings, an d guitar , for tha t i s the for m i n which it is presented i n many nightclubs in Lisbon. In fact, however, dramatic Lisbon-style fad o is sung by bot h me n an d women , whil e the mor e lyrica l Coimbra-styl e fad o i s rendered mos t ofte n b y men . Fado developed i n the port sections of Portugal's cities, sung in bars by women wh o hav e bee n depicte d wearin g full , multicolore d skirt s an d white blouses wit h colorful shawls draped gracefull y ove r th e shoulders . That they were not the most ladylike and highborn of women is suggested by the stances i n which they are pictured (fo r example, standin g with one leg proppe d u p o n a chair) . Traditiona l Lisbo n fadistas toda y drap e themselves i n blac k — blac k shoes , blac k dresses , blac k shawl s — an d their intense dramati c airs leave the expression o f sensuality more t o the texts of their songs tha n t o thei r physica l appearances. Contraste d wit h this are thei r nightclu b counterparts, wearin g slinky, low-cut dresses of any color, with the barest suggestio n o f a black shawl (a long fringe) worn so as to concea l nothing . Male performers o f Lisbon fad o appear to perform i n casual dress, bu t Coimbrafadistos wea r traditional long black capes, as do their accompan ists, who stand, rathe r than sit , to play. In both style s of fado, the song is central, th e tex t o f th e son g th e reaso n fo r th e form . SUMMARY Women i n the performing arts of any culture are certainly one of the mos t visible group s o f females. A t thi s point i n our study , we mus t conclud e that in Iberia and India their status is linked first to the status of women in general in those cultures , an d second to the status of the particular art in which they perform. Fo r example, when India n women were secluded t o the poin t tha t onl y prostitute s wer e leadin g publi c lives , then th e onl y women who performed i n public were prostitute s — or were considere d so even i f they wer e not . Centurie s later , whe n th e movemen t fo r inde pendence enliste d th e activ e suppor t o f women, drawin g them int o th e public aren a again , th e effec t wa s fel t i n the performin g arts . Once a woma n doe s participat e "o n stage" , he r statu s i n societ y becomes involved with the position o f the art she is performing. In Iberia , for example , sh e would hav e a higher statu s a s a ballet dance r or opera singer tha n sh e woul d hav e a s a membe r o f a n itineran t dram a troup e catering for small towns. In other words, the status of the art in her particular society would accrue, in part, to the artiste. I n India, this is more difficult t o define not only because o f the complexity of definitions of social status bu t also th e statu s o f genres an d performer s withi n the classica l traditions .

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Within the sphere o f a particular art, the roles o f women appear t o be traditionally defined. In flamenco, for instance, both women and men are acknowledged to be fine singers and dancers. But in both Iberia an d India it ha s no t bee n customar y fo r wome n t o specializ e i n sol o o r eve n accompanying melody instruments. This difference in roles ma y or may not b e linke d t o a differenc e i n status . As t o th e possibl e involvemen t o f femal e performer s i n women' s movements in India and Iberia, at this point in our research w e can draw only tentativ e conclusions. Wome n entertainer s ar e par t o f a particula r socioeconomic statu s group. Man y performers i n Iberia an d Indi a are of low status , an d low-statu s group s i n general hav e littl e powe r t o effec t changes i n the statu s qu o i n such traditionalist , elite-oriente d societies . Furthermore, although the women on stage i n India and Iberia migh t be more visible and more audibl e than are other women of their status, they tend t o b e apolitical , mor e devote d t o thei r ar t tha n t o sociopolitica l movements. I n thi s the y d o no t see m unlik e thei r mal e colleagues . Another facto r t o b e considere d i s the artist' s fea r o f los s o f audienc e should she become involve d in "causes". It would seem tha t there i s more likelihood o f involvemen t among th e lesser-know n performer s an d th e novices. In Spain, for instance, women are beginning to join the ranks of bullfighters, an d man y hav e th e expres s purpos e o f changin g the law s regarding women in bullfighting and in society in general. Whether or not this activism will extend t o female entertainers, an d especially to "superstars", remain s t o be seen.

REFERENCES BARNOUW, ERIK , SUBRAHMANYA M KRISHNASWAM Y

1963 Indian

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1954 Th e wonder that wa s India. Ne w York : Grove .

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1959 Analysi s of all films review d in New Statesmen, 1959 . Ne w Statesmen, India.

BOWERS, FAUBIO N

1960 Theatre i n th e East: a survey o f Asian dance an d drama. Ne w York : Grove.

BROWN, PERC Y

1947 Indian architecture: Buddhist an d Hindu periods, secon d edition . Bom bay: D . V . Taraporevala an d Sons .

CHASE, GILBER T

1959 Th e music o f Spain, secon d edition . Ne w York : Dover . (Originall y published 1941. )

GARGI, BALWAN T

1962 Theatre

in India. Ne w York: Theatr e Ar t Books .

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HUME, MARTI N A . S .

1907 Th e court of Philip IV : Spain i n decadence. London : Eveleig h Nash.

KENNY, MICHAE L

1966 A Spanish tapestry: town and country in Castile. New York: Harper and Row.

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account o f th e English stage. London: Basil .

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1878 "Lo s baile s de antano," in Cuadros viejos. Collected b y Julio Monreal. Madrid.

PEREZ PASTOR , CRISTOBAL

1901 Nuevos datos acerca del histrionismo espanol en los siglos XVI y XVII. Madrid. 1906 Bulletin hispanique. Paris .

POHREN, D . E .

1972 Th e art of flamenco , thir d edition. Seville: Society of Spanish Studies.

RAGHAVAN,V.

1969 Th e classica l an d fol k i n India n music . Music Academy Journal 39 . Madras.

RENNERT, HUG O ALBERT

1909 The Spanish stage in the time o f Lope d e Vega. Ne w York : Hispani c Society o f America .

ROJAS VILLANDRANDO , AGUSTIN D E

1603 E l viage entretenido. Madrid : Francisco de Robles. (Reproduced 190 1 as Viaje entretenido. Coleccion d e Libro s Picarescos , Madrid. )

SANCHEZ-ARJONA, JOS E

1898 Noticia s referentes ä lo s anale s de l treat o e n Sevill a desd e Lop e d e Rueda hast a fine s de l siglo XVII . Seville . Shakespeare Jahrbuch 1885 Shakespeare Jahrbuch volum e 21 . Weimar. WADE, BONNI E C .

1971 "Music , a n India n synthesizer : a n artisti c response t o th e searc h fo r identity." Papers presented at the Twenty-Eighth International Congress of Orientalists. Canberra, Australia .

PART FOU R

Case Studies in Music and Folklore from Asia and Eastern Europe

The Functions of Folk Songs in Vietnam

CONG-HUYEN-TON-NU NHA-TRAN G

Music and poetry ar e close to the hearts of the Vietnamese, of whose lives they ar e a n intimat e part , for throug h them thes e basically sentimenta l people find the most comfortingly appropriate outlet s fo r their emotions . The us e of musi c has traditionall y been, an d stil l is, an unquestionabl y necessary part of a ceremony, a celebration, or a festival. The Vietnames e love to compose o r copy favorite poems to give or to recite to one anothe r as presents on special occasions. Proverb s and proverbial sayings exhibiting most of the stylistic devices of poetry ar e widely quoted, and even the cursing that low-class people exchange among themselves when enrage d is poetry i n prose, ful l o f rhyme s and rhythm. There exist s an intimate relationship between thes e tw o forms of art . Vietnamese i s a singin g languag e o f fiv e tones . Poetry , compose d o f monosyllabic words arrange d i n differen t tona l an d rhythmi c patterns, reads both melodiousl y an d rhythmically , thereby possessing tw o of the basic elements o f music. A tendency of poems t o be sun g follows naturally, particularly among the Vietnamese common people, who, unlike the elite, cannot transmit their poetry throug h writing and printing — nor do they hav e th e leisur e o r educatio n fo r studiou s compositio n an d recita tion. Lines of verse spontaneously composed, o r having orally circulated for generations , ar e transmitte d throug h son g b y th e commo n people . Almost alway s they are used as song texts which they sing to the variou s existing fol k melodies . Fol k songs , th e resul t o f thi s customar y an d natural combinin g of poetr y withou t writing and musi c without instrument, were an d are cherished mos t by the Vietnames e populac e i n their oral tradition . Wit h thes e tw o properties , fol k song s ar e primaril y designed fo r entertainment. Mos t Vietnames e struggl e continuousl y for subsistence agains t intens e heat , storm , flood , and drought. The singing of fol k songs , th e onl y for m o f entertainment tha t seem s t o matc h th e

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majority's patter n o f income and leisure , help s to ease the pai n of work and to releas e them from th e pressure o f everyday activities: a functio n apparently universal and by no means peculiar to Vietnamese folk songs . The discussio n in this paper i s more concerned with the functions of fol k songs which are significant in the context of the culture and society of the Vietnamese populace , amon g who m the y transmi t informatio n o f al l kinds, and promote th e consciousness of group identity and group unity. A brief introductory note on melody and text, the two components of folk songs, wil l hel p to clarif y th e point s t o b e discussed . To date , mor e tha n three doze n melodie s o f Vietnames e fol k song s have bee n recorded . Thousand s of song texts , in verse, hav e als o bee n collected. The same melody can be attached to various folk songs, and the same son g tex t i s not alway s sung t o th e sam e melody . However, th e geographical an d occupationa l distributio n of the fol k melodie s i s more limited than that of the texts. Generally a melody matches the rhythm of some special physical activity. It follows that the melody of sampan girls' songs i s different fro m thos e o f rice pounders . Moreover , due t o differ ences i n temperamen t an d i n th e pitc h range s o f th e dialects , fol k melodies of the same occupational group differ fro m north to south. One may be reasonably sure of the birthplace of a folk song by its melody. On the othe r hand , mos t son g text s ar e distribute d widel y throughout th e country: some transmitted unchanged, others with some slight variations. This i s particularly the cas e wit h lyrical text s devote d t o expressin g a mood o r a feeling, like those of lov e songs , which make u p th e larges t portion o f Vietnamese fol k songs . The transmitte d texts are adapte d t o different melodies in different parts of the country, resulting in numerous traditional variants. The greater mobilit y of song texts seems due to the fact tha t bot h thei r for m an d conten t ar e highl y acceptabl e t o ever y Vietnamese, n o matte r wha t par t o f th e countr y h e come s from , what dialect h e speaks , o r wha t occupatio n h e has . Th e lyric s ar e i n th e language h e understands , i n the rhymin g patterns wit h which he i s well acquainted, an d ar e easil y adaptabl e t o th e melodie s o f his community. What th e text s contain facilitate s further their transmissio n an d accep tance. A commo n Vietnames e ca n associat e th e familia r feature s o f landscape mentione d in folk songs — from a winding river to a tiny path, from a rice field t o a bamboo grov e — with those of his beloved village . Moreover, he can also recogniz e typica l Vietnames e sentiment s shape d by the particular sociocultural traditions that he shares and appreciates . Keeping i n min d th e eas e wit h which the text s ar e transmitte d an d maintained through constant use , we will now return to the functions of folk songs . Throughou t generation s o f feudal rule an d foreig n domination, onl y a tin y minorit y o f th e populatio n ha s ha d th e privileg e o f obtaining a n education . Th e vas t majorit y o f th e people , compose d mainly of peasants, hav e remained illiterate (Thuan-Phong, n.d., 71-72).

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For education, o r th e sharin g of knowledg e an d experiences , the y hav e had to depend o n word of mouth, for which folk song s can best serv e th e purpose, fo r informatio n stated i n rhym e an d pu t t o musi c i s easy t o memorize an d transmit. In Vietnam , where agricultur e is the economi c base , informatio n o n agricultural technology and relate d anima l husbandry is most vital . Folk songs pla y th e rol e o f a n agricultura l almanac, transmittin g important information throug h generation s o f Vietnames e peasant s wh o canno t read and write. A few examples will suffice. W e find a folk song that spells out th e preparatio n fo r a winter crop whic h is reaped i n the tent h month of th e luna r year : Thäng gien g l a thän g a n choi , Thäng ha i trön g däu , tron g khoai , tröng ca. Thäng b a th i da u d a gi ä Ta d i t a hä i v e nh ä pho i kho . Thäng t u d i ta u tra u bö De! ta sä p sü ä lä m mü a thän g näm. Söm ngä y dem lu a r a ngäm , Bao gi o mo c mä m t a s e vo t ra . Ganh d i t a nei n ruön g ta , Den kh i le n m a th i t a nh ö ve . Lay tie n müo n k e cä y thue , Cäy xon g ro i mo i tr d v e nghi ' ngoi. Co lu a do n d a sac h roi , Nüoc ruon g vo i muo i co n d o mo t hai. Ruong thä p don g mp t gä u dai , Ruong ca o th i phä i don g ha i gäu song . Cho ch o lu a c o don g don g Bäy gi o t a s e tr ä con g ch o ngüoi . Bao gi o ch o de n thän g muoi, Ta de m lie m hä i r a ngoä i ruon g ta . Lua gä t t a de m v e nhä , Phoi kh o qua t sac h ä y l ä xon g cong . The firs t mont h i s for festivals, We gro w beans , swee t potatoes , eggplant s i n the secon d month . Beans ar e rip e i n the thir d mont h We gathe r an d dr y the m i n our yards . In th e fourt h mont h we purchas e buffaloe s an d oxe n To ge t read y fo r th e cultivatio n of th e winte r crop i n the fift h month . Rice grain s are the n soake d i n water, To becom e ric e seed s when sprout s appear . In ou r ric e fields , we so w ric e seed s Which ar e pulle d u p whe n grown int o seedlings . We hir e people t o transplan t them. Time fo r res t come s a t th e completio n o f ric e transplanting. When gras s i s removed an d seedling s are i n orde r The wate r leve l i n the field s goe s down a grea t deal . We us e a bucket wit h lon g ropes to suppl y water to a ric e fiel d o n lo w ground ,

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U NHA-TRAN G

And tw o bucket s with lon g handles are neede d t o bai l water int o a ric e field o n high ground . With th e appearanc e o f youn g rice grains We ca n pa y th e hire d hands . When th e tent h mont h finall y comes , With sickle s we rea p th e harves t in our ric e fields . The ric e w e gathe r i s brought hom e Dried an d winnowed , and th e wor k i s done.

Only a general outlin e of the work is presented here. There are many folk songs tha t specif y in detail th e method s o f plowing , harrowing , sowing , and ric e transplanting . O n plowin g an d harrowing , th e peasant s remember: Rang bü a tä m cä i co n thü a Lüoi cä y tä m tä c d a vü a luön g to . Muon ch o lu a nä y bon g t o Cäy sau , bü a ky , phä n ch o tha t nhieu . While a harro w wit h eigh t teet h i s still large-toothe d A plowshar e o f eigh t decimeter s i n lengt h i s just righ t for bi g furrows . For th e ric e plant s to bea r ampl e grains We mus t plo w deeply , harro w carefull y an d us e sufficien t fertilizer .

The experienc e wit h weather tell s the m whe n seedling s ar e read y t o b e transplanted: Ma chie m b a thän g khöng giä Ma mü a thän g ruo i ä t l ä khon g non . While seedlings for the summe r crop ar e no t ol d when they are thre e month s of age, Seedlings for the winter crop are certainly not young when they are one and a half months old .

Seeds for a summer cro p are sowe d i n the col d season . In cold weather , seedlings grow slowly and therefore ar e only ready afte r three months. In the meantime, seeds for a winter crop sowed in summer gro w quicker int o seedlings, an d therefore ar e ready to be transplanted afte r forty-five days. It is important t o know the timing, for premature seedling s o r overgrow n seedlings canno t promis e a goo d crop . Advic e fo r ric e transplantin g i s also offere d i n fol k songs : Lua mü a th i ca y cho sa u Lua chie m cä y can nhä y ma u m ä ve .

Seedlings fo r winte r crops must b e plante d deepl y int o th e soil ; But, as we can transplant seedling s fo r summer crops shallower , we can finish ou r work faster .

The Functions o f Folk Songs i n Vietnam 14

5

Fertilizer fo r ric e plant s i s also recommended : Viec ca y lu a pha i ca n bo n dät , Cäc chät ma u to t nhä t l ä phän . In ric e planting , it i s necessary t o fertiliz e th e soil , And manur e i s the bes t fertilizer.

Folk songs also provide hint s to judge the future harvest . Rain is the mos t significant indication . Of summe r crops , a n experienc e i s thus related : Lua chie m dun g nä p dä u bo , He ngh e tien g sä m mo ' c o m ä len . Rice plant s i n summe r tha t stan d hidin g at th e edge s of ricefields Happily shoo t u p a t th e sound s o f thunder .

It is believed tha t rice seedlings transplante d i n the cold season to grow in the following warm season need rai n with thunder and lightnin g to be at their best. Similarly , a ba d winte r crop i s bound t o resul t fro m rai n no t coming a t th e prescribe d time : Mong chi n thän g chin khon g mua , Me co n ba n c ä cä y bu a m ä an . If i t does no t rai n o n th e nint h day o f th e nint h month Mother and children can be sure that they have to sel l their plow and harro w for subsistence.

When th e peasant s hav e t o par t wit h thes e essentia l tools , i t ca n onl y mean tha t th e cro p i s a complet e failure . Animal husbandr y i s a n importan t par t o f th e rura l economy . Th e Vietnamese peasant s nee d buffaloes and oxe n t o till their fields. Though buffaloes ar e stronge r tha n oxen , i n dr y region s wher e wate r i s no t sufficient fo r buffaloes , oxen ar e use d i n plowing and harrowing . Thus , these animal s are most essentia l i n rice cultivation. When choosing the m they ca n tur n t o fol k song s fo r guidance : Trau na m sa u tuo i co n nhanh , Bo na m sa u tuo i d a tran h cö i giä. Buffaloes o f fiv e o r si x years o f ag e ar e stil l fas t While five - o r six-year-ol d oxe n ar e abou t t o reac h ol d age .

The appearanc e o f a buffal o is also suggeste d a s a determinin g factor : Xa sun g ma t la i nh o con , Vung dan , cha m chap , a i co n nuö i chi . Buffalo wit h horns fa r apar t an d eye s ver y smal l Are to o clums y an d slo w t o b e wort h keeping .

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U NHA-TRAN G

Raising chicken s i s a n additiona l sourc e o f income , i f care i s taken t o choose th e righ t kin d o f chicken : Nuoi g ä phä i cho n giön g gä Gä r i b e gion g nhun g m ä de " mau. Nhät t o l ä gion g ga nä u Long t o thi t be o v e sa u nhieu . One shoul d choose chicken s of good bree d t o raise . Spotted chickens , though small , lay eggs easil y and often . Chickens of brow n colo r ar e bigges t Thick-breasted an d fleshy , the y are pron e t o b e productive .

The circulatio n o f fol k song s o n agricultur e an d anima l husbandr y ha s been limite d to the rural communitie s of Vietnam, which as late a s 194 5 still embrace d mor e tha n ninet y percen t o f th e tota l populatio n o f th e country (Nguye n Kha c Kham 1967:79) . In the perio d of postwar recon struction, whil e industrial employment wil l undoubtedl y b e developed , agriculture wil l remai n a n importan t par t o f th e Vietnames e economy , undertaken b y a large sector of the population. Much physical destruction brought abou t b y th e wa r wil l hav e t o b e repaire d befor e an y menta l handicap like illiteracy of the majorit y can obtain seriou s attention . An d until illiteracy is eradicated, i t seems quite conceivable that folk songs will remain a n effectiv e wa y o f communicatin g an d recordin g information . But, even wit h a future hig h literacy rate, th e fol k son g ma y continue t o play a rol e i n communication , fo r informatio n i s more interestin g an d easier t o memoriz e whe n pu t i n the for m o f th e traditiona l folk son g s o familiar t o th e Vietnames e peasant , regardles s o f whether i t is transmitted through singing in the open ric e fields or through modern medi a like radio o r television . Also relate d t o th e lac k o f literac y is the functio n of th e fol k son g i n courting. Unable to write love letters or love poems, young peasants, bot h men an d women , us e fol k song s t o infor m each othe r o f their feelings . This they do while carrying on their daily activities, or during some annual festivals whe n the y ar e presente d wit h a n opportunit y t o la y bare thei r hearts throug h singing . Witness a young man's subtl e approac h throug h one o f the mos t popula r lov e songs : Horn qu a ta t nuo c da u din h De' quen chie c a o Ire n cän h ho a sen . Em duo c th i ch o an h xi n Hay l ä em de ' lä m ti n tron g nhä . Äo an h su t ch f duong tä , Vo an h chu a co , m e gi ä chua khäu. Äo an h sü t chi' d a la u Mai muo n c o ä y vä o khä u cho cüng. Khäu ro i an h s e tr ä cön g

The Functions o f Folk Songs i n Vietnam 14

7

It nü ä la y chong an h s 6 giu p cho . Giup em mo t thun g xoi vo , Mot co n beo , mot v o ruo u tarn . Giup em do i chie u e m nä m Döi cha n e m dap , doi tar n e m deo . Giup em qua n tar n tie n che o Quan nä m tie n cuo i la i de o buon g cau . Yesterday whil e bailin g out wate r nea r th e villag e templ e I hun g m y tuni c on a lotu s branc h the n late r forgo t t o pic k i t up . If yo u hav e foun d it , dea r youn g girl, please giv e i t back t o m e Or, yo u ma y wan t to kee p i t as a token . The stitche s ar e loosene d o n th e sea m o f m y tunic I hav e no wif e t o fi x it, and m y old mothe r ha s no t bee n abl e to . The stitche s have been broke n fo r a lon g time I as k yo u th e favo r of sewin g i t fo r m e som e time . 1 will repa y you fo r you r sewing By helpin g you whe n you ge t married . I wil l hel p you wit h a baske t o f steame d glutinou s rice, A fa t pig , a jar o f condense d ric e wine. I wil l hel p you wit h a pai r of sleepin g mat s t o slee p o n A pai r of blanket s to cove r yoursel f an d a pai r of earrings to wear. I wil l hel p you wit h on e coi n eight y fo r th e engagemen t fee pai d to th e villag e One coi n fift y fo r th e marriag e fee an d a bunc h of arec a nuts .

Whether o r no t hi s tuni c i s actuall y missin g i s no t important . Wha t matters i s that it serves a s a very delicate opening for his proposal t o th e girl h e loves . Th e firs t intimatio n o f specia l affectio n o n hi s par t i s indicated by the way he addresses her . H e call s her em an d himsel f anh. Literally, e m i s translated a s younge r siste r an d an h a s elde r brother . However, i n the contex t o f a man-woma n relationship , thi s is a pai r of endearing terms used b y two people i n love. The natur e of his interest in the young girl is spelled out when he suggests that she keeps the tunic as a token of his affection. His declaration of love is followed by a statement o f his marital status, which informs the girl of his availability. The las t part of his approach i s presented i n terms o f a fai r give-and-tak e arrangement , very suggestive ofthat between a n intimate couple: the woman takes care of th e man , an d h e provide s he r wit h materia l comfort . Th e proposa l cannot be more beautifull y and more subtl y stated, because all the things he lists as repayment fo r he r sewin g his tunic are exactl y the traditional items tha t a bridegroo m i s expected t o provid e fo r th e wedding . The transmissio n o f practica l informatio n essentia l t o agricultura l livelihood an d performanc e o f courtshi p amon g th e illiterat e ar e tw o important role s o f communicatio n playe d b y fol k song s i n Vietnames e society. A thir d rol e i s th e transmissio n o f geographica l an d cultura l attributes o f Vietna m an d th e Vietnamese . Throug h fol k songs , th e people are informe d of other part s o f their country, o f a hero in another village or tow n wh o fought for their independence , of the sam e custom s

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G -HUYEN -TON -NU NHA-TRAN G

or ethi c prevailin g from nort h t o south . Bu t mor e tha n jus t bein g informed, th e peopl e are imbue d with a sense of pride. This leads to th e second majo r function of folk song s which we will now explore: their role in inculcatin g a consciousnes s o f nationa l identity and nationa l unit y i n the mind s of th e Vietnames e populace . The Vietnamese have an intense love for their country. Their country is the lan d tha t nourishe s them , tha t i s marke d wit h th e grave s o f thei r ancestors an d inhabite d by peopl e wh o spea k th e sam e languag e an d share the sam e history , customs and tradition s with them. It is a country they hav e frequently protecte d agains t invasion by outsiders. I n fact , i t has bee n a n inviolabl e la w tha t th e lan d o f Vietna m belong s t o th e Vietnamese. This concep t i s cherished i n fol k songs : Nuoc no n l a nuoc no n tro i Ai chi a duoc nüoc , a i do i duo c non. Our water s an d mountain s are heaven' s water s an d mountains; No on e ca n divid e water , n o on e ca n remov e mountains.

The ter m nuoc no n (wate r mountain) in the firs t line , which name s th e two mos t distinguishin g physica l feature s makin g up th e Vietnames e landscape, is used to refer to "country". Heaven is omnipotent. By saying that the Vietnamese land is heaven's property, the folk son g accords to it an inviolabl e nature. Th e secon d lin e present s thi s natur e i n a mor e concrete light . A s muc h a s on e canno t cu t u p wate r an d transfe r a mountain t o anothe r place , on e canno t divid e or alte r the shap e o f th e country they stand for. This line, with the ton e of a challenge, laden with self-confidence, t o outside interference, seems t o reassur e the Vietnamese that the lan d which the y inhabit i s theirs to keep. This land to whic h they ar e attache d serve s a s a foundatio n fo r thei r grou p identity . Vietnamese ethnicity reckone d i n terms o f this specific territor y is time and agai n reconfirmed and strengthene d by fol k songs : Nöi don g la i u p vun g dong: Con gä i Bä c la y chong Dong-nai . Just a s a bronz e po t i s fittingly covere d b y a bronz e lid , A gir l fro m th e norther n par t of the countr y is married to a ma n fro m Dong-na i region.

Dong-nai, tha t is , Saigon , formerl y referre d t o th e souther n par t o f Vietnam. The fol k son g precisel y states that people from al l parts of the country have the sam e ethnic identity, just as a bronze po t and a bronze lid ar e o f th e sam e kind . The desir e t o see the lan d retain its identity in the terms in which their own identit y is asserted make s th e Vietnames e hostil e t o anythin g that

The Functions o f Folk Songs i n Vietnam 14

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threatens to violate the land' s unique nature. In this connection, a most often cite d fol k son g goes : Ta v e t a tar n a o t a Du tron g d u du e a o nh ä va n hon . Let u s return t o bath e i n our ow n pond ; Whether it s water i s limpid or troubled , th e pon d a t hom e i s still better .

A Vietnamese peasant's pon d is better tha n any other in the sense that he can fee l fre e an d comfortabl e i n it, becaus e i t i s his own. The fol k son g thus advocate s a n adherenc e t o everythin g considere d uniquel y Viet namese tha t set s of f Vietna m from othe r countries , an d a rejectio n o f anything unfamiliar , inconsisten t wit h th e Vietnames e wa y o f life . I n order to shield the beloved country from outsid e violation, it is necessary to hav e unit y amon g the people . National unity i s sung of repeatedl y in folk songs : Bau o i thuon g la y b i cüng Tuy ran g khä c giong nhun g chun g mot giän . Dear gourd , pleas e lov e thi s winter melon; Though o f differen t breeds , we shar e th e sam e trellis .

Of differen t classe s an d lineages , the Vietnames e depen d o n th e sam e land fo r survival , jus t a s creeping branche s of gour d an d winte r melon depend o n a trelli s fo r support . Sharin g the sam e destiny , they should have compassion for one another . The word thuong arbitraril y translated as "love " her e refer s to th e feelin g o f closenes s an d mutua l assistanc e among people wh o find themselve s on the same boat. Another folk son g is more specific : Nhieü die u ph u la y gi ä guong, Ngüoi tron g mo t nüo c phä i thuong nhau cüng. In th e manne r tha t a piec e o f re d clot h covers a glas s stand, People o f th e sam e countr y must love on e another .

The wor d thuong [love ] i s more clearly specified here. I t refers to affec tion, help , protection , a s suggeste d b y th e cloth' s shieldin g of th e glas s stand against dust. The fol k son g advocates this sentiment of love, whose several nuances point to group unity, to solidarity. In both songs, the land is indicate d as th e basi s fo r thi s sentiment. It i s probably thi s ethnic consciousness relate d t o territoriality , as pro pagandized mos t effectively throug h folk songs , that has played a considerable rol e i n providing Vietnamese wit h a formidabl e unit y an d resilience, a s evidenced b y thei r successfu l struggles agains t th e fa r greate r forces of the Chinese , the Frenc h and the Americans. However , lov e for

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the country is solidified not only through a limited number of folk song s which promote ethnic consciousness and territoriality. The whole corpus of Vietnamese folk song in another way can evoke patriotic feelings in the Vietnamese. Emotional responses t o music are chiefly learne d reaction s shaped b y usag e an d association . Th e singin g o f fol k song s i s a daily activity in Vietnam. Folk songs are heard everywhere and any time of the day or night, by a sampan girl crossing a river, a peasant thrashing his rice in the moonlight, a mother putting her baby to sleep, a buffalo boy sitting on hi s animal' s back , a fisherma n stretchin g hi s ne t t o dry . Throug h intensive repetition, fol k songs are ingrained in the mind of the Vietnam ese people and become associate d wit h their community — the land that nourishes the m an d th e peopl e wit h who m the y hav e interacte d sinc e birth. Due to this internalized association, the singing of a folk song, with a familia r melod y o r a familia r text , alway s triggers i n a Vietnames e memories o f hi s community an d rekindle s hi s warm feelings of attach ment towar d it . I n thi s connection , lullabie s ar e th e mos t significan t form of folk song. While, for example, occupational folk songs are heard mainly where and when related occupation s are performed, lullabies are sung wherever ther e ar e babies , thre e o r fou r time s a day whenever a baby need s t o sleep . Th e widesprea d an d frequen t us e o f lullabie s i s associated wit h the typical and moving image of the Vietnames e mother holding her infant child and singing in a rhythm that harmonizes with the sound of the swinging hammock. Hence, th e singing of a familiar lullaby brings back the memories of that gentle image and turns one's heart to its related environments . An d al l Vietnames e lullabie s can , t o a certai n degree, affect Vietnames e emotions this way, for they all sound familia r to hi m i n virtu e o f thei r bein g easil y recognizable . Th e melodie s o f lullabies are smoothl y rhythmical, peaceful. The refrain s ar e limite d in number and also simila r to one another. They range from " A ho i oi, ha hoi hoi" i n the north, to "Α ό ... 6 " in the center, to " u ό . . . ό" in the south. Th e conten t center s mainl y upo n advocatin g goo d conduc t an d solidifying Vietnamese values, the most important being the country. It is true tha t a bab y t o who m thes e lullabie s are sun g is still too youn g to comprehend wha t i s said t o him . However , wit h time, h e canno t hel p internalizing the familiar melody, and as he grows older, the words begin to register in his mind when he hears them sung to his siblings or neighbors. In this light, every common Vietnamese grows up with lullabies and is bound t o hav e a very strong emotional respons e t o thi s form o f fol k song, whic h is closely associate d wit h his homeland . The functions of folk songs as a medium of communication in economic and emotional life , an d a s a means of propaganda i n the politica l lif e of the Vietnamese , hav e bee n show n briefl y here . Th e futur e role s o f Vietnamese folk songs, when the country is industrialized and the educa tional level much higher, cannot, however, be foretold. Until then, while

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much pain and energy is required to rebuild the country, Vietnamese fol k songs will probably continue to assume the significant role they have been playing t o date. REFERENCES NGUYEN KHA C KHA M

1967 A n introduction t o Vietnamese culture. Tokyo: Cente r fo r East Asia n Cultural Studies .

THUAN PHON G

n.d. Ca-dao giang-luan [A discussion on folk songs] , second edition. Saigon : A Chau .

The Aboriginal Music of Taiwan

MIDORI D . HIMEN O

Much excellent research ha s been don e recently on the Taiwan aborigines in bot h th e field s o f ethnology an d cultura l anthropology, bu t unfortu nately nothing has been written about their music. Their present civilization, partl y urbanized an d permeate d wit h Christianity , has made thei r music, which was closely connected wit h their daily life, meaningless. As a result, the Taiwa n aborigines ' traditiona l music is in a critical condition and likely to disappear. I n fact, this music contained almost all of essential significance i n their culture. So now it is urgently necessary to investigate and record it . Since at the time of writing this investigation is still continuing, thi s paper constitute s an interi m report an d n o definite conclusion s are drawn , bu t i t i s no t anticipate d tha t thos e conclusion s whic h ar e present ar e likel y to chang e i n the future . THE TAIWA N ABORIGINE S AN D THEIR CULTUR E There ar e te n tribe s amon g th e Taiwa n aborigine s — Atayal , Saiseat , Bunun, Tsou, Shao, Paiwan, Puyuma, Rukai, Ami and Yami (see Map 1). With th e exceptio n o f th e Yam i tribe , whic h has bee n prove d t o hav e close connection s wit h the Philippin e Islands , w e d o no t kno w exactl y where the y lived before the y came t o Taiwan . The cultura l elements of these tribe s are very similar in most respects. Fo r instance, all except th e Yami had a religious tradition o f headhunting. But som e tribes , suc h as the Ataya l an d th e Paiwan , had th e custo m o f tattooing, whil e others, such a s the Am i and the Bunun , did not. Th e intertriba l differences are greater in music than in other cultural elements, though when their music is subdivided int o smalle r elements , man y factors universa l amon g th e tribes can be found. Even so , there are fairly distinc t differences, so that

154 MIDOR

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Soiseat

Shoo

Tsou-

QYami

Map 1 . Taiwa n distribution of aboriginal tribes.

upon hearing one of their melodies i t is usually possible t o tell which tribe produced th e music . This report deal s particularl y with the musi c of two tribes who live on the eas t coas t o f Taiwa n — the Am i an d th e Puyuma . These tw o ar e discussed becaus e the y are amon g the earlie r settler s wh o built villages , and the y engag e i n agricultur e an d fishing , s o thei r wa y o f lif e i s more stable. Their music is more closely related t o their daily lives than in other tribes, an d the y show a special talen t fo r it . They us e music in all situations. Finally , thes e tribe s liv e i n a fla t distric t whic h is convenient fo r research! THE RESEARC H Both the Ami and the Puyum a tribes originally had a few musical instruments — musica l Jews ' harp s an d bow s — but no w thos e instrument s have been los t an d thei r musi c consists onl y of songs o r chants , accom panied by a few kinds of bells. Though there are some solo songs, most are sung i n group s o f severa l persons , s o i t wa s ver y importan t fo r thi s research t o gathe r enoug h performer s i n a villag e o r communit y who could sing well. Most of the singer s were over forty, though there were a few villages in which the youths sang traditional songs well. The researc h was carried out in the comparatively important villages, collecting ethno -

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logical materia l i n th e daytim e fro m th e olde r peopl e wh o n o longe r worked, an d a t nigh t recordin g thei r music . I t wa s a ver y difficul t jo b transcribing an d analyzin g all the song s collecte d (ove r fiv e hundred) . Music of the Ami Tribe The Ami tribe has a natural talent for music, and their songs are the best among the Taiwan aborigines. The thirty villages researched cove r all five subdivisions of the district — Nan-shi Ami, Hsiu-ku-luan Ami, coast Ami, Pei nan Ami and Heng ch'un Ami. Though we divided the Ami tribe into five subdivisions by their cultural characteristics, we can also divide them into tw o mai n groups , th e nort h Am i an d the sout h Ami . W e ca n fin d some differences between thes e groups. Their language differs a little, for example, the north people call their own age groups sular and the south , kaput. Thei r way of dressing differs also . Finall y we can als o find differ ences i n their music . The chie f characteristics o f the Am i tribe' s musi c are: 1. The scal e i s pentatonic, base d o n th e tetrachord , but usin g several modes. 2. They coun t i n dual time, although sometimes w e fin d song s which are counte d i n six-eigh t time . There i s no tripl e time . 3. The melodi c for m i s usually descending . 4. The son g styl e i s usually call an d response , thoug h sometime s we find sol o song s o r simpl e choruses . Almos t al l hav e a sol o par t an d a chorus part. 5. The chorus part is usually sung in a kind of polyphonic style with two to fiv e voices , thoug h som e ar e sun g in unison. 6. Their vocal technique requires a skilled singer who sings in melismatic style. The tensio n i n the voic e is produced by a narrowed mouth and vibrated from th e forehead . They are fond of rather high-pitched voices and anyone who can produce a high-pitched voice and remember the text well i s considered t o b e a good singer . Sometime s they us e falsetto. 7. The text of the old songs frequently has a meaningless part or is sung in a dea d language . Sometimes the y ad d improvise d words. 8. The Am i peopl e lik e to "make" songs . Among th e variou s aspects o f their music the call-and-respons e styl e is the mos t importan t an d interesting . It ca n b e divide d into severa l pat terns: 1. Solo an d solo , questio n an d answe r style; 2. Solo an d chorus , questio n an d answe r style , wit h th e choru s par t sung i n unison; 3. Solo an d chorus , questio n an d answe r style , with th e choru s part sung i n polyphony;

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4. Solo an d chorus , wit h th e sol o par t takin g th e initiativ e an d th e chorus actin g as a kin d of accompaniment ; 5. Solo an d chorus , wit h the solois t singin g an introductio n an d th e chorus followin g i n polyphonic style; an d 6. Chorus an d choru s — this variety is rare. In th e second , third , fourth, an d fift h examples , th e sol o singe r i s th e leader of the group. A unison style is popular with the north Ami, while the sout h Am i lik e to sin g in a polyphoni c style. In the Am i tribe each ag e group sings particular kinds of music. They also sing particular kinds of songs for the various parts of the year's cycle and thei r life cycles . An attemp t a t classifyin g thes e song s i s as follows: 1. Religious songs : fro m festival s (moon-viewing) , headhunting , magic, fro m magica l physicians, and s o on ; 2. Work songs : weedin g songs, loggin g songs, buildin g songs, an d s o on; 3. Songs for assembly , sociability and amusement , which ma y be, fo r example, fo r a drinkin g feast, fo r greetin g o r farewell , or fo r a singing match wit h anothe r village. These songs can also be divided into two categories: simpl e songs and songs accompanied b y a dance, the dancing being usually performed in a group. Ther e i s also a kin d of shama n o r magica l physician, fo r whom these song s ar e quit e important. Music of the Puyuma Tribe Originally, th e Puyum a peopl e wer e divide d int o eigh t groups , whic h correspond t o today' s eigh t villages , al l o f whic h wer e visited . Th e Puyuma tribe also has age group classifications, but differin g fro m thos e of th e Am i tribe , an d som e group s ar e forbidde n t o sing . Th e chie f characteristics of their music are: 1. Their scal e i s pentatoni c bu t on e mod e i s dominant . This mod e differs from the Ami tribe's modes, but they also use another mode which was "imported " fro m th e Am i tribe . 2. All music is composed i n dual time. There are no examples of triple time. 3. The melodi c for m i s usually descending. 4. The son g styl e contains solos, choru s and antiphon . There is also a kind o f chanting , for example , a chan t for headhunting . The choru s is sometimes sung in unison, and sometime s in a polyphonic style which is much simple r than that o f th e Am i tribe . 5. The classifications are almost the same as the Ami's, but among the Puyuma trib e nurser y song s an d children' s pla y songs , whic h are no t common amon g the Ami , can be heard .

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They have borrowed some of the Ami tribe's music, which can be easily distinguished. The y dance , especiall y a t festivals , an d thei r dancin g is performed in a group. They also have shamans or magical physicians. The music in the eight villages is nearly the same except that the music of T'ai P'ing village differs slightly from the rest, a fact supporting a tradition that long ago the people of T'ai P'in g village were brought as slaves from th e western par t o f Taiwan. SUMMARY Considering th e Taiwa n aborigine s a s a whole , w e ca n fin d almos t al l "primitive" forms in their traditional music. As mentioned above, there are as many musical differences between the tribes as there are other cultural differences. The Ami have the greatest variety of musical types, the most important o f which are th e us e of antiphona l call-and-respons e forms, polyphony wit h two t o fiv e voices , transposition , falsetto , chromatics , and harmon y (which i s probably th e resul t of polyphoni c singing). The Atayal, Saiseat an d Yami tribes are differen t fro m th e Am i in that they have muc h simpler music. The Bunun , Tsou an d Ruka i tribes ar e als o different, while the Puyuma and part of the Paiwan tribe show similarities in thei r constructio n o f th e musica l scale , bu t ar e al l differen t fro m one another . Today the younger people of the Taiwan aborigines are interested only in popula r music , despite thei r excellent traditional music. As a result , one fear s tha t thei r traditiona l musi c wil l graduall y be forgotte n an d disappear. Thi s disappearanc e wil l b e a grea t los s t o al l o f us , s o th e research will be continued and the traditional music recorded to preserv e it. It is hoped als o to fin d som e clues to the question of the origi n of the Taiwan aborigines . Finally, one thin g should be noted. There is a theory that the Taiwan aborigines' musi c was once greatl y influenced by th e Chines e becaus e their music also has a pentatonic scale. But the aboriginal pentatonic scale consists of a tetrachord, while in the Chines e scale, one fift h i s dominant, so thi s is very unlikely.

Contemporary Music of the Maclay Coast

B. N. PUTILO V

The Soviet expedition on board the Dmitri Mendeleev in 1971 include d a team o f ethnographer s who , apar t fro m strictl y ethnologica l an d an thropological research , wer e t o collec t materia l on th e musi c and fol k songs of Oceania . From July to September th e expedition visited New Guinea, th e New Hebrides, Ne w Caledonia, Fiji , Western Samoa , th e Gilber t an d Ellice Islands, and the island of Nauru. In almost all these places the Soviet team carried out fiel d research , mad e tape recording s o f folk song s and traditional music , studie d musica l instruments , an d collecte d materia l o n contemporary musi c and th e basi c trend s o f present-day folklore . In places where we could not visit villages and meet singer s in perso n we contacted loca l radi o station s an d obtaine d fro m the m high-quality recordings o f fol k music . The resul t o f thi s collecting wa s a wealt h of diverse material which gives one a n idea of the contemporary folklore of some regions of Oceania an d also makes it possible to draw some general conclusions o f a comparative nature . The Maclay Coast of New Guinea was of special interest to the expedi tion fro m th e poin t o f view of ethnography an d folklore . Soviet ethno graphers wer e landin g here on e hundre d year s afte r th e ethnographe r Miklukho-Maklai, fro m who m th e regio n take s it s name, t o carr y ou t research int o changes that have occurred i n those years in the life, socia l organization, an d culture of the inhabitants , to collect material on thei r present-day conditions, and to add new data to Miklukho-Maklai's work. The ethnographi c researc h als o included folklor e studies . Some o f the problem s pertainin g to loca l folklor e were suggeste d b y Miklukho-Maklai's diarie s an d ethnographi c articles . Folklor e an d studies i n folk song s an d musi c featured prominentl y i n hi s program of research in New Guinea. He made detaile d description s o f local musical

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instruments, som e o f whic h he brough t bac k an d ar e o n displa y in th e Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography of the Academ y of Science s in Leningrad . Miklukho-Maklai described som e traditiona l festivities of the Papuan s and analyze d their fol k songs . H e wrot e dow n the text s of some songs and collected dat a on their theater, dancing, and games. All these materials , most valuable for studies in the folklore tradition of one hundred year s ago , ca n als o b e use d a s a referenc e poin t b y moder n scholars. Of course, Miklukho-Maklai did not make an exhaustive analysis of the local folklore, because he worked on strictly ethnographic problems. Th e Soviet expedition was to add new details to his observations an d make a fresh investigatio n of a number of problems suc h as the genr e composi tion of Bongu fol k songs , thei r functional relations and, of course, thei r musical characteristics. It must be remembered tha t there was no record ing equipment in Miklukho-Maklai's day, so one o f our majo r tasks was to recor d fol k song s an d thu s fil l i n th e ga p i n ou r knowledg e o f th e musical culture . In th e organizatio n o f fieldwor k an d i n th e method s o f collectin g folklore material , we followed principles evolved by several generation s of Sovie t folklor e specialists . W e strov e t o explai n t o th e peopl e th e essence and basic purpose o f our work to ensure understandin g on their part. Ou r recordin g session s wer e mean t t o cove r al l the ag e an d sex groups in a village, so as not t o leave out an y essential aspect of the loca l folklore. Our basi c aim was to discover, on a comprehensive basis , types and functional systems of village folklore, primarily of folklore pertaining to everyday life. I n other words, we looked no t for rarities or relics, bu t for everyda y features of local music which determine th e standards an d nature o f contemporar y musica l culture of th e village . Following i n the footstep s o f Miklukho-Maklai, we tried t o study all the available musica l instruments, describe them , establis h thei r functions, and recor d thei r sound . W e foun d tha t almos t al l th e instrument s described a century ago have been preserved , wit h the exceptio n o f the orlanai, a type of nutshell threaded on a set of strings tied to a handle, and the dyubonu, a coco lea f wit h a lengthwise slit. Both instrument s wer e known to the villagers, but neither was available. On the other hand we found som e instrument s that Miklukho-Makla i had no t mentione d an d we als o made som e correction s regardin g the terminolog y an d descrip tions of know n instruments . One o f th e mos t widesprea d musica l instrument s i n th e villag e of Bongu is the bembu, a hollow bamboo pip e some sixt y centimeters long , open at one end an d of varying diameter. Th e bemb u i s used t o accom pany singing , both sol o an d choral , bein g struck o n th e groun d i n time with the singing. Not a single song is performed without such accompani-

Contemporary Music o f th e Maclay Coast 16

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ment. Although Miklukho-Maklai did no t mentio n this instrument, it is doubtless traditional . It i s probable, however , that he meant the bemb u when he wrote: "Another musical instrument is a bamboo stic k which is struck o n thic k tre e trunks " (Miklukho-Makla i 1951:109) . Another instrument not mentioned by Miklukho-Maklai is the congon, a bamboo pip e approximatel y as long as the bembu, closed a t both end s and wit h a slit along its entire length. Part of an adjoining section of th e same bambo o trun k i s used a s a handle. Struck with a stick, the congo n produces a high , harsh sound. The lob-lob-ai i s a painte d wooden blad e tie d wit h a string to a long bamboo stick. With fast rotatio n o f the stick , the wooden blad e cuts th e air with a wailing noise. This instrument is said to be used during initiation rituals and t o hav e a magica l function. No descriptio n o f the lob-lob-a i occurs i n Miklukho-Maklai' s writings bu t a numbe r o f suc h woode n blades ar e t o b e foun d in hi s collection o f instruments. Miklukho-Maklai referre d t o th e ai-kabrai a s a commo n musica l instrument, describin g i t thus It i s a bambo o pip e som e tw o meter s lon g o r eve n longer , an d som e fift y millimeters in diameter; the partition s at the joints are removed, s o that it is one hollow pipe. One en d o f it is put i n the mouth , no matter ho w wide the opening ; into i t the Papuan s blow, holler , howl , bellow, et c (1951:106) .

When w e aske d fo r a n ai-kabra i we wer e show n a bambo o pip e som e thirty centimeters long, into which a performer shouted loudly . When we asked fo r a lon g pip e w e foun d tha t i t wa s calle d a n ai-damangu; th e performer ble w it with al l hi s might, producing a dee p sound . All the othe r instrument s we saw in Bongu correspond t o MiklukhoMaklai's descriptions . W e note d onl y som e mino r difference s in thei r names. The mongi-ai (Miklukho-Maklai refers to it as the monki-ai or munkiαϊ) i s a peeled and dried coconut wit h openings at the upper en d an d o n one side . Blowin g into one o f these opening s produces a shrill, piercing sound. The ilol-ai is a kind of trumpet made of a hollowed-out, cherry-colored fruit tha t resemble s a n elongate d pumpki n widenin g toward on e end . With referenc e t o th e sam e name , Miklukho-Makla i drew a trumpe t made o f a hollowe d ou t tre e roo t (1951:107) . H e referre d t o th e on e made o f a hollowed-ou t pumpki n as th e khol-ai (1951:106) . Lik e th e ai-damangu the ilol-ai is designed to amplify and distort the human voice. The shywnbin, which Miklukho-Maklai called th e tyumbin, i s a bamboo flut e wit h tw o opening s o n opposit e sides . I n a drawin g b y Miklukho-Maklai the playe r holds it sideways, like a European flautist . Today i t i s held lengthwise. The tora i s a hug e signa l shel l (resemblin g a trito n shell ) wit h a n

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opening a t it s narro w end . Whe n blow n i t make s a low , dee p wailing sound. The percussio n instrument s include , i n additio n t o th e bembu , th e okam, a drum made of a hollowed-out tree trunk; one end is open, while the other is covered wit h monitor skin. The outer surface of the oka m is decorated with intricate woodcarving, the richest ornamentation bein g in the middle , th e narrowes t par t o f th e drum . Carve d handle s ar e als o provided. Thi s i s a favorite instrument , a s it was i n Miklukho-Maklai's day. Although also being used to accompany singing , its chief purpose is to accompany dancing. Each dancer uses his own okam to accompany his dancing an d th e singin g that goe s with it . As in the old days, the villagers widely use an enormous signa l drum, the barum, made of a hollowed-out tree trunk. An ordinary barum is two and a half to three meter s long and up to eighty centimeters i n diameter. The bac k of it is cut off at a right angle while the fron t i s moulded int o a head of a fish or the bow of a boat. On the upper side, covering almost th e entire length of the drum , there i s a slit which is quite narrow for suc h a huge trunk. The player strikes the drum with a special wooden stick , the toba. The barum's sound is powerful an d clear and can be heard for miles around. A system of well-known signals has been evolved and are used in various situations . The baru m i s also use d t o accompan y singing . Thus, musica l instruments in the villag e of Bong u hav e no t change d much over th e pas t hundre d years . This stabilit y is especially strikin g in contrast wit h othe r part s o f Oceani a wher e th e traditiona l syste m o f musical instruments has disappeared almos t completely . Th e Bonguan s have managed to retain th e traditiona l system, and, moreover, hav e not adopted a single modern instrumen t of those that are currently tremendously popula r al l over Oceania , includin g New Guine a an d i n region s quite nea r Bongu . Yet it can be said that the traditional system is on the way out. The only instruments stil l commonl y use d ar e th e bembu , okam , an d barum : percussion instrument s meant to accompany singing and dancing and to communicate signals . Wind instruments become rare an d graduall y fall out o f use . Miklukho-Maklai wrote o f the bambo o flute : "I t i s a favorite instrument wit h th e Papua n youth . . . . Musi c lover s neve r par t wit h thei r tyumbins an d neve r sto p playin g the m eithe r i n solitud e o r i n smal l groups" (1951:109) . I spen t muc h tim e tryin g t o fin d ou t abou t th e shyumbin an d onl y on th e thir d day of intense searc h di d villagers bring me two flutes. It turned out, however, that not a soul could now play them the way it used t o b e done a hundred years ago. I t is notable tha t other wind instrument s arouse d a livel y interes t amon g th e villagers ; it wa s clear tha t th e Bonguan s di d not hea r the m ver y often . The functions of the local instruments have also changed in some ways.

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Miklukho-Maklai wrote that a number of instruments were under a strict taboo. With the exception of the okam and a few other instruments, all, and especially th e ai-kabra i (apparently both thi s and the ai-damangu) , the ilol-ai, and the mong-ai, "were forbidden to be used or even be looked at by women and children. One sound of any such instrument was enough to chase all the women and children from the village" (Miklukho-Maklai 1951:109-110). These musica l instruments were kep t i n men's house s and adul t male s played the m i n secrecy outsid e th e village. To my regret, I could not find out to what extent the tradition of special use o f som e musica l instrument s b y adul t an d youn g male s ha s bee n preserved. Judging from what has been stated above, it is improbable that it is still firmly rooted. We can say with certainty, though, that women and children are no longer forbidden to look at or listen to these instruments. The villager s brought th e ai-kabrai , ai-damangu, mongi-ai , ilol-ai , an d lob-lob-ai, to the village square and played them for us in the presence of a grea t numbe r of people. The relative stability of the local system of musical instruments is, doubtless, related t o the general state of the folk song and folklore tradition in the villag e of Bongu . We made a series of recordings of songs performed by groups of men, women, young men, girls, and children. The musical style and the poeti c and functional aspect s of the folklore of all these groups was marked by a high degree of uniformity and could not always be precisely differentiate d by age and sex. Its systematization is largely based on the principle of the genre function, the latter being most strongly manifest in folk songs of the village of Bongu. Thus far, there are very few songs that are not related t o some aspect o f everyday life. Apparently, the process of the evolution of nonfunctional lyri c songs is only beginning. This is one of the manifestations of the archai c nature of the loca l folklore . We recorded a number of work songs, a form with which both men and women would start their series of songs, a fact indicative of their popularity. Functionally, loca l wor k song s ma y b e divide d into thre e types , th e first, sung by fishermen while pulling out thei r nets, becomes par t of the work process , th e rhyth m o f th e son g an d a repeate d melodi c phras e being distinctly associated wit h rhythmica l movements of hands pulling out fishing nets. The second type is a women's song, sung by women while men are clearing land for vegetables. Because th e people are cultivators this type of song is heard quite often, and although there is little rhythmic relation betwee n th e son g and th e wor k in this case, i t is clear tha t th e workers nee d th e song . Finally , the thir d typ e i s sung b y me n befor e planting taro, while starting work on a new vegetable garden. It is possible that this type of song is supposed to have magical power to secure fertility.

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We wer e especiall y intereste d i n song s whos e functio n an d conten t were relate d t o wars and clashes amon g different tribe s i n the past . We heard one song which used to be sung before setting out for war. It seem s that old military folklore has been largely forgotten. We could not obtain any dat a o n epi c songs . Another prominen t group of songs is related t o all kinds of rituals. Of course, we were unabl e to find song s pertaining to the entire set of local rituals, but we did record song s of the two principal cycles: songs relate d to th e initiatio n ritual, and funera l songs , o r lamentation s (aran). The ritua l of initiation continues to play an important rol e in Bongu' s social life an d still remains compulsory for youth here. We recorded such songs performe d b y old an d youn g me n wh o ha d bee n subjec t t o tha t ritual. Special songs are usually sung when young men are on their way to the village from th e woods afte r performin g the ritual. According to the singers, these songs are meant "to bring back the young men to the village and instruct them as to how they should act and what they should sa y to their wives." Here is how young men explained another song: "When we go to the woods t o cut off our skin , and when we are abou t t o leave th e woods, when we come back to the village, then we sing this type of song, and when the morning comes, we come back home." We also found that songs accompany the circumcision and the incision of marks on the young men's bodies. On e suc h song was sung for us, in strict confidence, by an old man who performs those operations . Funeral songs , o r laments , described b y Miklukho-Maklai, are stil l a tradition i n Bongu . I n additio n t o bein g a n accompanimen t t o funera l rites, the y are als o an expression of grief. Old men told u s their parents' story abou t seein g Miklukho-Makla i off: a s h e wa s leaving , the whol e village joined i n a n aran . As far as we were able to find out, laments are performed in the hous e of a deceased perso n b y his relatives. They ma y be sun g in chorus, me n and wome n together , an d the y do no t diffe r a s regards th e sex , age , o r family statu s of the deceased . Thi s means, in particular, that the laments do no t contai n an y specifi c differentiatin g feature s an d ar e clearl y a general expressio n o f sorrow . Th e Bonguan s do no t see m t o hav e th e tradition o f a funera l repast . At first, the recording of laments caused some difficulties. The villagers seemed loat h to sing an aran "just for nothing". I patiently asked them to perform a n aran , emphasizin g at th e sam e tim e tha t I wishe d al l th e villagers good healt h and lon g life. Eventuall y they led m e t o a remot e corner of the village and there, out on the veranda of a hut, sang a series of them. On th e following day it was much easier to make some young men sing arans ; the y di d s o righ t in the villag e square. Other song s hav e a functiona l conten t pertainin g t o som e typica l situation of local life. One suc h song is performed when an "uncle" from

Contemporary Music o f th e Maclay Coast 16

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one villag e i s goin g t o giv e something , som e pig s fo r instance , t o a n "uncle" from anothe r village. When they are preparing for a festival they ask inhabitants of another villag e to come an d take part, they sing a song so tha t th e guest s com e wit h foo d — taro , pigs , nuts , breadfruit , an d other things . One son g i s used t o accompan y a specific type o f dancing (dancing an d singin g ar e done onl y b y girl s an d youn g men , wit h n o married me n or women taking part). Som e song s are performed b y men and serve a s an accompaniment fo r dancing at ceremonies an d festivals. A number of such dance-pantomimes wer e performed for us in the village square, th e dance s bein g accompanie d b y the beatin g o f okams . The musical and poetic structure of all the local song types seems to be basically th e same . Onl y a specia l musicologica l analysi s ca n provid e detailed an d accurat e answer s regardin g th e natur e an d exten t o f tha t similarity and the specific features of the song types. I believe that such an analysis will disclose a typological similarity of the music and a predomi nance i n i t of a singl e musica l type . These observation s als o appl y t o th e poeti c structur e o f loca l songs . The firs t thin g t o b e note d i n thi s respect i s that w e di d no t hea r an y improvised songs , suc h a s Miklukho-Makla i described . Th e text s w e heard, wit h al l their simplicity , are quit e traditional , tha t is , they hav e been learne d b y heart an d ar e no t th e result s o f improvisation. As i n Miklukho-Maklai' s day th e song s ar e ver y simpl e i n content . Normally they are a repetition o r a slight variation of a phrase, one or two words, or even one word. The words of a song are not directly associate d with a situation , o r wit h th e song' s function , th e imager y bein g o f a n associative nature , an d typica l of mos t loca l songs . Fo r example , on e fisherman's son g contains a repetition o f the word kanajo [seagull] ; one aran repeat s th e wor d sandanu [cock] ; a lyrica l girls' son g repeat s th e word popoja [wind] . Elements of modern musica l culture (yout h songs to a ukulele accompaniment, o r moder n hits ) ar e al l aroun d Bongu , an d ca n alread y b e heard i n neighboring villages. Yet th e folklor e of Bong u stil l retains, in striking integrity , its traditional and partiall y archaic nature . REFERENCE MIKLUKHO-MAKLAI, N . N .

1951 Sobranie sochinenii [Collected works] , volume three, part one. Mosco w and Leningrad .

Rituals and Songs of Weather in Georgian Poetic Folklore

KSENIA SIKHARULIDZ E

Weather ritual , and verse songs and legend s connected wit h it, is known throughout the world. It began in the distant past, being as old as the most ancient forms of agriculture, and is thus important not only to the futur e of agraria n poetry bu t als o t o th e stud y of the developmen t o f a wordand-music ar t form. Man i n captivity to natur e depende d entirel y on th e weather , a fac t demonstrated i n the Georgia n sayin g "Weather wa s working and labor ers were boasting." Strugglin g for existence, whether in hunting, agriculture, or woodsmanship, ma n fel t i n earliest time s the usefulnes s of suitable weather , an d s o i t was that primitiv e man though t i t importan t t o perform variou s kinds of ritual s in order t o brin g it. With these ritual s came creativity in words and music. In spite of regional variations in flora and fauna, songs and poetry related to weather rituals in different parts of the world are found to possess certai n similarities. This is true although the weather-connected ritual s and poetry and music of each people hav e their nationa l characteristics . It i s well known that man y pagan ritual s were blende d wit h those o f Christianity t o becom e par t of th e origina l form o f divin e service. Th e character an d th e them e o f weathe r ritua l an d weathe r poetr y wer e essentially determine d b y th e weathe r a t th e time , tha t is , by drought, rain, or hail . These ritual s and verse song s were dedicate d t o god s who were considere d t o b e th e ruler s o f weather . I n th e comple x heathe n pantheon th e god of the sky (clouds or weather at an earlier time) was the highest — and one might posit a connection between this and the worship of celestia l bodies , depictin g wel l th e clos e connectio n betwee n th e weather and the seasons and the effect o f celestial bodies. Th e residenc e of th e gods , o f course , wa s the sky , and fo r thi s reaso n weathe r ritual s were usuall y performed o n hig h ground. I n thi s respect Georgia n cus -

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toms, an d particularl y the Svan , Khevsureti , and Tushi n ones , ar e o f interest. In Svanetia, until recent times there was preserved a celebration calle d Khatarashoba, dedicate d to weather. Khatarashoba was a big celebration which too k plac e i n Februar y o n a mountai n nea r th e church . There , "magic plowing " was performed, an d th e villager s would take th e ico n out o f th e churc h and carr y it t o th e village. In th e villag e of Khevsuret i Pirimze [Sunface], St . George, or Quee n Thamar, were considered t o be the rulers of the sky . It was believed tha t Pirimze kep t a gian t a s a slave , s o tha t whe n peopl e offende d he r sh e would go to the go d and fil l basket s with hail, load th e giant with them , and hav e him cover th e are a wit h it . Khizanishvili (1940:70-71) writes: "Sunface i s held in high respect; days are singled out for the prevention of hail in Khevsureti: Friday, Saturday and Monday." The rituals for removing hai l ar e performe d fro m th e beginnin g of June . I n th e latel y discovered Khevsuret i documents , weathe r ritua l performe d o n a hig h mountain was called Satsvero.[of the apex]. Countryfolk used to go to the castle ther e t o slaughte r cattle an d drin k beer. The ritual was performed unti l the corn matured, and then a three-day holiday was celebrated durin g which, in the place where people prayed , a kid wa s killed, boiled, an d eaten , an d th e remain s left a t th e to p o f th e castle. Guts and other organs were minced and thrown away on the other side of the mountain . The Khevsuret i weather ritual, performed i n both good an d ba d weathe r i s considered t o b e th e oldest . Among people i n other parts of the world, the heathen gods considere d to b e th e source s of lif e ha d othe r names . Ily a th e prophe t wa s one, a s were th e Slavi c go d Perun , th e Scandinavia n Piorgen , an d others , al l equivalents o f th e Georgia n su n god . I n wester n Georgi a th e ritua l of weather bore the name Kokhindjroba, i n the east, in Kartli, Kakheti, and Imereti, they were called Lazaroba an d Gondjaoba; w e meet th e names Lazarus an d Gondj a i n many Georgian vers e songs . In Kakheti one also finds the use of a stone figure in the performance of weather rituals. Patriotic and class elements are also noteworthy here. In the Kvarel i district Gondjaob a i s connected wit h a n historica l legen d analogous to the myt h about Daphn e an d Apollo. According t o legen d when Kakheti was invaded by an enemy the inhabitants fled to the forest, among them being a woman named Gogolashvili who went with her baby in its cradle. She became very tired, and, when approached b y the enemy, bent dow n an d pleade d t o god : " I don' t want to fal l int o th e hand s of Tatars, turn me to stone." The god listened to her and turned her to stone. The inhabitants of this village can to this day show you a stone which they call a woman-stone. During bad weather a group of women used to go to the stone. On e of the women, also named Gogolashvili , would touch th e stone an d say "Come on , m y aunt." The wome n the n turne d th e ston e

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and threw it into the water, saying "God, awar d us with rain," or "God , award u s with the eye of the sun. " The n the y went barefoot back to the village, took a toy Gondja, an d splashed peopl e wh o were approachin g with water . The rit e of Lazaroba too k th e form o f a women's carnival. The tex t of the son g contain s a praye r t o th e go d o f weather . Th e content s o f th e prayer wa s determined b y the weather a t the time. In times of drought , the participant s i n the carniva l sang: Oh, Lazarus , Lazarus , Bring clouds o n th e sky! God, giv e us dew, We don' t nee d an y mor e th e ey e o f the sun! God giv e us mud! We don' t nee d an y more drought!

During rain y period s th e son g too k thi s form : Oh, Lazarus , Lazarus, Take awa y clouds ! We don't nee d an y more dew , God, giv e us the ey e of the sun ! We don' t nee d an y more mud , God giv e us drought!

These texts , which were writte n down i n Kartli, had thei r ow n melod y (Chikhikvadze 1960:184). The whole cycle of texts of weather prayer has reached us . On e versio n o f the transcribe d tex t o f Lazarob a read s lik e this: Lazarus comes t o th e door , He roll s hi s eyes , He goe s u p an d down , Looks lik e the moon . Oh, Ilya , Ilya , Why! I did no t offen d you , I presente d yo u One goa t an d a kid, We d o no t nee d an y more drought , God, giv e us mud!

According t o th e secon d versio n give n by one o f the wome n wh o took part i n Lazaroba , th e wome n wh o performe d th e son g wen t barefoot , handing out candle s an d toy s an d askin g for provisions . The n the y pu t some women to the plow. They carried the plow to the water and with the collected provision s they made sacrifice (Sikharulidze 1956:49-50). The magic plowing of water during bad weather was well known among other people (Snegire v 1837:vol . 3 , p. 156) . Accordin g t o th e narrato r the y

170 KSENI

A SIKHARULIDZE

threw th e to y Gondj a int o the yar d o f anyone wh o did not rewar d th e carnival participant s i n orde r t o destro y hi s famil y lif e (Sikharulidz e 1958:366). Asking for provision s on behal f of Gondj a i s a custom als o met i n a tex t writte n dow n i n Svaneti a i n th e 1870' s (Umikashvil i 1937:378). For comparison i t is also worthwhile looking at another tex t transcribed i n the pas t century (Takaishvil i 1918:vol. 1 , p. 21) . I splashe d o n Gondja Vardo — Mananasa! God, brin g rain, Vardo — Mananasa!

The magi c splas h o f water over Gondj a recall s th e Polis h an d Silesia n Maruana, the Icelandic Mara , the English nightmare, the Czech Morus , and so on, Maruana, which is represented b y a straw dummy of a woman, is the sam e a s the Georgia n Gondja . The y drowne d i t i n water o n th e seventh o f March, singing: "Death climbs up fences, looking fo r profit " (Snegirev 1837:vol . 3 , pp. 8-12). The Georgia n text s o f worship, among those o f other nations , asser t that Ily a th e prophet replace d th e highes t god, Perun . Accordin g to the oldest Georgian belief , the traveling of Ilya the prophet throug h the sky by carriage caused thunder and lightning. The mythology of horse and sea must b e studie d i n th e contex t o f subject s connected wit h th e god s of weather and fertility. The belief in a connection betwee n horse s an d the sea is common throughout the world. This belief is described i n the myth of Amiran . Ivan e Dzhavakhishvil i (1928:141-143) was righ t when h e considered th e father , Kamar-Ketus , wearing a fier y helmet , t o b e th e lord o f clouds . Accordin g t o som e version s o f th e myth , the father , Kamar-Ketus, and hi s army create weathe r — rain or stor m (Chikovani 1947:279). I n th e belie f o f Pahava , rai n i s the tear s o f th e mothe r of Kamar. Among the Georgians , a s among many people o f the world, differen t functions o f th e heathe n pantheo n ar e combined , suc h a s thos e o f weather, fertility, agriculture , and anima l husbandry. From this point of view, there is a close contact between songs and poetry about the seasons . In thi s instance w e ca n notic e on e peculiarit y of folklore : th e geneti c relationship among poetic genres. Dramatization of the struggle between spring an d winter , meeting with th e firs t rai n of spring, celebrating th e first o f May , an d s o on , too k plac e i n Georgi a too . Accordin g t o th e different ritual s and rites in the texts of some songs is the very interesting Easter roun d danc e song : "Chris t i s risen , mak e merry , than k th e herald." Easter ritual s represent th e desir e fo r the transformatio n into spring of the characteristi c influence of winter. The dramatizatio n of the struggle betwee n winte r an d sprin g i s represente d i n thes e line s o f another Easte r roun d dance :

Rituals and Songs of Weather in Georgian Poetic Folklore

171

Yesterday th e so n of a bitc h Crossed the doo r of the sky ; He wa s dressed in a Circassian coat ; His hat, covered wit h roses, Touched th e breeze.

The bo y wit h th e ha t o f rose s caresse d b y th e breez e i s a symbo l o f summer. This i s contrasted wit h bad winte r weather : The breez e i s in love wit h the sun , And th e stor m wit h bad weather .

The participant s i n the Easte r roun d danc e ar e agains t ba d weather : We shoul d lik e goo d weathe r Better tha n rain y weather .

The danc e end s wit h a eulogy to fertility: We prefe r th e ful l ju g To the empt y pitche r

(Takaishvili 1918:vol . 1 , p. 163 )

In this complex text , heathe n i n origin bu t late r Christianized , th e rite s related to spring, weather, and fertility are performed simultaneously. No doubt ther e i s a relationshi p betwee n th e concept s o f weathe r an d o f dying gods and gods raised from th e dead. Men' s thoughts were directe d to suitabl e weathe r o n th e calenda r o f celebrations . Thi s show s i n th e poetry of everyday life. An interesting example of this appears in the text of a children's song : Rain, rain , come, Come dow n i n a pot , There ar e man y pots Full o f seed s

(Sikharulidze 1938:49 )

It is probable tha t people greete d the first rain of spring singing this song, and in addition to asking for good weather, asked for fertility. So the see d is mentione d her e no t fo r fun . Thi s opinio n i s strengthene d b y th e evidence o f a Russia n spring song i n which the y asked th e firs t rai n of spring fo r a heav y harvest : Rain, rain ! Go o n th e ol d woman' s rye , Go on th e old man' s wheat , Go o n th e girl' s flax , Pour ou t o f the bucke t (Snegire

v 1837:vol . 3 , p. 15 )

172 KSENI

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The kindnes s of rai n i s depicted in a Georgia n vers e song . I t i s possible that earlie r i t was a son g o f glory : Glory t o th e Hol y Father ! He decide d t o buil d u p a country, He gav e clouds t o th e sky, And ther e i s rain

(Takaishvili 1918:vol . 1 , p. 378 )

The song was sung while using the threshing floor, and contains requests for goo d weather : Come, win d And mi x corn , I'll bak e brea d And mak e childre n happy

(Takaishvili 1918:vol . 1 , p. 329 )

It is noteworthy tha t in Khevsureti, up to the end, the y had a celebration of wind . I t too k plac e i n th e middl e o f March . Peopl e though t tha t if anybody di d no t obe y th e celebratio n rites , win d woul d thro w dow n haystacks. People used to say : "There is rain (or snow) for a happy man and win d is blowing for a n unhapp y one. " In mos t song s w e ca n se e hatre d an d fea r o f winter . Th e Georgia n saying: "May yo u have the kind of winter you deserve" is seen as a curse . It i s from thi s point of view that we must not e th e cycl e of verses abou t months. These verses are not ritual in origin, but are of everyday lif e and represent weathe r suitabl e fo r th e season s o f the year . Describin g th e climatic features of the months , the y underlin e th e specia l difficultie s of the winte r months , Decembe r an d January . Example s o f this are : At th e beginnin g of Decembe r Storms started , Mills were frozen , Nobody coul d mak e the m mov e January i s coming As a snake o f Septembe r

(Kotetishvili 1934:188 ) (Takaishvili 1918 : vo l 1 , p. 327 )

The designatio n o f months showin g a mood of spring depends upo n th e climate of a region. In southern Georgi a thi s appears in poems dedicate d to February , bu t i n the mountainou s areas, wher e i n February i t is very cold, peopl e sho w thei r fea r o f th e severit y o f thi s month . It is interesting that in many parts of the world April is considered t o be the time for meeting the spring. People show this in various ways, but it is noteworthy, however , tha t eve n peopl e wit h differen t belief s hav e th e same custo m o f deceptio n o n th e firs t o f Apri l (Snegire v 1837:vol . 1 , p. 43). Th e Georgian s say : "Today i s the firs t o f April, i t is very easy t o deceive." This was not simply a custom. It had the same meaning in spring

Rituals an d Songs o f Weather i n Georgian Poetic Folklore 17

3

rites a s in a wedding ceremony . Durin g the weddin g procession people used t o see the brid e an d bridegroo m of f while telling lies and shootin g into the air . It i s possible tha t th e habi t of playing tricks on th e firs t o f April was intended t o war d of f evil forces that migh t interfere wit h the rebirth o f nature, th e spring, th e deity raised fro m death . Attemptin g t o frighten of f evil forces wa s a habi t amon g Georgia n farmers . I n Khev sureti, whe n i t was hailing, people use d t o shoo t int o th e air. With the ritua l and poetr y o f weather i s connected the celebratio n o f May. Among Slavs this celebration signifie d the transition from sprin g to summer (Snegire v 1837:vol . 1 , p. 48). Celebrations o f the first and seventh of May have been observed to the present da y in Georgia. On th e first of May women san g and danced i n a ring. People also believe d tha t the rai n of May helped hai r to grow. The song o f th e sevent h o f Ma y said : There i s rain of the sevent h o f May, Hair i s down t o th e feet .

In connectio n wit h th e ritual s of weather an d legen d songs , th e poeti c folklore o f the celestia l cycl e must b e noted. Being a captive o f nature , man noticed fro m th e beginning the meaning of this cycle for agriculture. This was the basis for worship of the celestial cycle, which was reflected in different branche s of art. Many people believe d that the sun was a totem. According t o th e Ossetia n legend , Quee n Thama r conceived he r so n from a sunbeam which shone throug h the window (Miller n.d). In Georgian poeti c folklor e th e imag e of Quee n Thama r i s connected wit h th e heathen deity of weather, Pirimze. According t o the legend nobody knew winter in Georgia unti l Queen Thama r imprisoned the Star , or the Lor d .of Weather; it was eternally spring (Sikharulidze 1961:81-82,254-261). Benevolent weather created th e totem of the sun and the cult of the stars. The sun was the source of life, an idea preserved i n Georgian fol k tales as a charmin g fable . According t o one o f the fol k tale s th e mothe r o f the sun instruct s the mother o f a bo y who i s dead i n the daytim e bu t aliv e a t night : Take th e water with which the su n washes his face an d i t will cure your son. Go down th e same wa y you came up . Stay there unti l morning. At daw n collect th e early dew — this is the water. Take i t and sprinkle with it the face of your son and he wil l b e a s alive in th e daytim e as h e i s at night.

The mothe r di d s o an d he r so n cam e t o lif e (Takaishvil i 1918:vol . 2 , pp. 4-8) . In Georgia, the sun and the moon were considered no t only to be royal totems bu t als o th e sourc e o f life . This i s well illustrated in a Megrelia n song:

174 KSENI

A SIKHARULIDZ E

The su n i s my mother, The moo n i s my father , Small star s are My sisters and brother s (Dzhavakhishvil

i 1928:54 )

The ritual s or dramatizations of the struggl e between winter and spring showed ho w a man depending on weather looked a t the sun with hope. That i s why peopl e though t tha t a t Easte r th e su n ros e playin g and dancing. So believed people i n Russia and in Iceland (Snegirev 1837:vol. 1, p. 18), as well as in Georgia. Celebration of Easter i s a transformation of heathe n sprin g celebrations. Trace s of sacrificin g o f goats, kids , an d sheep to th e su n durin g the ritual s of asking th e heathe n god fo r goo d weather ar e preserve d u p t o th e presen t da y i n poem s o f th e sun' s cycle: Rise, sun, Come int o ou r yard, Shine on th e cattl e yard, I'll kil l fo r you a sheep (Sikharulidz

e 1970:37-38 )

Verses analogous to this can be found in Russian folk song, when children sing t o the sun : Sun, fin e weather, Look ou t o f the windo w (Snegire

v 1837:vol. 1 , p. 18 )

There were many poems in Georgia which were part of the worship of the sun and now take their place in the children's repertoire. A good example of thi s is a poe m whic h a Georgia n chil d learns a s he start s to speak : Sun, rise , rise, Don't hid e in the mountains, The ma n i s killed by cold, Poor ma n i s wallowing here .

The text s of Georgian wor k poetry revea l the connectio n o f agriculture with song s dedicate d t o th e sun . Som e o f th e song s wer e performe d during group work. The children's poems probably had the same function we have spoken abou t above. Accordin g to texts recently discovered, a t the beginning and at the end of work a group of workers sang to the sun: Sun, come, come, Light u p over the world, Long liv e your creator ! You ar e a candle for the worl d (Sikharulidz

During th e proces s o f work they sang fo r good weather :

e 1970:37-38)

Rituals an d Songs o f Weather i n Georgian Poetic Folklore 17 Oh, morning , morning, How charmin g you ar e My morning , The su n li t u p And wok e u p al l beings (Sikharulidz

5

e 1960:249 )

In th e proces s o f wor k dew i s spoken o f affectionately : I wok e u p earl y i n this morning And touche d dew At firs t w e hav e t o than k Go d And the n hi s strength.

Dew, as we have seen from this folk tale, was considered to be water with which the sun washed his face. In this poem heathen and Christian gods, the su n and th e creator, ar e joined. Laborers a t the end of the day' s work used to say farewell to the sun, singing his glory. For example, one song can serve which keeps a trace of mythos: Sun i s going down, Taking hi s seat i n the nes t Where h e pu t th e golde n egg, A chicke n o f pearl (Sikharulidz

e 1960:294 )

From the point of view of the ritual of weather and poetic creation there must be noted a poem, "The su n and the moon," in dialogue form. In this verse a realisti c picture of the meanin g of celestial bodie s fo r ma n an d agriculture i s given . Th e superiorit y o f th e su n ove r othe r bodie s i s underlined there . A t th e sam e tim e th e poe m retain s traces of a great celebration of the awakenin g of nature. This poem an d others from th e cycle of celestial poetry rais e man y interestin g questions. I n answering them, we shall solve many complex problems of mythology. Investigation of ritual s of weathe r an d th e poetr y connecte d wit h the m ha s a grea t meaning fo r researc h into th e hopes , expectations , an d consolation s of people ove r th e centuries .

REFERENCES CHIKOVANI, J .

1947 Amlran chained. (In Russian.)

CHIKHJKVADZE, G .

1960 Georgian

folk song. (In Russia n and Georgian. )

DZHAVAKHISHVILI, I .

1928 Th e history o f th e Georgian people, volume one. (In Georgian. )

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KHIZANISHVILI, N .

1940 Ethnographic

notes. Tiflis . (I n Georgian. )

KOTETISHVILI, V .

1934 Folk

poetry. (I n Georgian. )

MILLER, U .

n.d. Ossetian

studies, volume three. (I n Russian. )

SIKHARULIDZE, K .

1938 Children's folklore. (I n Georgian. ) 1956 Georgian folklore reader, volum e one. (I n Georgian. ) 1958 Essays, volum e one. (I n Georgian. ) 1960 Poetry o f folk rites, Georgian folk poetry, volum e one. (I n Georgian. ) 1961 Georgian historical folklore, volum e one. (I n Georgian. ) 1970 Georgian folklore reader, volum e two . (I n Georgian. )

SNEGIREV, I .

1837 Russian folk celebrations and superstitious rites, volumes one and three . Moscow. (I n Russian. ) TAKAISHVILI, E. , editor 1918 Folklore, tw o volumes . (In Russian. ) UMIKASHVILI, P .

1937 Folklore,

volum e one. (I n Georgian. )

On the Hungarian Variants of South Slavic Folk Songs and Tales

MADELEINE V . ANDJELI C

South Slavic ethnic groups dispersed i n various regions of Hungary even today continue the custom s and folklor e (fol k poetry , epi c songs, folk tales, and so on) which they brought with them when they migrated to the new country several centuries ago. However, under the influence of new environmental conditions and new circumstances of life, an d despite th e desire to preserve traditio n untouched, it has changed little by little, and at the same time folk poetry , epic songs, and prose have also undergone modifications and transformations. These transformations are also influ enced by the accelerated rhythm of modern lif e which spares neither the village customs , no r th e traditiona l milieu in which folk song s ar e bes t cultivated an d conserved . For the most part the songs of contemporary singers are those heard on radio and television, or those which are culled from written compilations. The researcher Vlajk o Palavestra, who spent the end of 1962 an d the beginning of 196 3 i n Hungary gathering folklore material, succeeded i n hearing the folk song s of Szöreg (Sirig), a village six kilometers from th e city o f Szeged . I t wa s i n th e househol d o f Bogda n Jovanov , a seventyyear-old man , tha t hi s daughters-in-law , two Serbian s an d on e Hun garian, sang the songs which they had learned while listening to the radio from Nov i Sad. They sang the widely known songAndjelija vodu lila [Andjelija poured water], the n another , als o wel l circulated , o f th e dodola type-song s associated wit h th e custo m o f praying during a drought : Our dod a beg s God , hol a dodo , hola dodol e That i t may rain a little, hola dodo , hol a dodole .

They als o kne w some facetiou s songs (salajke), fo r example :

178 MADELEIN

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Hola Sirig , you are scattere d o n th e hillside, You ar e a beautiful nes t of vagabonds.

The singers then narrated in detail the old customs of Christmas and other festivals which have been preserve d an d are stil l celebrated i n the sam e fashion a s in the past . It is possible to appreciate to what extent the small South Slavic ethnic groups disperse d i n Hungar y maintain and retai n traditio n b y readin g Narodni kalendar, a people's almana c which appears each year in Budapest and which is intended, for the most part, for villagers of South Slavic origin. In response t o the wishes of the subscribers, of those who read it, the almanac contains folk songs and tales, but there is also some interes t shown for article s concerning customs . The epi c song s published i n the almanac are ofte n only well-known songs taken from th e collection s of Vuk Stefanovi c Karadzic . Thos e fro m thes e collection s whic h hav e appeared i n the almana c since its first appearanc e tw o decades ag o are: "Marko drink s Ramazan wine" (1959) , "Predra g and Nenad" (1960), "The wif e o f Hassan-aga," "Marko recognize s the swor d of his father " (1962), "Princ e Mark o an d Be y Kostadin, " "Cza r Laza r an d czarin a Militza" (1963), "The firs t climb made by Prince Marko," "Mark o hunts with th e Turks," "Ol d ma n Voujadin," "Princ e Mark o and the eagle," "Prince Marko and Bey Kostadin" (1964), "The battl e of Micher," "Th e Marriage of Janko Sibinjanin" (1966), "Prince Mark o and Moussa Kessedzija" (1967) , "Tomorro w wil l b e th e fai r da y o f Vid " (1968) , an d "Old ma n Novak and Prince Bogosav" (1969). Included also are songs taken from other collections: "The redeeme d girl (the marriage of Ive de Senj)" (1959) , "Empt y Danicic " (1963), "Prince Mark o and his cousin Ognjan" (1967) , an d "Princ e Mark o and the fair y o f Pechter" (1969). Exceptionally popula r songs have even appeare d twice : "Marko recog nizes the sword of his father" reappeared i n 1966 and "Prince Marko and Bey Kostadin " i n 1965 . In addition to th e song s mentioned, in which heroism is glorified and the great deeds of the favorit e characters of South Slavic epic tradition, especially those of Prince Marko, are praised, we find lyrical songs, some from the Karadzic collections "The gir l complains to the rose," "The sta g and th e fairy, " bu t fo r th e mos t par t collecte d i n mor e recen t years . Stjepan Velin published the lyrical songs of the Bunivetch (Bunjevci) an d the Shocat z (Sokci) whic h h e observe d i n Baj a an d it s surroundings (1969); some old songs of the Bunivetch of Vantzaga (1966); the ballad "The immuremen t of th e breakfas t maid, " th e variatio n of th e well known ballad of the immure d mother (1969) ; an d songs which describe the custom s o f th e Bunivetc h which ar e sun g i n Santovo , Bereg , an d Monochtor (1971) . Her e i s an example fro m th e las t group:

Hungarian Variants o f South Slavic Folk Songs and Tales 17

9

I lov e th e brunett e in the evenin g twilight When th e ducat s jingle around he r neck.

Popular song s o f Gradiste , Koljnive , Narde, o f th e villag e o f Petrov o Selo, an d of Chitz of the Croatian s (1961 , 1964 , 1967 ) hav e als o bee n published, includin g the well-know n " I a m a ros e unti l I hav e n o hus band" (1961), "Where do you come fro m littl e girl?" (1963), "All th e tiny birds of the forests," note d b y Marthe Tangl (1967); and street songs (becarac) suc h as "The windo w is high, and I am a little girl" (1967). One also reads with pleasure th e treatises on the history of the ethnic groups, the Bunivetch and the Shocatz (1968); the descriptions of the customs of Pomaz, of Lower Martinzi (Donji Martinci) , and of the forest of Legrad ; of th e custom s o f Iva n Krije s a t Felsoszentmarto n (Gornj i Martinci ) noted and published by Marie Fekete (1969); and the Christmas customs among the Shocat z in Baranja, noted an d publishe d by Cizmic (1969). All the ethnic groups are similar in that songs about fairies are popular, but song s which praise an d glorif y th e grea t deed s of Prince Mark o ar e preferred eve n more. Let us analyze some of these song s and tales note d by researchers over the years. Prince Marko is equally popular among all people o f Sout h Slavi c origin : Serbs , Croats , Bunivetch , Shocatz , Slovenes, an d others , especiall y thos e wh o liv e a rura l life . I n villag e gatherings (divan) th e favorit e subject of recitation s or o f stories i s the personality of Prince Marko. The narrator s are mostly old men; women tell stories an d recite onl y rarely. Besides th e stories culled directly fro m the Karadzic collections ther e ar e variations, made up by the singers and narrators, whic h may be longer or shorter an d with more or less original supplementary parts . Th e content s o f th e tale s abou t Princ e Mark o correspond to known songs: sometimes these tales embody the legendary themes o f widesprea d Europea n folktales ; other time s th e subject s of South Slavic folktales are incorporated. I n 1971, i n the area of the Drav e river, Djur o Sarosa c collected, alon g wit h othe r songs , one son g abou t Prince Marko. One of the singers who served as a source for this valuable and interestin g material was eighty-four-year-old Simon Kokoric of th e village o f Drävasztär a (Starina) , nea r th e Yugoslavia n border . Whil e collecting ethnographic and folkloric data i n the regions of Baranja are a Erno Eperjessy (1968) encountered, b y chance, this old man who had a rich imaginatio n and wh o san g whil e playin g bagpipes. A cobble r b y trade, he was a "friend" o f the fairies who, according to him, taught him various crafts such as the makin g of clocks and bagpipes , weaving , basketry, and other trades. He insisted he had magical capabilities inherited from hi s mother. To prov e tha t the fairie s punishe d him because a t on e time he did not want to sing to them and play the pipes he showed a burn on hi s left han d (Dömötör 1968 , 1972) .

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E V . ANDJELI C

Eperjessy an d Dömötör verify that he is really and truly a poor man but that h e i s esteemed b y his fellow citizens an d jokes ar e not mad e abou t him. He is often invited to weddings and other feast s to sing and play the pipes. Despit e th e smal l numbe r o f song s i n hi s repertoire, Eperjess y thinks that it would be useful t o pay more attentio n t o him and to try to rescue fro m oblivio n a t leas t par t o f the treasur e h e possesses . Up t o now , onl y thre e o f hi s song s hav e bee n collected : on e abou t fairies, anothe r abou t Princ e Marko , an d one abou t th e Hounadis . Th e song abou t th e fairies , which has n o title , an d th e othe r "Milo s i vila" [Miloch an d th e fairy ] are onl y fain t memorie s o f Serbo-Croatia n fol k songs take n fro m th e Karadzi c collections: thei r element s an d fact s are wholly mixe d togethe r an d confused . Th e son g o f th e fairie s coul d b e considered a s a synthesis of what information can be abou t the m i n the songs of these collections . Th e fair y Ravijoil a and th e mountai n fairies, including the evil Zagorkinje ar e found in the song. These "sister" fairies can b e eithe r nobl e an d generou s o r treacherous , the y recoun t thei r adventures an d deeds t o one another whe n they meet. Kokori c imputed to th e fair y Ravijoil a that, afte r dinne r in the king' s palace , sh e Slit he r youn g son' s throa t So this evil rac e migh t perish.

(Dömötör 1968:342 )

Such a deed is not know n in South Slavi c folk poetry , bu t i t is found in a modified versio n i n the tale s o f European peoples . The son g abou t th e her o Princ e Mark o ("Milo s i vila" ) i s onl y a n impoverished variatio n of the one from the Karadzic collection. Kokoric remembered onl y the principal elements o f this song: Princ e Mark o an d his chosen brothe r Duk e Miloch , identified by Kokoric and Milos Obilic, which bears witness to the fact that he knew Serbo-Croatian fol k poetry in detail, wer e travelin g o n horsebac k acros s Moun t Mirotc h (i n th e Kokoric song the mountain's name is not mentioned, which means either that he forgot its name or that he had never know n it at all). Marko asks his chosen brother to sing to him, but Miloch hesitates since he is afraid of the fair y (agai n Kokori c does no t kno w tha t th e fair y i s jealous o f th e beautiful voice of Miloch, who has, according to the popular South Slavic folk son g "an imperia l throat. . . more beautifu l tha n that of the fairy"). However h e finall y begin s to sing; the fair y shoot s a n arro w to kil l him, but Prince Marko catches the fairy and, according to the South Slav song: He hit s th e fair y i n the ches t While throwin g her rudel y to th e ground, And beatin g her wit h hi s club, He knocke d her abou t from righ t t o left , While beatin g her wit h hi s golden club.

Hungarian Variants of South Slavic Folk Songs an d Tales 18

1

Kokoric's variation says only: "He seize d th e fairy an d threw her to the ground." Th e fairy in his song, as in the Karadzi c one, gather s medicines to hea l Miloch. Kokoric does not mention th e geographic name s which are foun d abundantl y in Karadzic's song : Moun t Mirotch , th e Poretc h region (Porecka krajina), the Vidin region (Vidinska krajina), the Timok waters (voda Timokova), the village of Breg (selo Breg). Kokoric recites the son g i n decasyllabic verse, bu t hi s decasyllabics are no t alway s the pure and rhythmic decasyllabic of South Slavic epic poetry. I n his recitation h e als o ha s verses o f six , seven, an d twelv e syllables : Sing, m y brother, withou t fear of th e beautifu l fairy; The fair y doe s not wan t t o touc h an y Serb. He speak s softl y som e word s t o hi s Charatz : "My goo d Charatz , m y dear friend, Catch th e fair y fo r me! " Charatz thre w three spears toward the sky .

(Narodni kalendar 1972 )

The question arises: where did Kokoric learn these songs? He was illiterate; h e could not read fo r himself the Karadzi c collections. H e probably heard the songs from hi s predecessors, as singers and narrators normally learn them, but he simply maintains that he learned them from the fairies who according to his own words, still kept in touch with him even at that time. During his work as a researcher, Eperjess y encountere d anothe r narrator wh o i s als o worth y of attention . H e wa s th e fisherma n Andrija Hideg, from the village of Felsöszentmarton (Gornj i Martinci), who died a few years ago at the age of ninety. As he grew old, he went blind, but he kept th e gif t o f narratin g i n a n appealin g manner . Hi s fathe r wa s a Hungarian shepherd ; hi s mother Croatian . H e hear d th e tales h e knew from th e Croatian s whil e fishin g alon g th e bank s o f th e Drave . Hi s repertoire of tales was rich. Almost everything he narrated referred to the personality of Prince Marko. His tales were prose versions of South Slavic folk songs, in which one could recognize the songs' decasyllabic structure. Here are some of their titles: "Prince Marko and the black Arab," in two versions; "Th e three-heade d Arab, " "Th e weddin g of Prince Marko, " also i n two versions; an d "Princ e Mark o and Jank o Sibinjanin. " Thes e tales are i n manuscript form, still unpublished, but th e tale "Miloch an d the Fairy " wa s publishe d wit h th e Kokori c son g (Narodni kalendar 1972). All of Hideg's tale s are from th e Karadzi c song collections, faith fully rendere d i n prose. By comparing Kokoric's song and Hideg's tale "MiloS i vila" on the one hand, and the South Slavic epic song "Prince Mark o and the fairy" on the other, w e ca n conclud e th e following : Kokoric's son g i s a n abridged ,

182 MADELEIN

E V . ANDJELIC

shortened, verse variation, in contrast to Hideg's tale which is a sweeping narrative intersperse d wit h element s fro m th e imaginatio n of th e nar rator. Hideg introduced some altogether personal elements, including the seven mountai n fairies wh o live d o n Moun t Jamina . The younges t of these, one of the actors of the tale, is only seventeen years old. In Hideg' s version Marko encourages Miloch, who was healed by the young fairy, to marry her, and Miloch obeys, but in two months he lets her return to her sisters the fairies. Hideg did not follow the epic narrative. He intersperse d his narrative with dialogues which resembled conversation s of people of his own social environment: "'Don't d o i t like this,' sai d Marko. 'Take her as your bride. You will be a better man.'" Or: "She spen t two months at his home a s his wife, she slept beside him in his bed. Afte r two months passed, sh e tol d him : 'Mijo, yo u hav e completely neglected me. ' 'But , why?'" Mark o ha s wine an d som e brandy . H e command s th e fair y t o bring the liquo r and a glass. Sh e obeys, pours the drin k and they drink. That Hide g learned this tale, and al l the others too, i n the for m o f the epic song, is proved by the decasyllabic lines intermingled with the fabric of the narrative: " 'Don't do that, my friend Prince Marko, allow me to go into the green mountain'"., "when they were going from Mount Jamina to another mountai n Prince Marko quickly seized hi s mace an d thre w i t toward her", "S o i f I do not then heal his eyes, he will have me burned by fire" (Narodni kalendar 1972:66 ; emphasis added). Moreover, he uses elements characteristic of South Slavic epic poetry: the mace, the golden club, the gree n mountain , and s o on, bu t Hide g di d not remembe r th e names mentioned in the South Slavic epic: Miloch of Pocerje is, according to him , Miloch o f Poselje ; Moun t Jamin a i s also hi s own invention. Kokoric and Hide g prefer not to use the traits of brutality and impulsiveness which are attributed t o Prince Mark o in the Sout h Slavic epics: they disregar d the m or ton e the m down . The fac t tha t Princ e Mark o an d hi s chosen brothe r ar e th e favorit e traditional characters amon g the ethnic groups where folklore materials have bee n gathere d u p t o th e presen t tim e i s agai n witnesse d b y a n unpublished song which Vlajko Palavestra heard from Milena Bogdanov, who was born Milena Bozic in Deska. This song, which she learned fro m her father , merits attention , an d i t i s published her e i n full : Hola, the falco n look s fo r a quiet place, He doesn' t wan t it to be u p abov e on th e fi r tree , But i n the valle y wher e the ten t becomes white, But i n the valle y where th e ten t become s white. Hola, i n the ten t is the heroine , She drinks the win e and does not worry, Singing, happy, in her charmin g voice, And he r son g animates the gre y falcon; And he r son g animates the gre y falcon .

Hungarian Variants o f South Slavic Folk Songs an d Tales 18

3

Hola, I have served tw o Serbian heroes , I hav e served Miloc h an d Princ e Marko , Marko taught me t o drin k wine, Miloch, to sin g beautiful songs ; Miloch, to sin g beautiful songs. 1 (Vlajko Palavestra , persona l communication , October 29 , 1972 )

We se e tha t th e characteristi c feature s o f th e tw o heroes , Mark o an d Miloch, are pointed out here: Prince Mark o is known for his predilection for wine ; Miloc h fo r hi s famous voice . Traditions and folk songs have bee n extremely wel l preserved b y the South Slavi c ethni c group s i n Hungary . A historica l facto r ha s contri buted t o this fact: from the early fifteenth centur y there were families of great Serbia n lord s who owned vas t feudal estates in these regions. The y were formerl y the subject s of epic songs. On e o f these wealth y families, the JakSics, whose sea t was in Nagylak, was known for legal proceeding s between tw o brothers , Steva n an d Dimitrije , ove r th e divisio n o f th e estate. Ther e eve n exist s a monograp h whic h deal s wit h thi s subjec t (Szentkläray 1898) . The argumen t between th e two brothers wa s transformed into song. Because of its beauty, this song is among the best of the South Slavi c epics: "Confide i n me m y friend th e gre y falcon, How do yo u bea r lif e withou t wings?" The falco n answers with a piercing cry: "Without m y wings , life i s similar To th e lif e o f the brothe r wh o n o longe r ha s a brother." 2

Hej, sok o bir a d i ce nac i tnir a Nece gor e n a visoko j jeli, Vec u doli, di s e Sato r beli, Vec u doli d i s e sator beli . Hej, po d Satoro m del i ja devojka , Vino pije, n i briga joj nije , Pesumu pev a i od glas a mil a Cisto rast u n a sokolu krila, Cisto rast u n a sokol u krila : Hej, sluzil a sam dva srpsk a junaka, Sluzila sa m MiloS a i Marka, Od Mark a sa m piti nauoila, Od MiloS a pesm e prisvojila , Od Milos a pesm e prisvojila . "Kako ti je, mo j siv i sokole, Kako ti je be z kril a tvojega? " Soko njem u pisko m odgovara : "Meni jeste bez krila mojega , Kao bratu jedno m be z drugoga."

(Karadzic 1932:575 )

184 MADELEIN

E V. ANDJELI C

In hi s tale "Miloc h an d th e fairy " Hide g remarks : "Listen , Charo , m y good horse, as you feel without your limbs, so I feel without my brother." Current research and collecting expeditions, as well as those to come in the future , wil l be able not onl y to give us the answe r to the questio n of how Hideg arrive d at this sentence, bu t also to unmask many important and interesting problems in the domain of the folklore sciences. They will help us to discover how tradition is kept, how it is transmitted from on e generation t o another , an d ho w it passes fro m on e are a t o another. W e hope that the answers to the numerous questions asked will not be long in coming an d tha t researc h wor k will giv e us some importan t results. REFERENCES DÖMÖTÖR, TEKL A

vilä k ajändek a [Th e world gift] . Filologiai Közlöny [Philological Review] 14(3-4):339-346 . 1972 "Zwi e Zauberer au s Südungarn," in Volkskunde: Festgabe für Leopold Schmidt. Edited b y Klau s Beitl, 381-390. Vienna : Verei n fü r Volks kunde. 1968 A

EPERJESSY, ERN Ö

1968 Borbäl a nap i hiedelmek , szokäso k e s a nyelvcser e kerdes e [St. Bar bara's da y belief s an d custom s an d th e languag e question] . Ethnographia 79(4):560-587 .

KARADZIC, VU K STEFANOVI C

1932 Srpske narodne pjesme [Serbia n fol k songs] , volum e two , Belgrade: Drzavna Stamparija . Narodni kalendar 1959-1972 Narodni kalendar. Budapest : Demokratsko g Savez a Juzni h Slovena. SZENTKLARAY,JENÖ

1898 A Csanad-egyhazmegyei plebaniäk törtenete [The Csanäd distric t parish history]. Timisoara (Temesvär) , Rumania .

The Rumanian Folklore Calendar and Its Age Categories

EMILIA COMI§E L

The great variety , originality, and social an d artisti c merit of the Ruma nian folklore calendar gives it an important plac e in the national culture. It has arisen ou t of economic an d social conditions no longer prevailing , and ha s retaine d echoe s o f a specifi c vie w o f lif e an d th e cosmos , o f ancestral spirituality and technical experience, and of literary and musical documents belongin g t o th e successiv e cultures , pre-Indo-Europea n and Indo-European , a t a time prior to the splittin g of these int o distinc t peoples, an d finall y fro m som e o f the direc t ancestor s of the Rumanians , the Geto-Dacian s an d the Latins . The assimilation of this cultural treasure by each specific people, according to the psychic factors they possess, and within the framewor k of local magico-religious systems and specific living conditions, gave birth everywhere to original types of manifestation and development , thu s confirming the spiritua l originality and creativ e force of different races . The universalit y and quasi-universality of certain seasonal ceremonies, founde d upon myths, beliefs, and superstitions, and developed fro m ancien t religious practices, i s the consequence o f a common material and spiritual genetic inheritance. Their permanent function in dail y life an d thei r ability to reinforc e bonds o f solidarity of structur e and way of life within the framework of specific societies help s provide a better existenc e fo r all , giving assurance o f stabilit y in time an d space , although i n th e dialecti c proces s o f permanen t adaptatio n t o life' s demands, mutation s i n function , form, an d conten t hav e bee n experi enced. As they are passed down by word of mouth from one generation t o the next , thes e comple x manifestation s includ e a certai n numbe r o f This wor k i s base d o n persona l research , carrie d ou t ove r mor e tha n thre e decades , generally made in situ, and on the large quantity of material available in the archives of the Ethnological and Folklore Institut e at Bucharest, and finally data from know n sources (se e References).

186 EMILI

A COMIS.E L

factors with differing elements , of an economic, magical , religious, judicial, or artistic order, breathing life and vitality into these structures, an d giving the m precis e role s an d definit e meanin g both t o communit y life and t o th e individual . In th e cours e o f the lon g and comple x process of social evolution , th e ancien t feasts , myths , and symbol s consecrated t o the pre-Indo-Europea n an d Geto-Dacia n pantheo n gods , change d int o rituals of a more utilitarian nature, the n into opportunities fo r collectiv e entertainment, a s new elements, o f an artisti c nature, wer e introduced . Within th e framewor k of thes e intrusion s a t variou s moment s i n th e evolution o f th e cycle , tha t is , thes e interpellations , dislocations , superimpositions, an d accumulation s o f features , a proces s comes int o being whereby each ma n doe s hi s best t o subordinat e them t o hi s vital needs and to his cultural-artistic horizon, determined by new conceptions of the world and society. Annually recurring customs become impressiv e dramatic spectacles enlarge d b y artistic additions of a more entertaining nature — literary, musical, and choreographic , an d thoug h wholly integrated with the life of modern man, relating in different ways to the actual conditions o f lif e an d work . The folklor e calenda r i s founded on th e siderea l year , importan t i n terms of agriculture and pastora l production an d labor, making it easier for the Rumanian peasant to acquire an organic understanding of this life: a fundamental unity of organic life developin g at two cosmic levels, "th e vegetal level , considered t o b e th e sprin g of life, an d th e huma n level" (Eliade 1968:258) , corresponding t o th e analog y "woman/field, givin g birth/sowing," and "mental synthesis" which has been "essential for the evolution o f humanity " an d wa s no t "possibl e unti l th e discover y o f agriculture" (Eliad e 1968:304) . Formally linked to the ecclesiastica l calendar and partially influenced by it , th e rural , ethnographic , calenda r rest s upo n date s an d period s representing th e beginning s and end s o f seasons: essentia l time s in the different stage s of agricultura l and pastora l labor . In correspondenc e wit h changing social conditions, th e custom s an d festivals, an d their ceremonies, rituals, and practices, represent comple x syncretic actions with differing functions , practiced and respected by both sexes and all ages. The feasts, customs, and rituals refer to several themes: death and the annual renewal in nature; agricultural labor; and daily life , including relationships between youn g people an d withi n th e family . I n the pas t i t was norma l fo r th e fertilit y o f th e soil , an d th e fecundit y o f women and animals, indeed the very social equilibrium, to be assured and maintained b y th e performanc e of suc h ceremonies . Within th e framewor k o f these seasona l ceremonies , we can discove r several ritual categories: thos e which ar e linked t o agricultural and pastoral labor, suc h a s see d preparation , plowin g the fields , sowin g an d harvesting crops , sheepherding , an d transhumance ; o r thos e linked t o

The Rumanian Folklore Calendar an d It s Age Categories 18

7

fixed annual holidays an d t o the domestic cycle. B y analyzin g each rit e within th e contex t o f the ceremon y t o which it belongs, severa l genera l features emerge : certain ceremonie s ar e universal ; others ar e regional , known only in a limited geographical are a or ethnic locality; some have developed artistic aspects having their own peculiar characteristics, with a great variety of theme, style, and composition, from the simple recitation of verba l formula s or th e outlin e o f a fe w danc e steps , t o th e highl y artistic, structured choreography , intonation, and rhythm. The same rite may have a different, eve n a directly opposite, meaning, if performed in different ceremonie s — a n exampl e bein g th e sprinklin g of wate r i n agricultural, wedding, and funeral ceremonies. Als o the same rite may be performed i n different ways , by one o r mor e ag e groups. Fo r example, ritual firelighting, for purification, fertility, or commemoration purposes, may tak e plac e o n beaches , i n field s o r yards , a t graveside s o r i n th e middle of the village, in various forms— a pyramid; a wheel covered with flaming straw ; specia l torche s calle d hodaitze, mad e fro m branche s broken fro m tree s in a certain way , or gathere d i n the village , or eve n procured in secret — on certain fixed date s or during certain times of the year. Som e ceremonie s practise d i n th e pas t exclusivel y by on e ag e category have since been adopte d by others — for example, the colindat and th e Udatu [ritua l sprinkling of water on young girls]. The tim e an d place ar e importan t conditions i n the practisin g of rites , bu t som e ma y happen without any fixed date or place established for their performance; others ma y be celebrate d a t differen t time s of the yea r and a t differen t times of the da y or night. Some ceremonies ma y be repeated durin g the course o f the year — for example Udatu at Epiphany, Shrove Tuesday , St. Theodore's Da y (th e firs t Saturda y of Lent) , o n Easte r Monda y or Tuesday, o n Ma y 1 , and s o on . By analyzin g these variou s syncretic manifestations, i t is obvious that the ful l valu e and meaning cannot be understood, an d moreover cannot be studie d adequately , without relatio n t o th e ag e categories , eac h o f which ha d a particula r function an d positio n i n th e framewor k o f th e ancient village , and whos e organizatio n of socia l an d cultura l life wa s strongly regulate d b y tradition . Taking int o accoun t thes e typologica l categories observe d b y th e Rumania n ethnomusicologis t Constanti n Bräiloiu (1932), and by applying them to the seasonal ceremonies, we are able to delineate the following age categories: children (sometimes their sex i s designated i n a particula r ritual); young people (girl s and boys) ; couples married for one year', mature couples; an d women (adul t and the aged). However, i t wa s th e youn g bachelor s wh o feature d i n th e greates t number of functions: th e "initiation " of adolescent girl s (the principal of these bein g the hora, a round dance); organizatio n of relationships between young girls and boys and between family members; organization of

188 EMILI

A COMI§E L

feasts an d communit y entertainment s durin g th e year ; respectin g th e traditional norms o f moralit y and th e perpetuatio n o f the species ; an d ensuring the fertility of the soil by virtue of their cultural affinity wit h the forces o f nature. Their judicia l function was no les s important , rangin g from mora l sanction s t o corpora l punishment ; th e bricelatu an d th e alegerea craiului [electing the prince] ; the strigarea peste sat [outcry ove r the village] . Althoug h the y wil l soo n disappear , th e youn g men' s "associations" stil l retain significan t elements an d attribute s whic h ar e probably trace s o f brotherhoo d initiation s (Eliade 1968 , ch . 4) , ofte n concerning strict regulations, by which one could not enter the respectiv e brotherhood withou t fulfilling certai n age qualifications (fro m 16 years to engagement), test s of valor an d virility (abilit y to us e arms , horseman ship), of moral behavior, of the learning of customs, and of the candidate' s artistic repertory. Then again they were submitted to various strict obligations an d taboos : mone y payments , meeting s o n certai n day s an d a t precise times , exil e fro m hom e fo r a limite d period , a solem n oath , abstinence from dancing , speaking, and so on. Certain of these initiation rites remain: a candidate ma y be tossed i n a blanket three time s or may even be thrashed, ajuni [youth ] custom, and so on.1 Each associatio n o r brotherhood2 i s brought t o orde r a t St . Nicholas, o n Easte r Sunda y o r between Easte r and Whitsun. They each have their leaders, their particular jargon an d thei r well-defined characteristics, thei r insignia (banners , firearms, a club, a sword or sceptre, jewelry, special ceremonial costumes , and so on) . In Table 1 there is a detailed presentatio n of the various customs and of the ag e categorie s whic h a s a rul e practis e them . Not e tha t th e grea t majority o f participants are young people; that the customs are groupe d around particula r date s an d period s o f th e year . Not e th e time s whe n these custom s ar e practised , th e extremel y divers e terminolog y fo r th e same custom , an d th e repetitio n o f som e custom s durin g the cycle . Some feasts are respected o r honored b y means of certain taboos, such as on eating particular foods, performing certain tasks, dancing, enjoying oneself; other s ar e commemorate d b y lightin g fires in different places , and doing charitable acts (pomeni) i n remembrance of the dead, the mo§i [ancestors]; o r bestowin g blessin g o n th e countryside , animals , men , freeing them from disease, protectin g the m from wil d beasts, evil spirits. Other feast s include a complete artisti c repertoire . Certain ceremonies linke d to the calendar year will now be described , revealing their internal structure, their significance, and the various ways, 1

Thes e are two regulations of the/urn of Brasov (of 1881 and 1894) known to this day. See Musjea (1930) ; Chelce a (1942) ; Dimitri e Cantemi r (1872-1901); and Buhoci u (1971). 2 Ceatajunilor [grou p of youths]. They have various names like bute [farriers]. Their leader is called primär [first] , jude [judge] , or birau [mayor], an d hi s a\dschizäs,,pirgar, cämäras,, vätafmic, an d s o on .

189

The Rumanian Folklore Calendar and Its Age Categories Table 1 . Th e Rumania n folklor e calenda r i n 197 2 Date Occasio

n

Participants

Time

The winter solstice and the winter cycle (December 23 to January 6) Dec . 23-24 pizari, prichi, kifu-mifu, an d star songs children (with o r withou t stars )

day

Dec . 24—2 6 colinde (wit h o r without masks) profane theate r religious theate r

young peopl e young people children

night day, evenin g day

Dec . 31Jan. 1 colinde

young peopl e

night

young peopl e children o r adult s

night day o r evenin g

young wome n children, me n

night day, nigh t

Jan. 1 Plugul

(wit h o r withou t a masked procession) , with buhaiu sorcova, plugiqorul, Vasilca ghicitul (yergel o r leruit [predictions]) traditional fire s

Jan. 6 Boboteaza [Epiphany] : hors e racing young me n ghicit [divining ] girls udatu [sprinklin g of youn g girls], continue s betwee n Epiphany an d Shrov e Tuesda y young peopl e Jan. 8 ziua

babelor [ol d women' s day ] women

day night

morning evening, nigh t

Cislegile, fro m Epiphany t o Shrove Tuesday, a period rich i n weddings Jan. 16-1 7 Sf . Petru de iarna [St . Pete r of Winter] Jan. 16-1 8 Circovü

de iarnä

Jan. 25 Feb. 2

Filipii

Feb. 1

Trifon [Tryphon ]

Feb. 2

stretenia, Ziua ursului [bear' s day], Gurban o r Arizan

Feb. 1- 3

Filipii

Feb. 1 0

Aralampie [St . Charalanbos ]

Feb. 1 1

Sf. Vasite [St . Basil ]

Feb. 1 2

adults

day

Simbata morfilor [Remembrance Saturday ] focuri [fires] , pomeni [alms ]

women

day

Feb. 2 4

Dragobetele: infrafitul tinerilor [young people' s fraternity]

children, youn g people, girl s

day

Mar. 1

marfaorul

children, young girls

day

Table 1 . (continued) Date

Occasion

Lent (March 8 to April 22) Lasata secului: strigarea peste Mar. 8 sat [outcry ove r th e village] , priveghi [vigil ] or moroleuca, also o n Marc h 14 , April 17 , 19, 20 cucii [cuckoos] , with masks; focuri [fires ]

Mar. 8-1 5

Participants

Time

young peopl e young people young peopl e

day, evening day, evening day, evenin g

Säptämina nebunilo r [Fools' week]: ziua cornilor, maimusi, young peopl e etc.

evening

Mar. 9

horse racing , alm s

young peopl e

day

Mar. 9

muceninii, [market] alms , Dafi, copii, c u maiele: begin ning of plowin g

women, childre n

day

young peopl e young wome n those marrie d during the yea r children, youn g people

day morning, evenin g morning, evenin g

Mar. 1 4

Toaderii [St . Theodore ] Homanu Bilciu lu Sin Toader haide-n tirg, (Simti )

Mar. 1 7

Sf. Alexie [St . Alexander ]

day

Spring equinox (March 21 ) Bunavestire [Annunciation ] Mar. 2 5

Mar. 2 6

Blagove§tenie: fire s

women

day

Apr. 1 4

Läzärelul

women

day

Apr. 15

Floriile, mojii d e flori i [Satur day befor e Pal m Sunday ]

women

day

Apr. 1 8

fires

women

day

Apr. 1 9

Toconele, fire s

children

day

Apr. 22

Pantile [Easter Saturday] : plugaru [plowman ] alegerea craiulu i [choosing th e prince] bricelatu (vergelatu) milioara (lioara or jocu felegii)

young people

evening, da y

young peopl e young people young people o r children

evening, da y evening, da y evening, da y

Apr. 22-2 3

udatu [sprinkling ] insuräjitu (Mätcäläu), fires; als o o n Apri l 2 9

young people , girl s everyone

day, mornin g evening, da y morning

Apr. 22-2 9

junii [youn g people ]

young peopl e

night

Apr. 2 3

Singeorz [St . George' s Day ] Ariefu (simbra oilor, alesu o r roscolu) Go via horse racin g udatu rouratu infräfitu (mätcäläu) ghicitü [prediction] focu vi e [roaring fire ]

young peopl e adults (me n an d women) young people, girls young people young people , girls girls everyone young people, girl s shepherds

day three day s day, evenin g day day morning day evening, nigh t day

Table 1 . (continued) Occasion

Date

Participants

Time

Spring equinox (March 21 ) Apr. 2 5 Marcu bailor [St . Mar k th e adults Apostle] Apr. 2 6 Pa$tele blajinilor [Easte r fo r the good-natured]

evening, da y

Apr. 3 0

udatu fires

young people , girls everyone

day morning, evenin g

May 1

armindenu [May-day ]

everyone

morning, evening

after Ma y 1 5 udatu May 2 5 Sf

. loan [St . Joan] , date no t fixed: Caloian (Scaloian, Ene, Mumulifä d e ploifä, etc.) ; paparuda (päpälugä, dodoloaie, etc. ) sulu

Jun. 1 Rusalii:

calu$u bou instrufat [decorate d ox ] infräfit rusltori

those marrie d durin g morning the yea r

children

day

young girls, childre n children

day evening, da y

young peopl e young peopl e young people , girl s

evening, da y evening, da y evening, da y

young girl s everyone

day, evenin g evening

Jun. 9 Aliseiu Jun. 1 9 Ispas Summer solstice (June 22-23) Jun. 2 4 Drägaica fires

Jun. 2 9

Sf. Petru [St . Peter] : Cunun a (buzduganu)

young people , adult s day , evening

Jul. 2 0

St Ilie (S(ntilia) [St . Elia s th e Prophet] fires

young people , adult s day , evening young people , girl s day , evenin g

Jul. 2 7

St. Panteleimon : hors e racin g youn

g people , girl s day

, evenin g

Autumn equinox (September 22-23) Sep. 8 Sf. Maria [Nativit y o f Ou r Lady ]

Sep. 2 4

Sf. Tecla [St . Thecl a th e Martyr ]

Sep. 26-2 8

Berbecarii

Oct. 1 8

Sf. Luca [St . Luk e th e Apostle ]

Oct. 2 6

Sfmedru [St . Demetrius] : Drumitriiele fire s everyon

Nov. 8

Mo$ii de toamnä (Sf. Mihail and Gavril [St . Michae l an d St . Gabriel the Archangel] )

Nov. 9-1 4 Nov. 3 0

Filipii de toamnä Sf. Andrei [St . Andre w th e Protoklite]: ghicitu [prediction] youn

e

g people

day, evenin g

night

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historically an d geographicall y speaking, in which they are known , plus the theme s an d structur e of the artisti c repertory . WINTER CEREMONIE S In the past , winter cycle customs were probably practised exclusively by young bachelors. They were centered o n the pagan feast of the resurrec tion of the sun, and on beliefs referring to the significance of New Year' s Day (up to the sixteenth and seventeenth centurie s the beginning of the year was celebrated o n Marc h 1), and o f the firs t da y of the agricultural year. Accordin g t o ancestra l belief , al l changes (o f season , age , socia l state) neede d t o b e accompanie d b y well-define d rites, symboli c act s which purif y b y means of their influence and repetitio n — according t o the recurren t ritua l drama of death an d resurrectio n durin g th e winter and spring cycles, when zoomorphic an d phytomorphic mask s are used . During this time, men tried to predict the future by observing the phenomena happenin g around them, and by trying to influence the future wit h all kinds of activ e and passiv e rites : prediction s (ghicitul [fortune-telling]); 3 thecolindatul [active rituals] of children and young people, sometimes with masks; and urarea [wishes], which augur well for a happy and prosperou s new year . Suc h wishes migh t b e effecte d b y mean s o f a plow , rea l o r symbolic, by a bouhai, a membranophoni c instrument, a friction drum , comprising a taut skin stretched over a hollow wooden vessel, a cask, with a string across it, which when drawn recalls the lowing of oxen at the plow; bysorcova,4 or vasilica;5 in the staging of wedding productions; by impressive masked processions; 6 b y mime an d drama productions, fo r example the masqu e parodyin g deat h an d resurrection ; i n the lavis h communal banquets; by songs and dances; in the exchange of gifts; b y the sprinkling of young girls; by the lighting of fire s i n various places, an d th e ritual of encircling th e fir e an d jumping over it ; an d b y horse racing (incuratul cailor). As to th e colindat , youn g people ar e th e mai n participants, goin g in groups, fro m hous e t o house, singin g and recitin g verses with special o r satirical themes , accompanie d b y win d instruments , suc h a s bagpipes , flutes, o r mor e moder n instruments ; membranophones , suc h a s th e 3

Als o calle d vergel or leruit, often accompanie d b y special sun g verses. Youn g tre e shoot s or twig s decorated wit h flowers. 5 A doll or pig's head , decorated with ribbons and flowers, and carried b y gypsies singing special verses . 6 Typica l disguise s ar e thos e of a goat, a stag, a bird's hea d wit h a long beak, an d other zoomorphic masks : camel , horse , ram, billy-goat, and ox. Others ar e disguised as grotesqu e characters, a s old men , ol d women , a s a ma n an d hi s wife, a s a shepherd, a herdsman, a gypsy, a priest, a choirboy, a doctor, or a devil. Some are covered in straw; some carry bells , large an d small , or silen t flute s o r drums . A pig' s bladder ma y be worn o n th e head . 4

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bouhai o r th e dobä, a smal l dru m decorate d wit h leaves , an d noise making objects: larg e and small bells, whips, chains, and so on. In fertility rites th e flute-dru m associatio n i s common al l over th e worl d (Collae r 1963:38). The colindat , in common wit h man y other ceremonies , ha s a well-defined structure ; i t develops i n stages, i n various places, wit h cer tain regiona l difference s as follows: (1) th e preparations , rehearsal s t o learn th e procedure , ma y b e mad e b y young girls in the evening s — a laborious way of spending a winter evening; or they may take place a t a particular house, wit h a family, a gazda [host] , chosen a s the foca l point for th e rituals ; (2) th e choic e o f th e leade r an d hi s adjutants; (3 ) th e collection, i n the host house , for the fina l festive mea l of all the food an d drink received as presents b y members of the group; (4) the engagement of the instrumentalis t who accompanie s the colindatori [colinde singers ] — the word colindat itsel f meaning the execution of the repertoire, which varies accordin g t o th e age , sex , occupation , an d positio n o f thos e fo r whom th e goo d wishe s are intended , a s well as being influenced by th e place wher e th e colinda t happen s (a t th e roadside , beneat h windows , indoors, an d s o on); (5 ) th e danc e t o whic h members o f th e receivin g family are also invited; (6) the giving and receiving of gifts and thanks for them, sometimes i n the for m o f humorou s verse; an d (7 ) the last of th e banquets and holidays. The children's colinde is in fact a request for a particular present such as money or confectionery, but it includes a wish for prosperity and happi ness. Variou s little rituals , such as searching the ashe s in the hearth , o r touching the walls of the house or the stables with special twigs, may also be incorporated . The youn g people's colind e i s different, however , referrin g to wide ranging story themes, often of a legendary nature, with agrarian, hunting, pastoral, nuptial , o r cosmogoni c theme s referrin g t o abundanc e an d fertility. Religiou s themes , wit h apocrypha l subject s o r subject s owing something to folklore, were added late r by the church and adopted by the children, sometime s carryin g a sta r mad e o f colore d paper , henc e star songs. The tune s belong t o various styles enveloping different stages of musical development. Th e music is for the most part of early composition, th e tunes being simple, syllabic, based o n one or two formulas either identi cally repeate d o r changin g i n rhythm, which may b e giusto-syllabi c o r aksak (Bräiloi u 1932) . The architectoni c form is enlarged by one or two refrains. The sound material is organized according to archaic principles: bi- tri - tetra - an d pentatones , wit h hexatoni c o r heptatoni c system s occurring mor e rarely . The rit e determine s th e poeti c an d musica l structur e o f th e artisti c repertoire, which may includ e asymmetri c forms, premoda l structures , complex rhythm s originating from severa l systems , an d th e groupin g of

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pieces in a suite. The colinde, with its profane an d optimistic contents in wishing everyone a happy and prosperous ne w year, has helped greatl y to maintain confidenc e i n a bette r future . SPRING CEREMONIE S Another conspicuou s da y in the calenda r i s lasata secului [Shrove Tues day], th e ev e o f th e da y whe n fastin g fo r Len t begins . Som e o f th e ceremonies fro m th e winter cycle are carried ove r into this period, with others whos e celebratio n ca n continue fo r up to a week. These includ e strigarea peste sat, 1 cucii [cuckoos], säptämina nebunilor [fools ' week], 8 Toaderii [St . Theodore' s Day], infirtätitu o r insuratitu, 9 homanu,10 tirgu mireselor [ a fai r fo r peopl e marrie d during the year] . Strigarea pest e sa t i s a comple x ceremony , havin g several functions , religious, purifying , an d restorin g th e force s o f nature. 11 Youn g boys , standing opposit e eac h other , nea r enormou s fires , shou t acros s th e village, i n satirica l or humorou s verse , th e name s o f couple s i n love , unmarried girls , and those wh o hav e transgressed th e traditiona l moral code, or who would like to impose a new set of morals in opposition to the taste and sensibility of the community, or finally they cry out the particular moral failings of members of the community. The custom has a deeply moral an d educationa l meaning . Nea r th e fires , whic h pairs o f young people an d children sometimes jump over, huge wheels covered in straw and flower s revolve, 12 torche s ar e carried , or ring s of fir e ar e draw n by means of circular movements of the arm , holding burning embers i n the fingertips; they also use sticks covered i n burning rags and having an old 7

Als o ca\\edhodaite,citirite, orpriveghi [vigil] , fromper vigilium, a vigil for the ancestors, a ter m which show s affinity wit h th e cul t o f the dead . I t ha s n o fixe d date . 8 Thi s has other names implying trickery: färsßng, ziua cornilor, maimozi, mäimusi, and so on. 9 A n ol d for m o f socia l relations between villagers, the custo m o f "bein g intimat e lik e brothers" (insurätitul fo r girls andinfirtatitul fo r boys) is highly developed in some areas. It is accompanied by several ceremonial acts, such a s making crowns and bouquet s of flowers; and eating the colac [bread in the shape of a circle], in certain areas called brädulet. In some villages it is cut with a silver coin. The crowns of flowers are used for kissing through; and th e participants dance around a fruit tre e or i n a circle one afte r th e other; the communal meal has a special menu. The ceremon y is described with verse s in which one call s upon health and friendship . Th e recitativ e melody is based on a two-note chord havin g a structure of a fourth. Sometime s it i s developed further . 10 A homan song is an incantation against going bald. The song is preceded b y picking the homan o r iarba mare plant , which i s rewarded by bread an d sal t (left a t it s root); b y fires , feasts, an d dances . Th e song s ar e varie d an d belon g t o severa l stage s o f evolutio n of music. A song may be slow, of good quality, and based on the prepentatonic minor, or it may be recitative , in a prepentatoni c major. The y ma y shar e a singl e phrase , possibl y wit h differing cadence . 11 Se e Varagnac (1948); Maria n (1898-1901); Manolescu (1967) ; an d Comise l (1967). 12 A rit e foun d amon g the solstic e ceremonies of numerou s European people s (Mircea Eliade, persona l communication) .

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shoe at th e end . Eventuall y th e stic k an d shoe i s thrown awa y over th e graveyard, having first made all sorts of shapes. In certain areas, the rite is associated wit h the sound of the horn or the trumpet, the ringing of bells, with the sprinkling of water on young girls, and the bathing of young boys (at on e tim e i t was believe d tha t thes e bath s protecte d th e boy s fro m disease throughou t th e year). Elsewhere, mask s are worn, during fool's week, cucii , an d St . Theodore's, me n dres s a s women, mak e u p thei r faces, cover their heads with large leather masks , and with colored pape r decorated wit h feathers an d reeds. 13 And thes e carniva l reveler s com e and g o throughout th e village , going int o houses , disturbin g the youn g women an d girls ' evenings , jumping , dancing, singing, reciting satirical poems and making the women and girls dance. The "cuckoos", dressed as hunters, ladies , king s and queens , drummers , janissaries , marrie d cou ples, barbers, or warders, carry sticks with torn shoes or a piece of rubber hanging a t th e end , wit h which the y touc h passers-b y t o protec t the m against evil. They are then harnesse d t o the plow to make three furrow s round the village. They receive gifts , and in the evening there i s a festival comprising dancing and a large meal. Happ y times and cheerful dance s close th e festivities. Other spring ceremonies mus t be kept going and followed by the young people, i n which they celebrate the renewal of plant life, and the defeat of winter and th e force s of darkness. Some of them will retain memories of ancient feasts consecrated t o th e gods o f vegetation an d fertilit y (Lazär , Caloianu, and so on), very old beliefs concerning rites to hurry along the arrival of the new season (childre n and me n tur n the soil with their feet and with sticks, adults "threaten" the winter, and so on), to stimulate and regenerate th e forces of nature, to assure "manna" to the cultivated fields and to the animals, by means of "energy centers " (woman, purity, trees, lavish meals , rejoicings) . The regenerativ e powe r o f thes e "centers " is based upo n the idea of solidarity which the ancestors linke d with agriculture an d wome n (Eliad e 1968:ch . 9). 14 Eve n t o thi s day fire s ar e li t on particular days ; house s an d othe r building s are decorate d wit h bough s and leaves (youn g men put the m at their sweetheart' s doors) ; boys and girls cover themselve s i n green leave s (singeorz, paparuda) recitin g o r singing verses of invocation and good wishes, performing games (lilioara) and goin g throug h the villag e in two-wheeled cart s covere d wit h gras s (govia). I n additio n to ceremonie s commo n t o othe r time s of the year , they celebrat e thos e relatin g to agricultura l work: plugaru [plowman] , alegerea craiului, bricelatu, junii. They consis t o f a certai n numbe r of 13

Th e mask s hav e specifi c names: "emperor" , "demon " an d s o on . Th e masker s go through th e villag e makin g joke s an d grotesqu e gestures . The Toaderi ar e mythological beings and hav e nothing in common with the St . Theodore o f the ecclesiastica l calendar. 14 U p t o th e beginnin g of the century , only women had th e righ t to sow the co m an d t o reap. Eve n today , certai n plants are sow n onl y b y women , an d thu s accompanie d b y a complex ritua l (Eliad e 1968:29) .

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ceremonies havin g regional difference s and lastin g for severa l days , fo r example, for the "plowman" ceremony, the young man who was the firs t to plow his field i s chosen, wit h a few helpers, wh o send th e invitations . Often a child's blouse is thrown from the top of the church bell-tower; an d if nobody catches it a new choice is made. The plowman is decorated wit h leaves and has straw attached t o his feet, belt, an d hat , which also bears giblets and a reddened egg . He is then carried on his friends' shoulders, a t the end o f a harrow, u p to th e neares t rive r and throw n in . Then thos e present ar e sprinkled with water before returnin g to the hero's home for the beginnin g of the festivities. Sometimes the action is complicated b y a trial in which the guilty's punishment consists of blows with a rod or small board (bricela) o n the soles of the feet . The tria l is conducted i n front of the church, while the culprit, held by his feet and hands, face downward, is carried round the church. Also a standard (steag) i s flown from the roof of thep/wgar's house t o send out good wishes. There is dancing and a meal consisting of food brough t b y the girls , who giv e their partners re d an d white eggs for each dance — an opportunity to get to know one anothe r with marriage in view. After the feast, the young people ar e entertaine d at th e home s o f those couple s newl y married during the year . Fools' week , on e o f th e prettiest , mos t comple x an d origina l sprin g customs of the/«mi still exists in a small area i n a disjointed form. Made up of several ceremonies and rites, the custom lasts a week and happens in a variet y o f place s traditionall y consecrate d t o it s practic e (o n hig h ground, in front of the church, in the road, or in the center of the village). The meanin g of certain rite s has not yet been discovered , bu t others ar e surely reminders of the sun cult, known to the Geto-Dacians, i n which feasts and processions took place on high ground. Certain ritual youth functions (relations wit h the force s of nature and wit h girls) or matrimonia l rites, and certain initiation and marriage practices, during a period when exces ses of all kinds, festivals, banquets, and so on, ar e deeme d necessar y fo r the regeneration of nature, are also reminiscent of this cult. In ingroparea vätafului [buria l of the grou p leader], branche s are placed in front o f the leader's house , an d commemorativ e rite s t o pu t evi l to fligh t ar e per formed — gunshot s and bel l ringing : shots fire d fro m specia l weapon s called tresturi, special bell s rung only b y young men an d women . The ceata junilor, consisting of fifteen t o fift y people , elect s it s leade r and hi s helpers : vätaf mare [grea t leader] , vames mare [grea t officer] , vames mic [pett y officer] , th e onl y one s wh o ar e allowe d t o carr y th e buzdugan [club], a kind of mace in bronze, lead, or wood, and to organize entertainments fo r th e wee k (i n the past , fo r th e whol e year). Eac h o f these thre e i n turn is required to offer a meal to the whole group, every evening. The/urn wear costumes with garlands of flowers over them, and ribbons o n thei r hats ; they take u p arms , smal l or eve n larg e bells , an d masks. Two of them are disguised as patriarch and precentor. Preparatio n

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begins a fortnight before Easter when they go to high ground and form a circle (horä), eac h perso n throwin g the clu b into the ai r three times , an d being required t o catch it before it falls to the ground. Those who do not manage this are held up to ridicule and have to pay a fine. Beginners are welcome (at one time with special rites) to practise wielding the baton, to dance, an d s o on. The ceremonie s o f throwing the baton , o f leaving the vätaf, an d th e lavis h meals with special dishes, which the youn g people and the audience share, take place every day. In addition, on the Monday, the youn g me n leav e i n thre e groups , wit h th e lautars [fiddlers] , i n leaf-covered wagons , to get the eggs they receive, presented i n a certain way, from the girls, who give them food an d drink after sprinkling them with water (an d later perfume). On the Wednesday th e young people go riding, adorned, bot h riders and horses, with garlands of flowers, carrying fir tree s which they plant at their leaders' or sweethearts' doors . Masked people arrive, moving grotesquely and playing the fool ; there i s a dance with th e girl s who ha d no t unti l the n bee n permitte d t o d o so . On th e Thursday each young man from one of the leaders' houses is thrown three times ove r a blanket , a practic e repeate d th e followin g day with thos e absent th e previou s evening, but thi s time in public. The "burial " of the leader include s th e whol e funera l ritual , song s an d lamentations ; th e leader i s tied t o a ladde r an d carrie d t o th e to p o f th e hill , where he is released t o slid e dow n it ; a specia l dance , whic h i s also know n at wed ^ dings, called catjeaua [bitch] , i s performed, bu t thi s is practised mor e o r less in secret. I n it young men strip to the waist, those who are slow being beaten with straps. Under the influence of the church, custom has experienced som e modification : th e additio n o f a larg e numbe r o f rider s grouped i n various categories; th e performin g of religious formulas, the laying down of green branche s a t crucifixe s beside th e road ; an d fixin g crucifixes t o th e fi r trees which are carried . Certain evolutionary aspects of the arminden customs are very interesting. A tre e i s left a t someone' s door o n Marc h 1 , often a t a girl's by a boyfriend. Thi s custo m ha s graduall y acquire d additiona l significance, becoming a symbol of beneficen t power, o f love, fertility , an d o f famil y prosperity. Children go around gently tapping houses, stables, cow stalls, and animal s wit h gree n willo w branches , whic h ar e the n burn t t o safeguard the men and animals from evil, and to keep away hail, thunderstorms, and so on. This also became a distinctive sign of the leader's house in certain customs, and later a symbol for international workers' freedom. SUMMER CEREMONIE S During the cycle of summer feasts which reflect man's unbounded happiness, and also his care not to exhaust the soil, besides the events which are

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constantly repeate d (infärtätit, udatu [sprinkling] , and hors e racing) we find ceremonie s an d rite s invokin g rain: caloian [dolls] , paparuda, o r relating to the beginnin g and end o f harvest: Dragaica, cununa [crown] , andcälusu, a symbolic dance. Apart from the Dragaica andcälus, the rites have n o fixe d dat e nowadays. Lazärul an d Dragai'c a ar e tw o custom s havin g certai n element s i n common: the mireasa [bride] and the mirele [bridegroom], bearin g small crowns of flowers and leave s on thei r heads; th e steagul [banner] ; gift s received i n kind ; an d a n expande d repertoir e ( a uniqu e kind of suit e composed of one or several vocal melodies, with a poetic text, followed by some dances, and either the Lazärul, performed by six- to twelve-year-old girls, or the Dragaica, danced only by virgin girls who are good dancers) . Lazärul is a survival from th e ancien t cult of the god of plant life, whereas Dragaica i s a comple x rit e concernin g fertilit y a t th e beginnin g of th e harvest. For Dragai'ca a bridegroom i s always chosen, though in fact it is a girl i n disguise , wit h a n ax e o n he r shoulder , wherea s th e othe r girls , adorned wit h wild flowers and carrying "swords" (sticks), are dressed in white, a symbo l o f purity . Also wearin g necklaces an d bracelets , an d infants' clothe s tie d t o thei r hand s an d waists , they g o fro m hous e t o house, singing and dancing. One of the Lazärul themes concerns the mourning for the loss of a child who died in a forest. A Dragaica poem describe s the custom concerning the coming of harvest. The taboo agains t leaving the group for three (or seven) years, and on entering the church, is similar in th e cälus, custom . During th e perio d o f ripening, prehistoric ma n tried t o influenc e the forces of nature, knowing essentially that rain, if it came at the require d time, constituted the main element for a prosperous year, so the paparuda custom had a precise date in the past, and was also performed every time there was a drought/Nowadays the performance is truncated: in place of poetry there are merely verbal formulas to invoke rain and wishes for a good crop. A little girl or bo y is covered i n foliage arranged i n a special way, goes alon g the villag e streets, enter s houses , singin g and dancing , and is sprinkled with water. Little girls aged between five and seven years accompany the child, sing, and receive gifts. Little by little the custom has been modified , firstl y throug h it s adoptio n b y smal l children, then b y gypsy children , nowaday s it has nearl y disappeared . Caloi'an (o r scaloian, ene, mumulita d e ploita, an d s o on ) retain s mythological and festive elements from the god of plant life who dies and is reborn every year. Children make one or several dolls, usually of clay, and having special names; they are placed on a piece of wood and covered with flowers , red eggshell, an d lighte d candles. The childre n simulat e a funeral ceremony , wit h lamentation s an d th e servic e sun g b y a chil d dressed a s a priest; th e dol l is then burie d i n cultivated field s or nea r a well, to be disinterred thre e days later and taken to the edge of a stream

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where the children throw it into the water along with the lighted candles and flowers , a t th e sam e tim e throwin g water ove r eac h other . The n respect fo r th e dea d (pomana) i s shown by the funera l meal , food being brought by the parents. The young people in the village also take part in the final rejoicing. If there is not enough food, the young women wrap up a rolling pin to resembl e a baby and g o from hous e t o house askin g for more. The harvest rites and ceremonies are enriched by artistic elements. For example cununa, a ritual concerning the last sheaf of corn, which is known to man y Europeans an d non-European s alike , comprises severa l cere monies, includin g the departur e o f a numbe r o f girl s an d boy s (fiel d workers) i n a procession, accompanie d by lautars [fiddlers]. They g o to the fields which require reaping, and when they have finished their work, make one or even several crowns using the nicest ears of corn, and place the crown on the head of a "pure" young girl (or boy), and return to the house chosen fo r a meal, that is, to the person who owns the field. On the way the y sing together, i n heterophony, song s with storie s derived fro m literature, some belonging to the wedding ceremony; they sprinkle water on th e on e wearin g the crown ; and o n arriva l at th e welcoming house, recite a n "oration " mad e u p o f comica l verses , wit h fancifu l element s describing all the stages of work in the field, from plowin g to baking the bread, whic h resemble s th e plugusor o f th e Ne w Year ; the y expres s wishes for prosperity, health and happiness; they attempt to carry off the crown, as in the marriage ritual; to run three times round the table laden with food ; an d the y eat thei r meal togethe r accompanie d b y songs and dances. In particula r regions, th e las t sheaf i s tied wit h re d strin g as an offering t o th e spirit , t o the soil , to the wheat , and is kept indoors ; the thread ma y be plaite d in a special way . The poetr y an d song s ar e mor e varied tha n thos e i n othe r customs . Beside s th e mythologica l them e glorifying the forces of nature, by way of a dispute between the sisters Sun and Wind , there ar e theme s concernin g forme r work relationship s between farmers and shepherds, descriptions of the customs, and so on. The melodies hav e a serious characte r an d a high artistic standard. AUTUMN CEREMONIE S The cycle of autumn feasts is not s o rich in its manifestation of folk arts . For St. Demetrius (Sinmedru), whe n the agricultural year is over, fires are lit , children , an d i n the pas t youn g peopl e too , danc e aroun d an d shout: "Hailafocu lu Sinmedru" ["Come and see St. Demetrius' fire"], 15 and the burnin g wheels ar e spun again . The adult s perform al l kinds of rites, t o protect themselves from th e comin g bad weather in winter and 15

Th e Frenc h hav e the sam e custo m (Varagna c 1948).

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the animals from al l evil forces, involving various work and eating taboos , fires, an d act s o f charit y (pomeni) i n remembranc e o f thei r ancestor s (mas/)· The presen t name s of these specia l day s are significant: märcinii [thistles], Filipii de toamnä, berbecarii [goats] , tnartinii [bears]. The analysi s of the folklor e calendar help s u s to discover mor e abou t the ancien t cultur e o f th e Rumania n peopl e whic h keep s it s essentia l heritage a s it s base bu t i s further enriche d b y traits tha t ar e essentiall y new. Some o f the calendric customs are widely diffuse, commo n t o many peoples in Europe an d Asia. All these element s fro m th e folkloric calendar revea l an archaic origin, where i t is possible t o discover trace s of old cults of the sun, of plant life, of the dead, of the waters, and of animals (the ox, the bear , an d so on). The great diversity , originality and antiquity of the folklore calendar proves the continuity of the Rumanians' presence in this region, as the heirs to an ancient culture which they have adopted an d assimilated creatively . Moreover , i t als o prove s a unit y o f for m an d content i n th e calendrica l customs , ou t o f whic h interestin g regiona l differences hav e arisen . Afte r tw o thousan d year s thes e particularl y complex customs, having originated in prehistoric times, have lost at least some o f thei r ol d meaning s throug h condition s create d b y technical , economic, an d socia l revolution , bu t remai n a s fol k manifestation s of great artisti c value providin g an entertainin g socia l quality.

REFERENCES BRÄILOIU, CONSTANTI N

1932 Esquisse

d'une methode d e folklore musical. Paris : Fischbacher .

BUHOCIU, OCTAVIA N

1971 Übe r de n Rumänische n Burschenbund . Kurier de r Rumänischstudenten 11:21-23 .

CHELCEA, IO N

1942 Organizare a traditional ä a tineretulu i in viaj a satelo r noastr e [Tradi tional youth organizations i n our village life]. Revista Fundatiilor Regale 9(5):340-362. Bucharest .

COLLAER, PAU L

1963 Carnava l et rite s printaniers . Bulletin d e la Societe Roy ale Beige d'Anthropologie e t de Prehistoire 73:29-43 .

COMI§EL, EMILI A

1967 Folclor muzical [Musica l folklore] . Bucharest : Editur a Didactic ä § i Pedagogicä.

DIMITRIE CANTEMIR , VOIVOD E O F MOLDAVI A

1872-1901 Operele principelui Demetriu Cantemiru [Principa l work s o f Dimitrie Cantemir], volum e one: Descriptio Moldaviae [Descriptio n of Moldavia], Edite d b y A . Papi u Ilarianu . Bucharest : Societate a Academica Romäna . (Originall y publishe d 1715. )

ELIADE, MIRCE A

1968 Traue

d'histoire des religions. Paris: Payot. (Originally published 1953. )

The Rumanian Folklore Calendar an d Its Ag e Categories 20

1

MANOLESCU, GABRIE L

1967 Despr e originile , semnifica{ial e § i tipologi a unu i obice i strävechi : strigarea pest e sa t [O n th e origins , significance , and typolog y o f a n ancient custom : th e outcr y ove r th e village] . Folclor Literar 1 . Timisoara.

MARIAN, SIMIO N FLORIA N

1898-1901 Serbätorile l a Romani [Holiday s o f th e Rumanians] , thre e vol umes. Bucharest : Editiune a Academie i Romane . MU§LEA, IO N 1930 Obiceiul junilor brasoveni [Custom s o f th e yout h o f Brasov] . Cluj : Institut d e Art e Grafic e "Ardealul".

VARAGNAC, ANDR E

1948 Civilisation traditionelle et genres de vie. Sciences d'Aujourd'hui . Paris : Albin-Michel.

PART FIV E

Aspects of the Musical Process

The Role of Songs for Children in the Formation of Musical Perception

GHIZELA SULITEAN U

Study of the psychological aspects of the "children's" folk song repertor y highlights two important problem s tha t hav e hithert o been neglecte d i n ethnomusicology: firstly , littl e is known about th e categor y o f folk song s usually called lullabies , and secondly , methodica l stud y has rarely bee n attempted, possibl y because o f past failures. However, curren t develop ments in ethnomusicology would suggest tha t psychology shoul d receiv e as muc h attentio n a s acoustics , physiology , aesthetics, o r sociology , i n explaining al l aspect s o f musica l folklore. Because a musical event is a conscious human activity, we must investigate thoroughly its means of expression, so that we may reach ground that is commo n t o man y science s concerne d wit h th e psychophysiologica l nature durin g the firs t phylo - and ontogenetica l stages of evolution. The psychology of the chil d should, in the las t analysis, provide th e decisiv e arguments. By the category of folklore designated "fo r children" w e understand in fact two subcategories o f songs performed b y those who take care of the child. The function of these songs is either to lull a child to sleep, in which case the y are lullabies , or to amus e the chil d when he is awake by liftin g him u p i n th e arms , playin g with hi s finger s an d palms , ticklin g him, moving his hands and feet, teaching basic body movements, responses t o the natural environment, and so on. I have called these amusement songs (Suliteanu 1969a) . These two subcategories ar e no t sun g to childre n of exactly the sam e ag e group, but mor e consecutively , since lullabies may be sun g t o a chil d o f tw o month s u p t o abou t two-and-a-hal f years , whereas the amusement songs usually being at seven to nine months and continue u p t o abou t fou r to fiv e years , b y which time the chil d has his own repertoire . This folklore repertoire appear s t o be essential to the development o f

206 GHIZEL

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children's musica l perception , an d a t th e sam e tim e i t ma y provid e information abou t the very sources of music in human experience.1 Thus the folklore repertoire fo r children becomes a n important element i n the development o f musica l perception. I t i s the mean s by which a gradual transition is made fro m th e auditiv e perception o f the firs t year of life t o the formatio n of basic musical nuclei. These nuclei will form th e bas e of the future musical language which the child will begin to appropriate fro m the thir d yea r o f life , th e perio d i n whic h musi c appear s t o u s t o b e perceived and consciously performed. Up to this stage the child remains totally submissiv e to th e sound s hear d i n his environment. The musi c o f th e song s i s performe d b y adults , wh o intuitivel y use melodies an d rhythm s that ma y more easil y be understoo d b y children. This musica l language i s made u p o f primar y elements, an d appear s i n children's songs as a manifestation of instinctive creation,2 handed down as part of the body of education, knowledge, and culture that has accumulated durin g the millenni a in which human thought ha s evolved. 3 In these songs, communicatio n between adul t an d chil d involves two different operations . O n th e on e han d ther e i s the performanc e o f th e adult in a language accessible to children; and on the other hand, there is the process by which the chil d develops hi s musical perception an d the n performs consciousl y — a proces s tha t doe s no t depen d o n th e adul t performance fo r it s social value . Characteristic features of children's songs are the musical nuclei of the intervals of minor second, perfect fourth , major third and minor third as well a s a serie s o f short musica l motifs obtained b y combining them .

II 1

Ther e are attempts by ethnomusicologists to discover the sources of music by tracing the evolution o f musical expression b y comparative studies of the musi c of tribal cultures. A more suitable approach to this problem would be to study the formation of musical language in th e ontogeneti c evolutio n of th e child . 3 Th e results of the experiment designed to find out the origins, genesis and structure of the melodies o f lullabies , confirm s thei r psychophysiologica l nature . Wit h th e ai d o f a heterodyne tone-producin g apparatu s a transcriptio n was made o f th e parland o perfor mance on the wordshani-nani and lule-lule, executed during the rocking. By noting, in hertz, the rhythmical parlando of the sounds reproduced b y the apparatus, as well as their musical transpositions, one can detect a correspondence whic h provides evidence tha t the simpl e intonation generated b y the "rocking" function o f these words releases musica l nuclei that are specifi c to lullabie s (Sulijeanu 1969b , 1970) . 3 Eve n whe n som e evolve d melodie s appea r i n th e subcategor y o f lullabies , having originated fro m othe r categorie s (song s o r dances) , the y ar e subjecte d t o rhythmical modifications and the addition of onomatopoeic phrase s and musical fragments necessary to the functio n o f lullin g childre n to sleep .

The Role of Songs for Children in th e Formation of Musical Perception 20

7

All these nuclei are also characteristic of the children's musical repertory, but ther e i s the importan t difference tha t while the adult s who perform the song s are use d t o a more develope d musica l language, the children who sing the sam e patterns are just beginning their musical experience. The perception of musical sound involves a series of psychophysiological operations i n which receptio n an d performanc e acquire a new auditory dimension, s o tha t musica l sound s ar e differentiate d fro m al l othe r sounds. Musica l perceptio n include s two principa l and interdependen t forms: the perception o f rhythm and the perception o f melody. An earlier phase depend s o n th e proces s o f psychophysiologica l transformation s effected durin g the passag e fro m a premusical stage t o th e musica l one. Before this there exists only the general auditory perception o f sounds in which musica l sound ha s no t ye t bee n specificall y identified. Following the norma l proces s of the appearanc e an d developmen t of musical perception i n the environment in which a child develops, we can differentiate fou r principa l phases corresponding , albei t approximately, to differen t ag e groups : (1 ) from tw o t o nin e months ; (2 ) from nin e months to two years; (3) from tw o to three years; and (4) from thre e t o four o r fiv e year s of age . The firs t phas e i s characterized b y baby talk, or babble , signifyin g th e child's reaction t o moment s of well-being and o f interaction wit h othe r people. Toward th e middl e of this phase appea r th e claiming cries, th e interrogative exclamations and the pleasure babble, an d toward the end the imitativ e babble i n response t o othe r people' s incitement. There is also th e tendency to imitate different sounds , and a reaction o f pleasur e on hearing music. It is during this period tha t the child begins to discer n the song s addresse d t o him , an d especiall y th e musica l languag e o f lullabies. In th e secon d phas e babblin g is replaced b y differen t onomatopoei c syllables that have semantic value for children. This phase also belongs to the earlier repertoir e of oral competence fro m whic h both languag e and music will be formed. At the end of this stage appear th e first premusical inflexions. The y ar e distinguishe d fro m th e earlie r sound s b y a mor e musical intonatio n o f th e differen t phonemes. 4 A t th e sam e tim e th e child's reactio n t o musi c grows more acute , an d towar d th e en d o f this stage h e trie s t o liv e through different rhythmica l movements. H e als o develops hi s tendenc y t o imitat e an d t o repea t syllable s i n a musica l fashion. I n spit e o f this , th e child' s attempt s a t musica l performanc e belong mostl y t o the incipien t premusical stage . In th e thir d phase th e chil d distinguishe s musical sound s fro m othe r 4

Th e firs t an d secon d phase s are bein g investigated in an attempt t o transcribe al l these kinds of musical expression in children fro m the secon d month o f life up to three years of age.

208 GHIZEL

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sounds. He tries either to accompany the songs that are sung to him or to engage i n pros e dialogues , bu t a t firs t h e ca n manag e onl y shor t frag ments. Son g 6 i n th e appendi x i s a transcriptio n o f suc h a gam e fro m Turkey, and i n it the two-year-ol d child tries to participate in a dialogue with hi s grandmother. In son g 5, which i s a Rumanian poem sun g while the chil d i s lifted i n the arms , we can observe th e sam e musica l transformation o f the word s springin g from th e emotiona l impac t of the move ment. In both cases the women add a touch of melody to the words, and in song 6 th e child' s performanc e show s ho w hi s participatio n alread y depends on what the game means for him. Toward the conclusion of each phrase, imitatio n an d repetitio n continu e wit h increasin g intensity . Although there is enough evidence to assume that a process o f conscious musical creatio n ha s begun , o n th e basi s o f th e differen t nucle i an d musical motif s whic h he ca n perform , th e clumsines s of actua l perfor mance suggests that we are in fact confronted b y a premusical stage. Th e child shows an ability to assimilate melodies that are based on the musical range of the children's repertoire. His natural development helps him to appropriate them , and we can observe how , little by little, intervals that are a t firs t poorl y consolidate d begi n t o emerg e a s th e musica l nuclei characteristic o f hi s futur e musica l repertoire. A t th e en d o f thi s stag e children ca n retai n a limite d musica l repertoire , thoug h the y canno t guarantee performance to order. W e are at the beginning of the process of conscious music making. Songs performed by parents or grandparents together wit h th e chil d or childre n whom the y hel d i n their arm s were recorded severa l times, and , fo r th e sak e o f experimentation, separat e recordings wer e made with only the children performing. The transcrip tions o f thes e i n song s 7 an d 8 promp t som e speculatio n abou t th e children's musical interpretations at thi s phase o f development : 1. The child' s tendenc y t o follo w th e musica l outlin e i s subjec t t o a n instability tha t i s specific t o thi s age . 2. There i s a n abundanc e o f sound s situate d a t th e frontie r o f verba l language, tha t is , there i s musicalized speech . 3. Words ar e no t use d freely . 4. Appoggiaturas ar e use d t o hel p th e melod y along . 5. Semitones are common as a result of intonation that is close to speech. 6. The temp o is adapted a s far as possible t o a speed that th e chil d can manage. 7. The rhythmica l structure o f the melod y i s emphasized . In the fourth phase, assuming that the child has mastered th e previou s phase, h e very soon develops hi s musical skills and consolidates the m by repetition, i n a way that is specific to the children's repertoire. The child becomes more and more involved in games accompanied by songs, and in general does not perform any song without moving his hands and feet. In this period dittie s addressed to animal s and birds in the child's environ-

The Role of Songs fo r Children i n the Formation o f Musical Perception 20

9

ment ar e common . They ar e sun g with musica l intonation, but ar e no t regarded as songs: for the child the words and the bodily movement of the ditty are hi s chief concern , but becaus e o f hi s innate musical impulse he sings using a limited repertory of between two and fou r musical nuclei in all performances . Each tim e on e o r tw o o f th e followin g nucle i ar e selected an d repeate d throughou t the ditty: ο

ο

— Θ— ~

These nuclei represent spontaneous musica l expression issuing from th e innate psychophysiologica l potentialities of the child . All th e othe r melodie s subsequentl y learne d ar e base d o n thes e primary nuclei. Song 13 is from the game Dorul Marioarelor [Yearning of Mary-es] performed, in a context which the child categorizes as musical, together wit h th e action s o f th e game . Thes e earl y step s i n musica l performance mark the stage in which innate capacities are superseded b y a deeper comprehension of music and more and more integration into the musical languag e of th e society . There i s a qualitative difference between musica l nuclei that recur in the song s "for children " an d those i n the repertoir e performe d by children. In order o f appearance the interval of a perfect fourth comes last in the children's repertoire, whereas in the adults' repertoir e fo r children it is almost as common a s the majo r second. Also , i n the children' s repertoire, thre e smal l motifs observed i n the adults ' repertoir e o f song s fo r children do not appear because they seem to belong to a more advanced stage o f musica l development. Besides notin g th e phase s o f ontogenetica l evolutio n i n compariso n with the formation of musical perception durin g the first five years of life , we may also consider the evolution of the children's musical repertoire u p to th e ag e o f puberty . The operation s o f coding an d decodin g musical perception begi n with lullabies and with lightly "melodized" words during the first six months of the child's life. As the child develops his power of perception, hi s musical perception als o will be more and more crystallized according to the demands of the cultural environment. In the urban milieu th e categor y o f "song s fo r children " ma y b e absent . I t ca n b e reduced t o simpl e caressing an d hummin g or eve n othe r kind s of song , which offe r th e chil d rudiments of rhythmical verbal an d musica l structures. Frequently the mother or others who try to teach the child some song s from the children's repertoire sin g together with the child, whose voice is in this way directed toward learning by imitation and forming on this basis new temporar y associations . I n thi s situatio n th e learnin g proces s i s assisted b y movement , words , an d th e prevailin g affective mood . Th e

210 GHIZEL

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musical performanc e o f a chil d appear s rathe r a s a conditione d refle x than as a conscious approac h t o music. It is enough for an adult to give a signal which the child recognizes as the song or to make a movement from the associate d game , an d the chil d will begin to hum and so express th e desire t o reviv e an d jo y i n reviving moments o f pleasure . In th e categor y o f song s fo r children w e can ofte n notic e verba l lan guage i n th e for m o f parland o an d melodi c parland o suc h a s spoke n interruptions i n pros e an d vers e i n th e subcategorie s o f lullabie s an d amusement songs . I n suc h cases we have seen ho w the verba l languag e influences musica l inflexions , especiall y whe n reflectin g th e affectiv e mood o f the performe r towar d th e child . Of specia l importanc e i s the evidenc e o f a close connection betwee n affective speech an d music. We can postulate the hypothesis that between the ag e of two month s an d thre e year s th e chil d ha d th e sam e musica l capacities tha t h e manifest s in a preverba l an d premusica l ontogeneti c phase. Subsequentl y h e form s o f i t hi s musica l performance s whic h remain fo r a long time closely related t o th e verba l language. Although premusical performanc e appear s befor e th e formatio n o f verba l lan guage, verbal language appears firs t in the child's consciousness, wherea s conscious musica l perception appear s relativel y much later. A one-year old child can begin to spea k bu t a song can be consciously and correctl y intoned onl y fro m th e en d o f th e thir d phase , tha t is , possibly a t thre e years o f age . In th e formatio n o f musica l perception , rhyth m plays an importan t role. I t appears a s a support an d impulse to the child's musical memory, being consolidated lon g before consciousnes s o f melody. In spit e of th e fact tha t the child responds t o rhyth m accurately with his body, h e does not becom e consciou s o f rhythm per s e until h e has develope d hi s consciousness o f melody. The chil d cannot distinguis h the rhyth m from th e accompanying movements . Thi s i s possible onl y a t a subsequen t stag e between si x and seven years of age and thi s seems t o depend no t on th e development of musical perception, bu t on the evolution of his thought. There exists a similarity not only between th e melodies o f the folklore category for children and thato/children, but also between their rhythms. Because the commo n factor in each cas e i s the response of the child, this phenomenon i s natura l i n spit e o f th e possibl e difference s tha t ma y appear i n the adults ' interpretation . The ethnomusicologis t Constanti n Bräiloi u (1956) affirme d th e uni versality o f children's rhythm s without being able t o giv e a reason. A n answer t o thi s proble m ha s bee n suggeste d b y evidenc e o f a primar y rhythmical tim e tha t generate s rhythm s psychophysiologically and i s manifested throug h kinesthesi a (Sulitean u 1958) . Conventionall y centered on the value of a quarter note, thi s "primary rhythmical time" also appears consistentl y i n th e folklor e categor y "fo r children" . Her e i t

The Role of Songs for Children in the Formation of Musical Perception 21

1

appears through clapping, through the sequences of lifting up the child in the arms , o r passin g th e finger s over th e child' s body , an d i n all movements with which the grown-u p accompanies hi s vocal performance . We notic e tha t althoug h th e child' s movement s hav e hithert o bee n disordered, the y begi n t o acquir e equilibriu m an d constancy . Th e "primary rhythmica l time" o f the movement s i s reinforced durin g th e performance with the adult , so that the child relates i t to all subsequent vocal-poetic an d musica l manifestations. Thus i s developed a rhythmic framework o n whic h may b e base d an y kin d of rhythmi c structure. Finally, w e approac h th e proble m o f th e child' s internalizatio n o f musical language as a stage i n the proces s of musical perception. Ther e has been no special research into this, but it can be assumed, on the basis of som e result s obtained i n research int o adult musical perception, tha t the temporary musical association o f the child allows inner performance to accompany the perception o f the adults' execution. We can observe it from hi s humming or even hi s singing in concert wit h adults. But we do not kno w if the chil d ca n at this age, fou r to fiv e years , conceiv e of th e music without exteriorizing it i n performance. In conclusion, we may say that the data offered b y studying the repertoire i s of grea t importanc e no t onl y fo r ethnomusicolog y bu t als o fo r other science s suc h a s musicology , linguistics, psychology, physiology, sociology, an d indee d an y othe r scienc e intereste d i n th e ontogeneti c development of the child as compared with the influenc e of the environment. As for ethnomusicology, the stud y of the developmen t of musical perception allow s u s t o observe , o n th e morphologica l basi s o f firs t musical manifestations, how the whole musical tradition, with its rich and complex ramifications , comes int o bein g and develops . The stud y of children' s expressions an d behavio r in relation to their earliest musica l repertoir e i s on e o f th e essentia l chapter s o f ethno musicology. APPENDIX 1 . Mg. 4144 n (II ) Gropeni

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